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coverThe Horace's Villa Project 1997-2003:
Bernard Frischer, Jane Crawford, and Monica De Simone
Archaeopress
Oxford, England

bullettable of contents

Prefaces
B. History of Archaeological Research on the Site
B.1. General Introduction to the Area
B.4. Interventions in the 20th century
C. New Fieldwork
C.1. The “Horace’s Villa” Project, 1997-2003: Organization, Strategy, and Objectives
C.1.7. Documentation and database
C.2. The Residence
C.3. The Garden
C.3.2. Landscape setting and description of the Villa’s gardens
C.3.3. Methodology
C.3.4. Excavation of the quadriporticus garden (Area 24, Sectors VI.1, VI.2, VII; Area 25, Sector V)
C.4. Quadriporticus
C.5. The Bath Complex
C.5.1. Period I (Second Century B.C. to First Century A.D.)
C.5.2. Period II (Second Half of the First Century A.D. to the Second Century A.D.)
C.5.3. Period III (Fourth-Fifth Centuries A.D. [?])
C.5.4. Period IV (Fifth-Ninth Centuries A.D.)
C.5.5. Period V (Late Middle Ages)
C.5.6. Period VI (Twentieth Century A.D.)
D. Analysis of Structures and Materials
D.1. The Masonry Structures
D.1.2. The Restorations
D.1.3. Direct Analysis
D.2. Pottery
D.2.1. Thermal Zone (Sector I)
D.2.4. Sector VII: North Area of the Garden
D.3. Garden Material
D.3.1. Ollae perforatae (planting pots)
D.4. The “Horace’s Villa” Brickstamps and the Brick Production of the Central Anio River Valley
D.4.3. Catalogue
D.4.9. Production and Circulation of the Stamped Bricks
D.5. The Architectural Terracottas
D.6. Marbles
D.6.1. Parietal opus sectile
D.6.2. Pavements in opus sectile
D.7. The “Horace’s Villa” Database of Architectural Fragments
D.8. The Mosaics
D.8.3. The Individual Pavements
D.9. Fragments of Wall Painting from “Horace’s Villa”
D.9.3. Finds of 1998-1999
D.10. Miniature Marble Sculptures
D.11. Coins
D.11.1. The Material
D.11.3. Catalogues by Group
D.12. Small Metal Objects from Recent Excavations (1997-2001)
D.13. Inscriptions on Lead Pipes
D.13.2. Technical Information
D.14. The Archaeobotanical Remains from the Garden
E. Miscellaneous Studies
E.1. Soils and Landscapes of “Horace’s Villa” and Adjacent Areas
E.1.2. Methods
E.1.3. Results and Discussion
E.5. Graphic Documentation of “Horace’s Villa”: Analysis and Revision of the Data Using Modern Surveying Procedures
E.5.3. Survey of the Control Points
E.6. Interpreting Treasure: Oral Tradition, Archaeology and “Horace’s Villa”
E.6.11. Oral Narrative, Buried Treasure and “Horace’s Villa”
F. Conclusion
F.1. Periodization of “Horace’s Villa”
G. Catalogue of the Principal Textual and Graphical Documentation of the Site from Antiquity to 1990
G.1 Textual Sources
B. History of Archaeological Research on the Site
C. New Fieldwork
D. Analysis of Structures and Materials
E. Miscellaneous Studies
F. Conclusion
G. Catalogue of the Principal Textual and Graphical Documentation of the Site from Antiquity to 1990
Title Page

The Horace's Villa Project 1997-2001

Edited by

Bernard Frischer

Jane Crawford

Monica De Simone

Archaeopress

Oxford, England



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Copyright and Permissions

Archaeopress

Oxford, England

© Bernard Frischer, Jane Crawford, and Monica De Simone 2006

ACLS Humanities E-Book electronic edition 2007

ISBN: xxx (E-Book)

HEB Number: HEB90044

This electronic book contains the following additional features not available in the print version:

XXXXX

This book is also available in print. ISBN: 1 4073 0001 6 (softcover)

The print edition was published as part of the British Archaeological Reports series. The current BAR catalog is available from Hadrian Books or on-line from www.archaeopress.com.



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Dedication

In Memoriam

Mary Elizabeth Fort, 1949-2006



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List of Abbreviations

De Chaupy B. C. De Chaupy, Découverte de la maison de campagne d’Horace, 3 volumes (Rome 1767-1769).
De Sanctis1, De Sanctis2, De Sanctis3 D. De Sanctis, Dissertazione sopra la villa di Orazio Flacco (Rome and Ravenna 1761; second edition 1768; third edition 1784).
Frischer and Brown 2001 B. D. Frischer and I. G. Brown, eds., Allan Ramsay and the Search for Horace’s Villa (Aldershot 2001).
Frischer et al. 2000 B. Frischer, K. Gleason, S. Camaiani, L. Cerri, I. Lekstutis, and L. Passalacqua, “A Preliminary Report on New Studies and Excavations at Horace’s Villa: The Campaigns of 1997 and 1998,” Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 45 (2000) 247-276.
In Sabinis [anon., ed.], In Sabinis. Architettura e arredi della Villa di Orazio (Rome 1993).
Lugli 1926 G. Lugli, “La villa sabina di Orazio,” Monumenti Antichi 31 (1926) columns 457-598.
Mari 1994 Z. Mari, “La valle del Licenza in età romana,” Atti del Convegno di Licenza, 19-23 aprile 1993 (Venosa 1994) 17-76.
Mazzoleni 1891 A. Mazzoleni, “La villa di Quinto Orazio Flacco,” Rivista di Filologia e d’Istruzione Classica 19 (1891) 175-241.
Pasqui 1916 A. Pasqui, “Licenza. Villa di Orazio,” Cronaca delle Belle Arti, Supplemento al Bollettino d’Arte, 3.1-2 (1916) 11-13.
Price 1932 T. D. Price, “A Restoration of Horace’s Sabine Villa,” Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome 10 (1932) 135-142.



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Contributors

Editors
Jane Crawford University of Virginia
Monica De Simone University of Virginia
Bernard Frischer University of Virginia

Authors
Franca Allegrezza Istituto Storico Italiano per il medioevo
Claudia Angelelli Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana
Christer Bruun University of Toronto
Theodore Buttrey Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge University
Stefano Camaiani University of Siena
Laura Cerri University of Siena
Francesca Colosi National Research Council, Rome (Montelibretti)
Monica De Simone University of Virginia
Luisa Del Giudice Italian Oral History Institute
Michael E. Essington University of Tennessee
Giorgio Filippi Vatican Museums
John E. Foss University of Tennessee
Bernard Frischer University of Virginia
Roberto Gabrielli National Research Council, Rome (Montelibretti)
Kathryn Gleason Cornell University
Maximilian Goriany Freelance conservator
Steven Lattimore University of California, Los Angeles
Elizabeth R. Macaulay Oxford University
Archer Martin American Academy in Rome
Stephen T.A.M. Mols Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen
Silvia Nerucci University of Siena
Luca Passalacqua University of Siena
Debra H. Philips Queen’s University of Belfast
Jennifer Ramsay Simon Fraser University
Yul Roh Oak Ridge National Laboratory
Vasily Rudich Independent scholar, New Haven, CT
James G. Schryver University of Minnesota/Morris
Philip Stinson Institute of Fine Arts, New York University
Maria Jose Strazzulla University of Foggia
Klaus Werner Soprintendenza Archeologica, Comune di Roma



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Prefaces
Anna Maria Reggiani
1 In antiquity, the Sabina had settlements characterized by small plots of land under family management according to the “Catonian” model. Coexisting with such small farms were villas of greater size, an example of which is the Roman villa at Licenza. In the second half of the eighteenth century, this villa was identified with certainty as Horace’s famous Sabine estate by the Tivoli lawyer Domenico De Sanctis and the French abbot Bertrand Capmartin de Chaupy. Their efforts to find the actual location of the site carried forward work in the previous century by Lucas Holstenius and Raffaele Fabretti, who had recognized in the Licenza river Horace’s Digentia, in Mt. Gennaro his Mons Lucretilis, and in Roccagiovine the Horatian fanum Vacunae. Both De Sanctis and de Chaupy correctly considered their discoveries of the remains to be extremely important, and in their respective publications their claims for priority degenerated into a ridiculous quarrel about who stole from whom. In the early years of the twentieth century, an effective publicity campaign conducted by Vincenzo Ussani in the national press of Italy persuaded the Ministry to undertake the task of investigating the site from 1911-1914. The project was entrusted to Angelo Pasqui, Director of the Superintendency which, at that time, was known as the Ufficio per gli Scavi del Lazio Antico.
2 Pasqui excavated the site from 1911-1914, when his work was interrupted by the outbreak of World War I, and he himself died in 1915, before being able to publish a final report. In 1926, Giuseppe Lugli, at that time an inspector in the Superintendency, wrote a long account of Pasqui’s results, reconfirming the old identification of the villa as Horace’s. After other explorations by Lugli in 1930-31 in partnership with Thomas D. Price of the American Academy in Rome, and by the young Adriano La Regina in 1957, the ruins at Licenza have been almost unanimously attributed to Horace. Even if the poems of Horace contain no precise descriptions of the appearance of the house, the poet does provide ample details about his villa’s location and geographical features, which are unequivocably situated in this part of the Sabina: the Lucretilis mons, the river Digentia, which watered the village of Mandela, and the nearby sanctuary of Vacuna.
3 The territory of the Monti Lucretili was assigned by Horace to the Sabina insofar as it belonged to the IV Regio Sabina et Samnium, according to the regional division of Italy made by Augustus in 18 B.C., although the area, close to the Anio valley, can be more accurately considered a hinge between the Sabina, Latium, and the Marsic hinterland.
4 The villa is described as situated halfway up the hill, on a pleasant hillock. Horace’s desire to own a piece of land “not too large” (modus agri non ita magnus), with a garden, ever-flowing spring near the house (the famous fons Bandusiae, which has the same name as a spring in the area of Venosa, Horace’s home town), and a small wood had become a delightful reality when the poet wrote the sixth satire of the second book, which concludes with the famous fable of the city mouse and the country mouse. In the wood populated by the oak and the ilex, Horace ate, drank, and slept under the open sky.
5 The tradition of excavations at Licenza by the American Academy in Rome was revived by the new investigations of Bernard Frischer, which brought Horace’s Villa back into the limelight of the scientific world.
6 It is therefore with great pleasure that the Superintendency, whose representative Maria Grazia Fiore supported the resumption of studies and excavations of Horace’s Villa, helps to launch this important new publication.

Anna Maria Reggiani

Superintendent

Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio

Rome, October 2003



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Maria Grazia Fiore
7 Many of us first encountered Horace’s Sabinum in our school days, when we read about his villa stretching along the stream Digentia near the villages of Ustica and Mandela. Before it was excavated in 1911, Horace’s Sabine villa owed its fame to the poet’s sky-high reputation. Equally responsible was its splendid environmental context, officially recognized in 1989 with the creation of the Natural Regional Park of the Monti Lucretili, a name that itself is evocative of the Horatian toponym, Lucretilis.
8 It is precisely this impalpable mixture of historical memory with the natural environment that the contemporary visitor first of all perceives and admires: in a certain sense, the archaeological remains come “afterwards” and are primarily the object of admiration of students and scholars. A more romantic impression is made by what were a few years ago felicitously called the “Horatian places,” the vallis, rivus, mons, silva, among which the poet took refuge when fleeing from the negotia of the city to write his poetry. Yet, the prosaic archaeological remains also merit our careful attention since the villa is a worthy example of the Italic domus, with rooms closely arranged around an atrium, mosaic floors, and an observation area furnished with a fountain and facing the splendid cliffs (levia saxa) of Licenza.
9 But—as has often been observed—the thing that strikes one the most about the residence is the long porticated garden, highly suited to the exercise of otium litterarum. It was perhaps requested by Horace himself and thus commissioned by Maecenas for the villa when he donated it to the poet in 32 B.C. Also interesting are the baths, which were gaudily added in the first and second centuries A.D. to the western side of the complex, the excavation of which is still far from being finished.
10 From an archaeological point of view, many features of the monument were still obscure before the 1997-2001 campaigns, including, most importantly, the use of some of its parts and its building history before and after Horace. This is not only the result of the fact that the earliest excavations (Pasqui, 1911-1914) were conducted with a methodology that was scientifically deficient, but also from the massive restorations, which have tended more to restore the planimetric lines of the villa than to permit a philological reading of the ancient features still remaining today.
11 It was thus with enthusiasm that I received the proposal of Bernard Frischer and his team to reopen the excavations with a series of interventions and analyses aimed at throwing new light on the most problematic issues. At the conclusion of the project, the results of which are here splendidly presented, we can affirm that the villa today is much less enigmatic, and it has reacquired the critical complexity that is its due, even if much additional work still remains to be done. New pieces of evidence have been added to permit a better interpretation of the historical data; the building phases are clearer, as is the shape and design of the villa; its post-Augustan history and uses are much better understood; and its contextualization within its territory is better delineated.
12 Thus I feel obliged to express my deep gratitude to Prof. Frischer and to the impressive international team that collaborated with him. The new data they have brought to light furnish a solid foundation for the new research, investigations, and site presentation that the Superintendency plans to undertake in the future. We will have to study how to make best use of these new results, not only by means of didactic tools, but also with new archaeological work on the site itself. Mention here should also be made of the new finds brought to light from 1997 to 2001. They will considerably enrich the Museo Oraziano in the Orsini Castle of Licenza. Such finds, indeed, comprised not only of artistic objects (like the decorative statuettes found in the baths), but also the humble instrumenta domestica, perfectly conform to the philosophy with which the small museum was reorganized in 1993 on the occasion of the bimillennium of the death of the poet.
13 In applauding publication of the work that has been done, and, moreover, the exemplary speed with which Frischer and his team have written up their results and presented them to the scientific world, it is incumbent on us to greet this publication as a significant example of re-reading and in-depth study of a site that had previously been thought to be completely understood, but which now, on the basis of new work, proves to have had many secrets still to reveal.

Maria Grazia Fiore

Official Archaeologist Responsible for

Horace’s Villa

Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio

Rome, October 2003



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Luciano Romanzi
14 I am very happy to participate in the presentation of this publication, which collects the scientific research carried out in recent years at the archaeological site of Licenza, the Villa of Horace.
15 The archaeological site of which we speak is today one of the most visited and important monuments of the Province of Rome; given by Maecenas to Horace in the first century B.C., for this territory it has provided the concrete and unique possibility of participating in the development of the society of the Anio valley in the Province of Rome.
16 In 1997, this campaign of excavations began under the leadership of Prof. Bernard Frischer, sponsored by the Romagnoli family and under the scientific direction of the Ministero dei Beni e delle Attività Culturali, Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio, in the person of Dr. Anna Maria Reggiani, Superintendent, and Dr. Maria Grazia Fiore, Archaeological Inspector of the zone. Since then the Villa of Horace, and the town of Licenza along with it, have lived a second era of archaeological excavations, and I have been fortunate to be able to participate and collaborate in this fruitful project. As Mayor, I worked hard, in conjunction with the Town Council, in order that this great experience could happen, and that this important chance to create development in the context that I believe is the most appropriate for tourism and culture would come to pass, linking true economic benefit with the offering of local products and services.
17 What happened then has shown that the results of this initiative were as we hoped; in fact, the new discoveries and study season proved to be very interesting, and both the Villa of Horace and Licenza are alive with rediscovered tourism, due in large part to the capability of the town’s administration in organizing initiatives and events, linked to our territory’s great cultural heritage.
18 In this sense, we think that the experiences and the discoveries collected in this volume are of great significance, and that this book represents a personal reward for those who gave of themselves to bring about the excavations. I refer not only to those responsible but to all the workers, and to Licenza itself. Our town, although small in area and population, has shown that it knows how to collaborate, not only to protect and make the most of the precious inheritance of the Villa of Horace, of inestimable historic and archaeological value, but also to construct an important presence in the tourist life and culture of our times, whether on the national or international level.
19 I think that the work accomplished and collected in this important volume represents a milestone from which to move forward initiatives that give appropriate prominence to the territory of Licenza, so rich in archaeological discoveries.
20 Our hope is that the territory will develop as a cultural park in the near future.

Luciano Romanzi

Mayor of Licenza (RM) during the Horace’s Villa Project



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Bernard Frischer
21 From 1997 to 2001 new fieldwork and excavations were undertaken at the Roman villa site near Licenza (Rome) known since the eighteenth century as “Horace’s Villa.”
22 The project had the institutional sponsorship of the American Academy in Rome, UCLA, and the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio (formerly Soprintendenza per i Beni e le Attività Culturali del Lazio, now Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici del Lazio). During that period and for two years thereafter, related archival and archaeological research was conducted to analyze our new finds and to put them into the larger context of previous investigations of the site (for more details about the project, its aims, methods, and organization, see C.1). I was the Director and Principal Investigator of the project; Co-principal Investigator was Kathryn Gleason. Members of the Scientific Advisory Committee included Anna Maria Reggiani, Maria Grazia Fiore, and Bernard Frischer. Field Directors were Gianni Ponti (1997-99) and Monica De Simone (2000-01). This volume was assembled through the efforts of a small editorial committee including myself as editor-in-chief, Jane Crawford, and Monica De Simone. That this could be done efficiently and with dispatch is in no small part thanks to the commitment, professionalism, and complementary talents of the latter two.
23 Major financial support was generously given to sustain various aspects of the project by the Steinmetz Family of Los Angeles, the Vincenzo Romagnoli Group, the Samuel H. Kress Foundation, the Comune di Licenza, and the Creative Kids Education Foundation. Funds for the publication of this report were generously given by Ann and Tony Tonkins, Elizabeth Macaulay, and John and Hannah Krill. My own research on the site was made possible by fellowship and research support from the American Council of Learned Societies, the Center for Advanced Study in the Visual Arts (CASVA), the Loeb Classical Library Foundation, the American Academy in Rome, and the Academic Senate of the University of California (Los Angeles Division). The Western Regional Office of Alitalia graciously offered free transportation between Los Angeles and Rome in 1997 and 1998. Gifts and services were kindly donated by Liliana and Francesco De Angelis, Gianni Felice, Mary and John Fort, W. Edward Johansen, G. Franco and Ester Macconi, and John Rae. Descendants of the earlier excavators and scholars of the site were extremely responsive to our requests for information, and we are very grateful to the following for their help: Vicomte Roger d’Ailhaud de Brisis, Elisabeth Price Gorsuch, Henrique Price Grechi, Pier Maria Lugli, and Giorgio Pasqui.
24 Helping us in a hundred ways on the site was the small staff of custodi, ably led by Antonio Muzi. His wife, Rosella, was equally helpful whenever we had to go up to the local museum in Licenza to study the older finds from the site. Nearly one hundred volunteers from twelve countries participated (for a list of names, please see C.1, n2). The countries represented included: Algeria, Austria, Canada, Germany, Great Britain, Israel, Italy, The Netherlands, Russia, Spain, Turkey, and the United States of America. In 1999, the volunteers were recruited by the University of California Research Expeditions Program. The UCLA Institute of Social Science Research (ISSR) and the American Academy in Rome (AAR) ably provided administrative support throughout the project. I would especially like to thank the following individuals for their help: Caroline Bruzelius (AAR), Francesco Cagnizzi (AAR), Adele Chatfield-Taylor (AAR), Madelyn De Maria (ISSR), Denise Gavio (AAR), Christina He (ISSR), Christina Huemer (AAR), Lester Little (AAR), Wayne Linker (AAR), Pina Pasquantonio (AAR), David Sears (ISSR), and Tana Wong (ISSR).
25 Many specialists have helped with this study and with the analysis of our finds. They include: Dean Abernathy (architectural database); Franca Allegrezza (the history of the Licenza valley); Claudia Angelelli (ceramics and marbles); Christer Bruun (waterpipes); Theodore Buttrey (coins); Stefano Camaiani (database creation and management; trench reports); Laura Cerri (trench reports); Monica Cola (new state plan); Luisa Del Guidice (folklore); Monica De Simone (building techniques, wall census, trench reports); Giorgio Filippi (analysis of roof tiles and stamps); John Foss (soils and geology); Roberto Gabrielli and Francesca Colosi, (accuracy of previous plans, new state plan); Steven Lattimore (sculpture); Elizabeth R. Macaulay (flower pots); Zaccaria Mari (topography of the Anio and Licenza Valleys); Stephen Mols (wall painting); Archer Martin (metal objects); Luca Passalacqua (database creation and management, trench reports); Jennifer Ramsay (plant materials); Phil Stinson (architectural database); Maria José Strazzulla (terracotta plaques); Murat Yashar (conservation); Sandro Veronese (geomagnetic and geoelectric prospection); and Klaus Werner (mosaics). In 1998 we were assisted by a team of archaeologists from the University of Sheffield, including Maureen Caroll, Colin Merrony, and Michael Charles. In 2000 a team from Genius Loci (London, England), including Peter Chowne and Bill McCann, provided valuable prospection services. In 1998-1999, our Registrar was Linda Clougherty, and Jane Crawford was Assistant Registrar. From 2000-2002 Jane Crawford served as Registrar.
26 In putting together this scholarly team and in producing this report, crucial help and advice has been received from the following scholars, who gave selflessly of their time and knowledge whenever asked to do so: Cairoli Fulvio Giuliani, Elisabeth Fentress, Adriano La Regina, Paolo Liverani, Daniele Manacorda, Giuseppe Pucci, Russell Scott and Mara Sternini.
27 I express my heartfelt gratitude to our sponsors, collaborators, advisors, and—last and certainly not least!—our wonderful volunteers for making the Horace’s Villa Project possible.
28 This has been an exciting journey of archaeological training and intellectual discovery. We set off with a certain mental map of the terrain we would traverse—a map provided by the findings of the classic monograph on the site published by Giuseppe Lugli in 1926 [1] —and with the hope of making very specific progress in answering the age-old questions about “Horace’s Villa.” As this volume attests, we learned that many of our preconceptions about the villa, based on earlier research in the twentieth century, had to be qualified and, in some cases, abandoned. A new story began to emerge from our new finds in the ground, in the storage rooms of the Archaeological Superintendency in Tivoli, and in the archives.
29 For me, personally, this shift in perspective has constituted no less than a palinode—something very Horatian, as the readers of Odes 1.16 will attest. When, as a newly minted Ph.D. in Golden Latin literature, I first visited “Horace’s Villa” as Assistant Professor in the 1975 American Academy Summer School in Roman Topography, I vividly recall that I came away with more questions than answers. Was this really Horace’s Villa? Were the structures and decorations such as mosaics attributed to Horace’s lifetime correctly dated? Was the site completely studied, or was there still more fieldwork to be done here? In the 1970s, I had no time or (to confess the truth) interest in pursuing these matters myself. I hoped that someone else would take the bit between his teeth. In the meantime, I—like almost all other scholars of the site—could only accept the results of the earlier excavators, at least as a working hypothesis.
30 In the 1980s, I studied different aspects of Horace’s poetry and was particularly concerned about the relationship of reality and imagination in his works. In writing about the Ars Poetica, I pondered the disconnect between the poetic theory professed in that poem and the poetic practice actually encountered in Horace’s works. Why didn’t Horace practice what he preached? Why did virtually no twentieth-century literary critics find the precepts of the Ars Poetica useful points of entry into Horace’s poetic creations? Could the Ars be not the sincere statement of principle that it had almost always been taken to be, but rather the send-up of an academic theory with which Horace himself did not, in fact, agree?
31 Such a view cannot, of course, be proven in the way a theory is tested in the natural sciences. At most, it can generate a new reading of the poem that (like all interpretations of a work of art) needs to be judged on the basis of its power to enhance our aesthetic appreciation and of its compatibility with the features of the work itself and with what we know of its immediate cultural context. These two criteria are, of course, interrelated.
32 An important part of the cultural context of the Ars Poetica was Horace himself. If I was positing an interpretation based on the idea that the speaker of the poem was not Horace but a mock-narrator, someone Mario Labate aptly calls an ineptus doctor, then I was necessarily assuming some disjunction between the aesthetics expressed in the Ars Poetica and those held by Horace himself. Such a disjunction had, in fact, been noted by earlier scholars, notably L. Ferrero; [2] but Ferrero limited himself to comparisons among Horace’s poems. Since the Ars Poetica begins with the speaker’s condemnation of the painting of a monster with the head of a woman, the neck of a horse, the wings of a bird and the tail of a fish, I thought that it might be useful to see what we knew about the taste in the visual arts of Horace and his circle during the time when the Ars Poetica was composed (i.e., the period between ca. 23 and 8 B.C.). This was, of course, the period of the transition from Second to Third Style wall painting, and one of the key discriminators between the two was precisely a shift from realistic representation in the Second Style to fanciful representation in the Third. The transition between the two styles is not surprisingly reflected in thematic material: monsters are much more dominant in late Second Style and Third Style painting.
33 In view of these facts and my interest in setting off the “real” Horace from his fictional creation, the narrator of the Ars Poetica, who condemns a painting of a monster in the very introduction to his harangue on poetic theory, I thought that it would be interesting to see whether we had any remains of wall painting from the Augustan Age at “Horace’s Villa” (in the 1980s more commonly known simply as Horace’s Villa, reflecting the scholarly consensus that the site probably really was owned by the poet). So, in the spring of 1989, I arranged to visit the local museum in Licenza, where the finds from the Pasqui excavations of 1911-14 were housed in a dimly lit series of dank rooms. I quickly found what I was looking for: a series of fresco fragments that included several figures of female monsters. But, upon returning to the libraries in Rome, I also learned that the paintings from Horace’s Villa had hardly been studied by the experts on Roman art; and that between the two who had given brief comments on my monsters there was diametrical opposition about their date: for Lugli, they were Augustan; for Borda, Flavian. [3] I showed my slides of the fragments to two scholars who had not published anything about the Licenza fragments, but who were highly qualified to give an opinion: Irene Bragantini and Volker Strocka. They both agreed that the monsters were Flavian. In retrospect, this was the first sign that the standard view about “Horace’s Villa” was going to be revised as soon as the old finds could be studied anew by experts.
34 Of course, I was hopeful that the monster paintings could still be assigned to the Augustan period, and I therefore was happy to read the long study by Rosanna Cappelli, who agreed with Lugli’s dating. [4] That appeared too late to be cited in my own book on the Ars Poetica, in which I mentioned the monster fragments but cautiously noted the disagreement about their date and about the identification of the villa as Horace’s. [5]
35 Clearly, the monster paintings from “Horace’s Villa” had potential importance for supporting my interpretation of the Ars Poetica, and just as clearly there was disagreement among the experts about whether they could properly be used to illustrate an Augustan poem. Progress would depend on finding out more about the archaeological context of the fragments. If their provenance on the site could be determined, then we could resolve the issue of their date. It was in search of documentation for the fresco fragments that I started to work in earnest on “Horace’s Villa” in the early 1990s (see E.4 for what I ultimately learned).
36 Out of this research came the realization that, in addition to the potential discrepancy between the taste in painting of the Ars Poetica speaker and Horace himself, there were contradictions between Horace’s description of his Sabine villa and the actual remains on the ground at Licenza, at least as dated and interpreted by Lugli. [6] Whereas in the poems, Horace emphasized the modest size and décor of his property, the structure attributed to the Augustan phase by Lugli was seignorial in scale: a two-story house of over 20,000 square feet to which a large quadriporticus garden was annexed. Yet, in Odes II.15, Horace had decried the degeneracy of his age, when the rich spent their money not on public works but on sumptuous private villas with long porticoes (Odes II.15.10-16). Many floors of the house were covered with black and white mosaics—despite Horace’s observation that grass is not inferior in fragrance or beauty to floors paved with mosaics (Epist. 1.10.19).
37 In interpreting these and related contradictions, I took as my point of departure the correctness of Lugli’s findings: Horace misled his readers, but he did so for the understandable reason of contributing to the moral renewal of Rome pushed by his friend, the Emperor Augustus. If the poet was a bit hypocritical, it hardly made any difference—poetic license, and all that. Of course, there were always two other (not mutually exclusive) possibilities: the Roman villa at Licenza was never owned by Horace; or, Lugli was wrong in his phasing of the remains, and what he thought belonged to Horace’s period really should be assigned to a different date.
38 Only new fieldwork could move matters forward. That I was privileged to direct the effort was owing to the kindness of Dott.ssa Maria Grazia Fiore. I first met her in November of 1996, when I went to the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio in order to request permission to publish a photograph of a reconstruction of the villa in the local museum in Licenza (now splendidly remodeled on the occasion of the bimillennium of Horace’s death in 1993). Dott.ssa Fiore replied to my request by inviting me to follow her to the photographic archive of the Superintendency, where she showed me all the documentation on the site and asked, “Why don’t you publish everything…and reopen the excavations?” After I recovered from my shock at receiving this unexpected proposal, we quickly came to an agreement about how such a project might be undertaken as a partnership between the Superintendency and two institutions with which I was associated, the American Academy in Rome and UCLA. A major financial sponsor miraculously appeared several months later in the person of Vincenzo Romagnoli, and fieldwork commenced in the summer of 1997.
39 As will become clear from the report that follows, it has turned out that Lugli’s monograph was not a reliable point of departure. It is worth pointing out here that this “unreliability” was not the result of deception or incompetence. Giuseppe Lugli wrote his report ten years after the great excavations of 1911-14, which were conducted by Angelo Pasqui. Pasqui died before he had been able to write a final report. As Lugli himself states, his report is an attempt to present the material as Pasqui would have done, had he been able. The way Pasqui and Lugli interpreted the site reflected discoveries and hypotheses that had been accumulating since the eighteenth century (see B.2 for details). For them to have transcended the inherited opinio communis would have required methods and comparanda that only appeared in the last decades of the twentieth century. It is those methods and discoveries that made a re-reading of “Horace’s Villa” worthwhile and timely. I think it fair to state that the undertaking has not been without its surprises and rewards. Without anticipating exactly what those are, I will say that we have removed the contradiction between the Licenza villa and Horace’s description of his villula; and we have resolved the controversy about the dating of the monster fragments.
40 This publication is simply a final report on our seven-year project, and it certainly does not claim to be the last word on the site. There is still much fieldwork to be done here, and—in view of the prestige of the site—it seems inevitable that research will resume after an interval that one can only hope will not be too long. Looking forward to that day (and preparing for the possibility that our team will not be involved), we have tried to make this report a handy collection of materials and information that will make it easier for our successors to pick up where we have left off. Some parts (e.g., the catalogue [G]) that might seem dry to a reader will (I trust) be invaluable resources to an excavator. Expertus scio!
41 I conclude by expressing my thanks to the helpful comments and suggestions of the anonymous readers who wrote reports solicited by a university press that accepted our book for their list but which, in the end, we did not choose to let publish it. Thanks also to John Fort for his help in translating into English the contributions, originally written in Italian, of Franca Allegrezza, Claudia Angelelli, and Monica De Simone. I would also like to thank Sarah Wells at IATH for her assistance in transforming these volumes from electronic files into physical form. I must also express my deep thanks, on behalf of all the co-authors, to my two co-editors: Jane Crawford and Monica De Simone. Certainly from my point of view, without them this volume—and indeed the whole Horace’s Villa Project—would simply not have been possible.
42 They join me in dedicating this volume to the memory of Mary Fort. Mary and her family owned some of the property adjacent to the villa. From the start of our project, she helped in every way imaginable—providing housing and meals to our volunteers, recruiting her teenage sons to help with the digging, and helping us solve our quotidian and bureaucratic problems. But she was much more than an incredibly competent Mrs. Fix-it. Mary’s love of the archaeological site, of Horace, and of Italy was profound. She never flagged in her enthusiasm for our project and was an endless source of comfort and support to us all. We shall miss her.
43 This casebound edition contains corrections of the errors, almost all minor, that have come to light since the paperbound version of the report was published. The errata have been posted at http://www.iath.virginia.edu/horace/. We plan to update this list as necessary and invite readers to submit errors that they find to bernard.d.frischer@gmail.com.

Bernard Frischer

Director,“Horace’s Villa” Project, 1997-2003

Director, Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities, University of Virginia

Rome, October 2006



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A. Introduction: History and Goals of the “Horace’s Villa” Project

By Bernard Frischer

44 “Horace’s Villa” is the name given to the site of a Roman country house near the hill town of Licenza (Roma), [1] which is located approximately thirty miles from the center of Rome (for a fuller description of the site, see Frischer, B.1). We denote the site “Horace’s Villa,” using quotation marks, because, as will be seen, the identification is traditional and possible, but by no means certain.
45 That a villa answering to the description Horace gave to his beloved country estate ought to be found here was implied in the seventeenth century by Holstenius (for details, see Frischer, B.3). [2] The first exposure of ancient remains below the modern surface level dates to the late eighteenth century, as do the earliest studies (see Frischer, B.3). A consensus was soon reached that the site did indeed correspond to Horace’s Sabine villa. In the mid-nineteenth century, some distinguished dissenting voices were heard (see Frischer, B.3), which was not surprising in view of the complete absence, even today, of unequivocal evidence proving Horatian ownership.Nevertheless, because of the villa’s traditional association with Horace, beginning in the 1890s the General Directorate of Archaeology and Fine Arts of the Italian Ministry of Education was pressured to undertake major excavations. Work commenced in May of 1911 under the direction of Angelo Pasqui, Director of the Ministry’s Office of Excavations for Rome, Ancient Latium, and the Province of Aquila, and continued with interruptions until October of 1914. Pasqui died in 1915 before writing his final report. Giuseppe Lugli, who did not participate in the fieldwork, was given the task of writing a provisional report in the 1920s (see Lugli 1926). Later, Lugli teamed up with the American landscape architect, Thomas D. Price, to execute further excavations in 1930-31 (see Gleason, B.5 and C.3). After 1931, the main activity on the site prior to the new fieldwork of 1997-2001 was conservation (for details on archaeological activities in the twentieth century, see Frischer, B.4).
46 The Horace’s Villa Project 1997-2003 was initiated with the main goal of adding to our knowledge of the site in terms of time and space. The importance of the site, especially to students of Horace’s poetry but also to scholars of late-Republican villas in the Roman hinterland, was disproportionate to the amount of reliable information available about it when the project was conceived. Certainly the greatest contributions to the understanding of the site were those made by Pasqui, but the impact of his work was markedly reduced by the fact that no final report was ever produced. The publication by Lugli left many questions unanswered, especially about the context of many of the finds, which were simply listed, not described and analyzed in depth. In any case, the excavations were not—and for historical reasons could not have been—stratigraphic. For decades, Pasqui’s material barely merited mention in the archaeological, art-historical, and literary scholarship of the mid-twentieth century. This was undoubtedly a reflection of the limitations of Lugli’s 1926 publication and of the difficulty of viewing the material in the local museum in the Palazzo Orsini, which was overcrowded, poorly lit, and for many years accessible only by special appointment. [4]
47 The situation changed in the early 1990s. Important studies emerged in connection with the celebration of the bimillennium of the death of Horace in 1992 (cf. Atti del convegno di Licenza [Venosa 1994]; In Sabinis. Architettura e arredi della Villa di Orazio [Rome 1993]). Notable among these were the useful survey, in the manner of the Forma Italiae, of the Licenza valley by Z. Mari, [5] and the new study of the fresco fragments by R. Cappelli. Veloccia Rinaldi noted the provisional character of the latter and called for a more profound comparison of the Licenza painting fragments with comparanda from Rome and the Bay of Naples. Other signs of renewed scholarly interest in the site were M. G. Fiore Cavaliere’s account of the history of the Licenza valley in late antiquity and the Middle Ages; and A. M. Reggiani Massarini’s short biographical study of Pasqui with special reference to his work at Licenza. [6] Moreover, Pasqui’s finds were given a new display in remodelled and vastly upgraded rooms in the Palazzo Orsini, which was opened to the public on a regular basis.
48 The Horace’s Villa Project, 1997-2003 is the logical continuation of the new work on the site initiated by the bimillennium celebrations of 1993. There were two main areas to be investigated, which could be called the meta-archaeological and the archaeological. The meta-archaeological issues entailed looking afresh at the published work of Lugli on the 1911-14 Pasqui excavations and of Price on the 1930-31 Lugli-Price fieldwork (see Frischer, B.4.1-5). Here, the most pressing questions were clearly:
Was there still good stratigraphy to be found on the site?
How valid were the earlier twentieth-century restorations of the structures on the site?
Could new, unpublished (or undiscovered) documents be found that might throw light on Pasqui’s and the Price-Lugli excavations, which had never been the subject of final reports?
49 These questions could only be addressed by searching the archives for documents and by re-examining the site to better understand not only the site itself, but also the methods and policies applied by the earlier twentieth-century archaeologists.
50 Beyond meta-archaeology, there were clearly new archaeological investigations that could be undertaken. In 1993, Mari had pointed out that

It should be noted that the plan that emerged from the excavations is incomplete: the baths are still partially buried; the entrance (fauces) to the villa is not clear; the pars rustica connected to the agricultural plantation mentioned by Horace is completely lacking. [7]

51 Autopsy of the site and archival research revealed other issues worth investigating. For example, the fountain in the small peristyle (Area 8) was not centered symmetrically within the space of the peristyle, as one would expect, but abutted and even pierced slightly through the northern wall. An account of the site dating from 1834 reported a mosaic under the surface that was not found in the earlier twentieth-century excavations, raising the possibility that it was still to be found on or near the site (see Frischer, catalogue G.1.8.17; cf. G.1.8.14). In 1848-49 an official investigation was undertaken in response to a farmer’s accidental exposure of a mosaic on property to the north of the present archaeological park (see G.1.8.22). This suggested that the residence might have extended farther to the north, beneath the modern public road and into the field beyond.
52 In 1996 the American Academy in Rome and the Archaeological Superintendency of Lazio agreed to reopen the excavations as a joint project. A Scientific Committee was established to oversee the work. The members were A. M. Reggiani (in the meantime promoted to Superintendent of the Archaeological Superintendency of Lazio), M.G. Fiore (Inspector for the valley of Licenza and other areas under the jurisdiction of the Superintendency), and B. Frischer (Professor of Classics, UCLA). Former and present Mellon Professors at the Academy, including Russell Scott, Elisabeth Fentress, and Archer Martin, served as consultants to the project.
53 The actual work began in August, 1997 under the directorship of Frischer, who had in the meantime found a financial sponsor in the Vincenzo Romagnoli Group, whose primary activity was as a general contractor for large-scale construction projects in Italy and elsewhere in the world. The Romagnoli Group signed a contract with the American Academy in Rome to provide funds for the project, which was originally expected to run for four years. The first three years (1997 to 1999) were to be devoted to fieldwork; the fourth year to a study season.
54 From the start, it was clear that the Horace’s Villa Project 1997-2003 could not undertake a definitive study of all the problems connected with the villa: the funds and the time available simply did not suffice for anything that ambitious. The project therefore had more modest goals, all predicated on the assumption that the earlier work, as published by Lugli and Price, provided a fairly reliable point of departure; and that the purpose of new work would be, as Mari had already independently suggested in 1993, to fill in some of the most important remaining missing pieces of the puzzle.
55 The Scientific Committee therefore identified a limited number of new research topics as worth pursuing. These included:
1. Providing a close reading of the Licenza valley through the early medieval period based on an archaeological survey and on archival research
2. Establishing the natural property lines of the Villa of Horace as well as the ancient access road from the Via Licinese
3. Looking for evidence of the pars rustica of the villa
4. Verifying the state plan of existing structures and reexamining the different construction phases of the villa
5. Exploring unexcavated areas of the complex, including the garden area in the peristyle and the western hillside
6. Publishing a final excavation report integrating the earlier studies since the 18th century.
56 Fieldwork techniques and operations were to include:
1. Field survey and collection of surface finds
2. Magnetic and electric prospections to identify new features below the surface
3. Borings, soundings, and excavations using the stratigraphic technique
4. Palaeobotanical studies.
57 By far the greatest share of our human and material resources went into achieving the fifth goal, that of new excavations of areas such as the garden and western hillside, as well as cleaning operations to verify the presence or absence of features recorded in the documentation (published and unpublished) of the earlier excavations. This report will amply document that as the project advanced, we discovered that the earlier studies of Lugli and Price did not, in fact, provide a solid basis on which we could build. Gradually, the project was transformed from one designed to fill the most important of the last remaining gaps in the archaeological record into a feasibility study about the possibility of recovering new information from the areas and material previously excavated.
58 Given the limitations of time and material resources, this shift in emphasis inevitably meant that some of our initial objectives came to have a lower priority and others were ultimately not met. These included a cluster of research topics that would have required fieldwork in the surrounding countryside outside the bounds of the Superintendency’s archaeological park: (1) survey of the Licenza valley; (2) determination of the natural property lines of the villa as well as the villa’s access road from the Via Licinese; and (3) finding the pars rustica of the villa. The sixth objective was met in part: many classes of earlier finds were studied anew and the results integrated with our new finds. These include architectural terracottas, architectonic elements, coins, fresco fragments, mosaics, and stamped bricks and roof-tiles, reports on which are found in this volume. Floor and wall marbles make up the bulk of the earlier finds now in storage in Tivoli; of these, only a small, random sample could be studied. Owing to limitations of time and resources as well as some practical considerations, earlier sculptural finds were not re-examined at all, nor were pottery, glass, and small metal objects.
59 As the project proceeded, several new investigations and activities were added to the initial list and successfully completed, including, for example, a complete wall census; a census of the principal textual and graphic documentation for the site from antiquity to 1990; study of lead in the soil of the site; study of the folklore and customs of the region that relate to the villa; creation of a Internet site for students and the general public; creation of video documentary about the project; installation of a “green” retaining wall to protect the western slope of the site in an environmentally friendly and aesthetically pleasing way; and installation of new signs and benches on the site to make visits to the villa more rewarding and enjoyable for tourists.
60 The most important departure from the original plan was the substantial enlargement of the workload dedicated to fieldwork. This was necessitated by the unexpectedly large scope of the investigations we undertook, and was made possible by the identification of additional material resources that could be brought to bear. Originally, 1080 man days of fieldwork were planned over three years (1997: 216; 1998: 432; 1999: 432). In the event, this was increased to 2450 man days spread over five years (1997: 216; 1998: 432; 1999: 1440; 2000: 170; 2001: 180). The study season was accordingly postponed from 2000, as originally planned, to 2003, when most of the reports that follow were given their final form by an Editorial Committee that consisted of B. Frischer (Editor-in-chief), J. Crawford, and M. De Simone (see Frischer, C.1 for a fuller account of the organization, strategy, and history of the fieldwork).


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B. History of Archaeological Research on the Site
B.1. General Introduction to the Area

By Bernard Frischer

[text]
61 “Horace’s Villa” is situated in the small Licenza valley, about 30 miles northeast of Rome, at ca. 400 meters above sea level. It sits on a saddle of land between the limestone Colle Rotondo (984 meters) and a tufaceous hillock called the Castagneto (the “Chestnut Wood,” 428 meters) to the east. Beyond the Castagneto to the east is the Licenza river, which, after running ca. 8 km., debouches into the Anio river near the present-day railroad station of Mandela (for a topographical map, see fig. 1). The Licenza river, which is a torrent, is fed by springs on the slopes of the mountains on the west side of the valley. On the east side of the valley run a series of hills and mountains, dominated by Mt. Mandela.

Figure 1
Topographical map of the Licenza valley (=Lugli 1926, Tav. 1).
62 The valley, which is typical of the zone to the north and northeast of Tivoli, is delimited on the north by Pizzo Pellecchia (1324 m), Colle Ara del Pero (1054 m), Civitella (735 m), and Licenza (510 m); on the west by the Colle Rotondo, Monte Morico (1073 m), Colle Spogna (1147 m), and Monte Ariaoni (1059 m). Between the Colle Rotondo and the Monte Ariaoni, 700 meters to the north of the villa site, is a ravine called the Fosso delle Chiuse. [1] About 500 meters to the south of the villa is a shallower ravine called the Fosso delle Mogli. Today, and presumably throughout history, these fossi provide a natural boundary for the property (or properties) on either side of them.
63 On the east, the range of hills is less steep and much dryer; running from north to south, they are called Montanello (736 m), Collefranco (462 m), Marmore, Colle Prioni (595 m), Colle di Menichetta, Colle dei Cerri (834 m), Colle Luccio (642 m), and Monte Mandela (681 m). [2]
64 The landscape of the Licenza valley consists primarily of alluvial sediments in the valley floor, colluvial deposits at the base of the slopes of the valley, and sedimentary rocks (especially shales and limestone) forming the uplands. The Colle Rotondo is formed of marly limestone. On the villa site, limestone-derived colluvial and alluvial soils overlay older shale-derived soils. The bedrock on the site is shale, which undulates across the site with sudden changes of quota. The overburden atop the ancient Roman levels averages ca. 1.8 meters in depth (for details, see Foss et al., E.1).
65 Since 1989, the Licenza valley has been part of the 18,000 hectare-large regional park of the Monti Lucretili. [3] This has limited growth in the valley and helped to maintain its low-density and agricultural character. Crops are mainly raised today on the well-watered western slopes of the valley; they include grapes, olives, chestnuts, and fruit. Truck farming is a major activity on the lower slopes of the valley, especially on the western side of the valley. In the uplands there is good pasturage provided by wild broom (Spartium junceum), blackthorns (Prunus spinosa), bramble (Rubus ulmifolius) and wild roses (Rosa sp.). The herding of sheep and cattle on both sides of the valley has always been a major economic activity, though it has tapered off since the end of the Second World War. In the uplands, maple (Acer obtusatum, Acer pseudoplatanus), turkey oak (Quercus cerris), and the holm-oak (Quercus ilex) are the predominant trees, providing little timber, but offering food (acorns) and habitats for wild boar, martens (such as the weasel), squirrels, wolves, foxes, and, above 800 meters, large rodents such as the porcupine.


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B.1.1. Settlement of the Licenza valley in antiquity
66 The literary, epigraphical, and archaeological evidence on which a history of the Licenza valley in antiquity could be written is very scarce. Apart from the poet Horace and his scholiasts (see Frischer, B.2 and [B.3] ), the literary evidence is nonexistent. The epigraphical and archaeological remains are mostly the result of sporadic finds, which have been catalogued by Lugli and Mari. [4] The only sites that have been excavated and published are the villa at Prato La Corte (Vicovaro) and “Horace’s Villa” near Licenza. [5] A third site is known to have been excavated in 1858, but the results were never published. [6]
67 Settlement of the Licenza valley appears to have developed along the ancient road corresponding to the modern Via Licinese, which runs between San Cosimato, on the Via Valeria, and Trebula Mutuesca (Monteleone Sabino) on the Via Salaria. [7] The Licinese starts near the twenty-eighth mile of the Via Valeria, which dates to the years 307/6 or 289/286 B.C; [8] these roads were constructed on ancient tracks long in use by travelers in the area. [9] The Via Valeria runs through the Anio river valley and beyond to the Adriatic. An important transportation corridor, it penetrated the barrier of the Apennines and linked the Tivoli region to the area which in antiquity was inhabited by the Sabines, Aequi, Marsi, and Samnites.


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B.1.2. Archaic period to the Roman conquest
68 Settlement in the area is attested from the Palaeolithic and Neolithic through the Iron Age. [10] In the archaic period, the valley delimited the territory of the Sabines (west side of the valley) from that of the Aequi (east side). [11] Ceramic remains from the historical period begin to appear in the archaeological record in the Mandela area during the sixth-fifth century B.C. [12] The site of “Horace’s Villa” has also produced some residual gray bucchero dating from the same period (see Angelelli, D.2.2). It has also revealed evidence of cultivation datable to 2550 +/- 40 years BP (see Foss, et al., E.1.3.1).
69 With the Roman conquest of the Aequi and Sabines, the area fell under Roman control by the early third century. A first result of Roman rule was a partial reduction of the native population, in part attracted to Rome and other Latin cities. [13] By 272 B.C., the area was pacified enough to permit construction of the Anio Vetus aqueduct, whose source was near Vicovaro. In this period, before the development of the villa system, [14] the form of social organization was paganic-vicanic; this is characterized by a series of small villages (vici), normally located along the roads, grouped together into larger administrative units (pagi). [15] The nearby town of Vicovaro derives its name from vicus Varia; just to the east of that was the pagus Mandela, mentioned by Horace (Epist. 1.18.105). The uplands show traces of huts, which were used as summer shelters by shepherds engaged in transhumance on routes between the Apennines and the vias Licinese and Valeria. [16] Villas begin to appear in the second or first century B.C. At Vicovaro, a number of cults are known from inscriptions (Ceres and Liber, Flora, Hercules); [17] in the rest of the territory, the only religious sanctuary of which we hear is a temple of Victoria, of uncertain antiquity and location. It was restored by Vespasian and was probably situated in the area of Roccagiovine, where the inscription mentioning it has been known since the seventeenth century. [18]


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B.1.3. Second and first centuries B.C.
70 In the zone between the Via Valeria near Mandela and Vicovaro and the hilltown of Licenza, traces have been found of some twelve to sixteen villas. [19] The earliest date to the second or first century B.C. Of the twelve sites identified as villas with certainty by Mari, eight are in the area of Mandela (Mari 1994, catalogue nos. 3, 4, 11, 18, 19, 20, 26) and Vicovaro (no. 23); two are near Roccagiovine (nos. 22, 30), and two are near Licenza (nos. 33, 34 = “Horace’s Villa”). The clustering in the Vicovaro-Mandela area is plausibly explained by Mari as a reflection of the fact that the fields are flatter and lower-lying here than in the Licenza valley proper. [20] Other factors may include proximity of the Vicovaro-Mandela properties to the various aqueducts running through the area, as such clustering has been noted elsewhere. [21] Finally, there is the general tendency that villas become fewer in number, the farther one goes from Rome [22] and, one might speculate, from Tivoli. The latter city was the dominant regional center and experienced a boom of civic building throughout the first century B.C. [23] The early villas were small villae rusticae (“Catonian villas”) [24] with no pretensions to elegance and presumably employing only a limited number of slaves. They sit on terraces with retaining walls built of polygonal blocks or opus incertum. Mari listed two examples (Mari 1994, catalogue nos. 20, 43 [25] ), to which we can now add the first phase of “Horace’s Villa”, as a result of the excavations of 1997-2001 (Mari 1994, catalogue no. 34). Here were found three structures in opus incertum [26] : an impluviate atrium in the future area of the baths (rooms 38, 39, 40); the first phase of the wall running along the western side of the future imperial quadriporticus; and the basin and related structures beneath room 12 that may have had a utilitarian, rather than decorative, function (see De Simone, C.2.1).
71 The Augustan age marks an increase in the prosperity of the area, which was assigned to Region IV (Samnium). [27] Under Augustus, the existing two aqueducts passing through the zone (the Anio Vetus and Aqua Marcia) were restored. At this time, too, the nearby town of Trebula Suffenas was thriving, as is attested by inscriptions and monumental remains; the same can be said of Varia. [28] At Tivoli, the senatorial elite began to build large villas of the otium type (see below); the largest of these (the villa of Quintilius Varus) ended up as an imperial property. [29] A trend for writers to own property in the Tivoli area—perhaps attracted by the excellent library housed in the Temple of Hercules Victor—began in the Augustan period and continued for a century. Early examples include Quintilius Varus, Catullus, Tibullus and, of course, Horace. [30]
72 The impression of regional prosperity is reinforced by the appearance of a series of tombs in the area of the Doric type. As Torelli’s classic study has shown, these date to the Augustan age (more precisely from ca. 43 B.C. to the early first century A.D.) and are associated with local elites supportive of the principate. [31] Mari’s survey turned up two definite and several other possible examples (catalogue nos. 42, 43 and possibly 21, 25, 29; spolia from such tombs are also to be found out of context at Licenza [no. 38] and Vicovaro). [32]


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B.1.4. First and second centuries A.D.
73 By the first century A.D., several luxury villas had been built, or rebuilt, on the site of earlier country houses. These include five examples located between Roccagiovine and Mandela-Vicovaro (Mari 1994, catalogue nos. 11, 18, 22, 26, 30) and the mid- to late first century A.D. phase at “Horace’s Villa.” The latter site, then, is the northernmost example of this class. It is separated from its neighbor, no. 33, by the Fosso delle Mogli, suggesting that each was a separate property. If, in the absence of other signs of villas or farmhouses in the area, we assign to “Horace’s Villa” all the land from the base of the Colle Rotondo to the Licenza river (500-600 meters) and from the Fosso delle Mogli to the Fosso delle Chiuse (600-700 meters), it will have comprised an irregularly shaped parcel, ca. 3.5-4.0 square kilometers in size (=ca. 80-100 acres). [33]
74 The appearance of villas suggests that the Licenza valley was now viewed as a suitable place of villeggiatura by the elite residing in nearby towns (e.g., Tibur, Trebula Suffenas, and Varia) and, as we will see, even in the capital itself (cf. Rudich, E.2). The area had also become an appropriate place of burial, as is attested by a circular tomb at km. 39 of the Via Valeria, [34] and by the altar-tomb of C. Maenius Bassus, dating to the period 35-50 A.D., which is located on the Via Valeria just west of Varia (km. 42.3). Bassus was a local notable at Tivoli and also held two high military offices. [35] Here it should be noted that the prestige value of the valley should not be exaggerated: even the largest of the known pleasure villas, “Horace’s Villa,” pales in comparison with the large early imperial villas of the western zone of Tiburtine territory. [36] So, how might it be characterized?
75 In Mari’s terminology, there are three basic types of villas in the countryside of Tivoli and the Anio valley: the humble villa rustica (or Catonian villa); the “large residential villa” (or “otium villa”), and a tertium quid, the “rustic-residential” type. [37] The villa rustica consists of a small residence with utilitarian installations such as wine and olive presses, millstones, etc. The otium villa lacks such installations, has a large residential block, usually sited on an artificial terrace, and is adorned with high-quality decorations such as mosaics, marble wall revetment, frescoes, and sculpture. In the late first or second century A.D., otium villas often were improved with bath complexes. [38] Such concern for refined luxury and a lack of investment in economic exploitation of the property also characterizes the grounds around the residence, where nymphaea are common, as are topiary gardens.
76 In its imperial phase of the first and second centuries A.D., “Horace’s Villa” is not easy to classify, both because of a lack of sufficient archaeological data and because of its apparent ambiguity. It is not a platform villa, and its residence—though by no means small—is smaller than what we generally find in the clearcut examples of the otium villa at Tivoli. Of course this statement is based on the present archaeological record, which is incomplete and possibly misleading. On the other hand, the architecture was decorated with fine examples of opus sectile flooring and marble wall revetment (see Angelelli, D.6), Fourth Style frescoes (see Mols, D.9), and sculpture (see Lattimore, D.10). There was a symmetrically arranged pleasure garden (see Gleason, C.3.4.2, Period II), an impressive bath complex (see Camaiani et al., C.5) and a feature near the middle of the eastern arm of the quadriporticus that could be a nymphaeum (see De Simone, C.4.5 and C.4.6). Up to now, excavations at “Horace’s Villa” have not revealed practical installations such as wine or olive presses, millstones, etc. dating to the first or second century A.D. This may mean that, like an otium villa, [39] the complex lacked a villa rustica, or else that the working farm area has simply not yet been found and excavated. Taken together, then, “Horace’s Villa” in the first and second centuries A.D. more nearly resembles an otium villa than a rustic or “rustic-residential” villa, with some important qualifications. We might call it a “small otium villa,” adapting Mari’s terminology; or, if we wish, we can follow a scholar like Neville Morley in questioning the utility of a rigid villa typology such as Mari presents, stressing instead how each case is unique. [40]
77 In the middle decades of the first century A.D., Claudius commissioned the building of the Aqua Claudia and the Anio Novus, both of which run through the Mandela-Vicovaro area. When Nero built his enormous pleasure villa at Subiaco, traffic through our area intensified and its importance increased. [41] Vespasian, as noted, restored the old temple of Victoria that was probably located in the territory of Roccagiovine. Under Nerva, the Via Valeria was restored. As will be seen (cf. Rudich, E.2), in the mid- to late first century, the property of “Horace’s Villa” passed into the possession of two close relatives of imperial freedmen. Ownership by members of this class is well-known in the Tiburtine region. [42] By the early years of the second century A.D. “Horace’s Villa” had come into the hands of a controversial senator or of one of his close relatives (see Bruun, D.13 and Rudich, E.2).
78 In the conclusion (see Frischer, F.3), we will raise the question of why there was so much interest in our valley on the part of the imperial court during the mid- to late first century A.D. To anticipate, we may here signal a geographical advantage that our area enjoyed, once Nero had built his enormous pleasure villa at Subiaco [43] and Vespasian had fallen into the habit of spending his holidays at Aquae Cutiliae, his boyhood home near Reate: the Licenza valley was at the center of a triangle formed by Rome, Rieti, and Subiaco and, because of the preexisting road system, was an easy day’s ride from each of the corners of the triangle.
79 In the second century A.D., the villas existing in the valley continued in operation and were in some cases even remodelled or enlarged, as Mari’s survey results indicate. [44] Traffic on the Via Valeria dependent on the imperial court’s use of Subiaco should not have diminished, since later emperors continued to frequent and even restore Nero’s resort. [45] Moreover, Trajan added another vast villa complex at Arcinazzo. [46] Thus, as far as can be inferred from the archaeological record, our area, like the nearby Tiburtine region, did not participate in the alleged second-century crisis of the villa economy that has been observed elsewhere in Italy, [47] and we can, indeed, add support to Morley’s thesis that the crisis, if it existed at all, was limited to specific regions and products. [48] Perhaps the reason the Tivoli-Licenza valley area was not affected is that its estates were relatively small, useful more for otium than for large-scale agricultural production. The results of the 1997-2001 excavations at “Horace’s Villa” conform to the general picture, as the following reports show.


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B.1.5. Third to fifth centuries A.D.
80 The third and fourth centuries saw a general collapse of the villa system in the Roman hinterland, and the Licenza valley was apparently no exception: Mari notes the rarity in surface finds of late African red slip ware, something also observed in the western part of Tiburtine territory. [49] In the more densely built-up ager Tiburtinus, Tomei counted 27 villas of Republican date, 80 dating to the first century A.D., 72 to the second century, 32 to the third, 24 to the fourth and fifth, and just 12 to the sixth century or later. [50] She characterizes the mid-fifth century as a time of “nearly complete abandonment of the countryside, owning to the danger of invasions and sacks by the barbarians.” [51]
81 At “Horace’s Villa,” burials were placed within the imperial bath complex, indicating that this part of the villa was no longer in service as a bath. Radiocarbon dating puts this activity to 318 A.D., with a standard deviation of 58 years. Hence, we may be fairly confident that the burials occurred between 260 and 376 A.D. Based on the picture of occupation that emerges from the numismatic record, which is strong through the mid-fourth century A.D., the later date is more probable (see Buttrey, D.11). Whatever the exact date, after this period evidence is lacking for the occupation of the “Horace’s Villa” site for several centuries.
82 With the general abandonment of individual villa sites in central Italy there was a parallel consolidation of the properties into larger estates called massae. A massa generally took its name from its owner or from a nearby town. [52] CIL XIV.3482, dating to the fourth or fifth century, preserves the name of one massa in our zone, the Massa Mandelana, and that of Valeria Maxima, the owner of a praedium within it. [53] Another, the Massa Laninas, is known just to the east of our area; it was located down the Via Valeria at the present-day turn-off for Cineto Romano and was donated by Constantine to the Lateran Baptistery. [54] Other fourth-century properties in the area are recorded in the ninth-century Liber Pontificalis, where they are reported to have been donated by Pope Sylvester (314-335 A.D.) to the Roman church of Equitius near the Baths of Domitian. [55] These include the fundus Valerianus, which has been associated with the Massa Mandelana because of the mention of Valeria Maxima in CIL XIV.3482; [56] the fundus Statianus, which may refer to the toponym Stazzano on the opposite side of the Lucretili mountains, about 2 km north of Palombara Sabina [57] or to a now vanished toponym, Lo Stazio, reported in the eighteenth century by Allan Ramsay as the name of a place “about a mile” up the Licenza River from San Cosimato; [58] the fundus Duas Casas, which could be related to the small church of S. Maria delle Case near Roccagiovine; [59] and the fundus Percilianus, which ought to have been located near the modern town of Percile, just north of Licenza on the Via Licinese. [60] The continuing importance of the area, particularly to churches in Rome, and the parallel continuation of urban vitality at Tivoli, helps to explain why the Via Valeria was restored at least twice in the fourth century. [61]


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B.1.6. Sixth through ninth centuries A.D.
83 For several centuries, the documentary and archaeological records of the area become quite scarce indeed. Local tradition links Saint Benedict (ca. 480-547) to the grottoes of the cliff face on which the monastery of San Cosimato sits, but this association is doubtful. [62] The monastery itself is sited atop a Roman habitation (Mari 1994, catalogue no. 12); since its archive has been lost, the earliest extant documents that mention it date to the tenth century. [63] Judging from its dedication to Saints Cosmas and Damian, it could have existed as early as the second half of the sixth century A.D., when the cult of Saints Cosmas and Damian spread thanks, indirectly, to Justinian I (526-565), who believed that the saints cured him of a fatal disease. The Goths under Totila in 545 raided our area, as did the Longobards under Autari and Agilulf in 589-590 and perhaps again in 601. Gregory the Great reported distress in the countryside and a large flood of refugees into the city of Rome. [64] At Tivoli, these developments were felt too: the remaining population abandoned the suburbs and was settled inside the city walls. [65]
84 For the long period, ca. 600-850, sources are lacking that could throw light on developments in the Licenza valley and the territory stretching to Subiaco. [66] Judging from pottery, masonry, and human remains dating from Period IV of the bath complex, “Horace’s Villa” was reoccupied in the eighth and ninth centuries (see Camaiani et al., C.5), but we cannot say anything about the nature of the settlement (e.g., whether it was lay or religious). The old theory that there was a monastery here dedicated to Saint Peter (supported mainly on the evidence of the toponym of the site, Vigne di San Pietro) has been debunked by Fiore Cavaliere. [67] The sudden efflorescence of life at Licenza in this period is consistent with (though, of course, not necessarily directly related to) the upturn of urban life attested by new archaeological finds from Carolingian Rome. [68]


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B.1.7. Tenth through fifteenth centuries A.D.
85 For at least thirty years from the late ninth to the early tenth centuries, the territory was occupied by the Saracens, who were defeated and driven out in crucial battles in 916, but only after years of oppressive rule in which the population declined sharply and the churches were desecrated. [69] After the expulsion of the Saracens, the countryside had to be reoccupied and rechristianized. At the instance of Alberic II, Patrician and Senator of Rome from 932-954, the monasteries of San Cosimato, Farfa, and Subiaco were made bastions of the new order. To that end, they were restored and enriched with landholdings taken from the vast massa Giovenzana. [70] That San Cosimato became a major regional landowner at this time is clear from a papal brief by Pope Marinus II (942-946) written in 945 to Uberto, Bishop of Tivoli. Among the properties now owned by San Cosimato is the fundus Lama, probably the old Massa Laninas (=Statio ad Lamnas on the Peutinger Table) and also many fundi and massae mentioned for the first time. Many of these are impossible to localize, and those that can be identified do not concern our immediate area. [71] The monastery of Farfa was given land to the north. The Licenza valley fell into the middle of the holdings of the two monasteries and, before too long, became a possession of Farfa. [72] By the late tenth century, San Cosimato was in decline, ceding lands to its two rival monasteries. [73] In 1081, it had been reduced to a possession of the Roman monastery of San Paolo fuori le Mura. [74]
86 By the late tenth century, San Cosimato’s old holdings at Anticoli, Roviano, and Arsoli were given to Subiaco; [75] by the mid-eleventh century, Farfa’s realm, which included the podium Burdella in the old territory of Mandela, reached right to the walls of San Cosimato. [76] But the power vacuum left by the decline of San Cosimato was not entirely filled by Farfa and Subiaco; lay families were also coming into possession of the lands in and around the Licenza valley. Here, the Crescenzi Ottaviani became the dominant group, owning the land along the east side of the valley all the way from San Cosimato to Percile. The first record of their presence in the general area comes from the Regesto di Farfa, which tells of the Crescenzi’s donations in 1011 of two parcels of land to the monastery. [77] One of the parcels was located at a place called Macla Felcosa, which might be equivalent to the modern toponym Ara della Macchia located to the northwest of Percile. [78] The donation of the podium Burdella to Farfa was in fact also made by a member of the Crescenzi family. In the deed of gift, permission was given to the abbot of Farfa to build a castle on the hilltop of Burdella, if he wished. By 1130, a castle had been constructed. [79]
87 In our area, this is the first documentation of incastellamento, a phenomenon familiar in central Italy between the mid-tenth and twelfth centuries. Incastellamento refers to the construction of hilltop fortresses by powerful local families or by monasteries. [80] As Allegrezza recounts (E.3), the castles at Licenza, Civitella, and Roccagiovine were built in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries by members of the Orsini family, which starting in 1191 were granted feuds in the area of Vicovaro and Burdella by their illustrious and powerful family member, Pope Celestine III (Giacinto Bobone, 1191-1198). [81] By the late thirteenth century, after a second Orsini pontificate (that of Nicholas III, 1277-1280), the Orsini feuds and castles had been extended to Licenza and Civitella. [82]
88 As Allegrezza notes, the process of incastellamento and laicization in the Roman hinterland during the eleventh through thirteenth centuries brought an increase in population and agricultural production. The Licenza valley was obviously a participant in these related processes, but, as Allegrezza is quick to point out, the castle at Licenza was a “modest” affair, and it would be surprising if the cultivation needed to sustain its tiny population reached as far as the site of “Horace’s Villa.” But there is some limited building activity on the site, if we may assign the Period V (late Middle Ages) of Camaiani et al. (C.5.5) to sometime in the period 1200-1350. In general, the colorful description of Mari for the Tiburtine region applies equally well to the Licenza valley: “of the ancient villas, nothing more remained than mastodont ruins and toponymic echoes.” [83]
89 The fourteenth century, especially the latter half, saw a dramatic demographic decline all over Lazio, owing to factors such as the removal of the papal court to Avignon, the Black Death and the papal schism in the last decades of the century. The fifteenth through seventeenth centuries saw continued neglect and abandonment, “with an increase in the uncultivated land and the transformation of tilled land into pasture.” [84] Not surprisingly, then, there are no finds at all from these centuries at “Horace’s Villa.”


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B.1.8. Sixteenth through eighteenth centuries A.D.
90 The documents surviving in the Orsini Archive in the Archivio Comunale di Roma permit us to follow in some detail the transference of Orsini properties in the Licenza valley from generation to generation. [85] But the documents do not throw light on everyday living conditions, population, and economic activities. To have attempted this, at least in a general way, is the merit of Allegrezza (E.3).
91 In the eighteenth century, the documents become more informative about activities in and around the future archaeological site of “Horace’s Villa,” on which this account will now more narrowly focus (for its locations, see figs. 3 and 4). Some of the most interesting documentation grows out of legal disputes between the Orsini and the Borghese family, to whom the Orsini had gradually sold the bulk of their holdings in the Licenza area between 1612 and 1817. In a Borghese document dated to ca. 1788, the Orsini of Licenza could be described in 1632 as “a noble but impoverished family.” [86] In another document in the same series (see Frischer, G.1.8.8), we read:

….In that time [i.e., 1632], the Castle of Licenza had but few residents, and consequently a small number of families, which did not surpass ca. 50. Thus the territory was, for the most part, uncultivated and filled with maquis. There were no plantings of fruit trees, grapevines, pears, or olives. The number of homes was small. But after ca. 1725 the number of families began to grow, and the population and cultivation of the territory increased by a great amount in such a way that today [i.e., ca. 1788] one sees the same area covered with trees, grapevines, olives, pears, and other fruit trees, and completely cultivated. There are also a great number of houses that did not exist before. This account results from the sworn deposition of two old men of Licenza, one who is eighty years old, the other who is 73, who have heard it told by their ancestors and who are certain that the increase of the population and of the cultivation occurred when they were young….


Figure 3
Cadastral map, ca. 1900 (source: Archives of the Archaeological Superintendency of Lazio).

Figure 4
Cadastral map, ca. 1900, superimposed on the state plan of the villa (source: Bernard Frischer, using the Cadastral map of fig. 3 and the state plan published in this volume).
92 Other documents are less colorful but no less informative. In 1782, the Papal States compiled the first cadaster of the area. The original survives in three volumes preserved in the Archivio di Stato, Rome. [87] The relevant section is the Vigne di San Pietro (fig. 2), which is the area of the future archaeological park. The records mention 37 individual properties, which are briefly described in words (unfortunately, there is no map) that relate the name of the owner; a description in terms of its boundaries, its agricultural use, its size and its value. Twenty-one of the parcels were owned by the Church; the rest were owned by the Borghese or Orsini. [88] The plantings include olives, grapes, walnuts, chestnuts, pear and various other fruit trees.

Figure 2
Contemporary cadastral map showing the Vigne di San Pietro and the archaeological park of Horace's Villa (parcels 155-156) (source: Ufficio Tecnico Erariale Roma. Comune di Licenza, foglio 16).
93 By 1761, at the latest, this new agricultural activity had turned up traces of the Roman remains on the site, as we know from the reports of antiquarians. Since the ancient level is ca. 1.0 to 2.0 meters below the modern level, it is likely that this happened in connection with the digging of pits for planting fruit and nut trees. As noted below, an example of just that is recorded for the year 1849.
94 It was thanks to the antiquarians that artists started to show an interest in the area, and by the late 1770s Jacob More had produced a series of watercolors and drawings in pen and ink, based on sketches by Allan Ramsay, that give us precious glimpses of the agricultural exploitation of the Licenza valley (see Frischer, G.2.2.3 through G.2.2.5.16). [89] A typical watercolor is G.2.2.5.7, which shows, in the foreground, agricultural crops along the river floor and the river with the town mill. In the middle ground can be seen the Via Licinese and the chestnut trees of the Castagneto; beyond, on the hillsides, more fields planted with crops can be seen. In the background are clearly illustrated the Colle Rotondo, Fosso delle Chiuse, and Monte Araioni. At the foot of the Colle Rotondo, More indicates the site of the Fonte Ratini by two cypress trees. The vantage point, which is on the Colle Franchisi on the east side of the valley, does not include the Vigne di S. Pietro in its viewshed. The watercolor provides an apt illustration of the text quoted from the Borghese Archive (see Frischer, G.1.8.8).
95 Once the site had been published and had come to the attention of the public and the authorities, it is reasonable to believe that no large-scale undocumented excavations took place, since in the period from 1761-1870, archaeological excavations in the Papal States could only be undertaken with a proper permit. No such permits are recorded in the archives for the Vigne di S. Pietro at Licenza. Whether any such activities took place between ca. 1725, when the Licenza valley started to be resettled, and 1760 is unknown.
96 At any rate, thanks to the artist-antiquarian Allan Ramsay, we know in some detail what could be seen on and below the surface of the villa site at this time, which was very little. Ramsay writes (G.1.8.6.1):

It is by this line [scil. sat. 2.6.2: et tecto vicinus jugis aquae fons, “and a spring of never-failing water near my house”) that we are enabled to discover very nearly the precise station of Horace’s house, for it informs us that it was close to a perpetual fountain. Of those indeed there are several in the valley of Licenza but none in a place very proper for houses or gardens except one. This is called by the country people ‘Fonte Ratini.’... It rises in the side of Mons Lucretilis, now Monte Gennaro, under the most southerly of the two summits called the Campanile, and its situation is at present pointed out from a distance, by the means of two cypress trees, the only ones on the hill which grow very near it. Running down aslant the hill it passes near the ruins of Horace’s house, and crossing the Highway it falls into the Licenza about a stone’s throw to the north of the Mill belonging to the village of Licenza, after being rejoined by another stream, an artificial branch of the same fountain, which issues from the hill a little to the northwest of Horace’s house and of which the former Counts Orsini have made a Cascade by cutting down part of the rock perpendicular. Besides the general circumstances of the ground, what proves fully its being a fit place for setting down a house or Villa is, that there are actually still to be found there the ruins of two ancient dwellings or of two parts of a large one…. The two remains of building stand at the distance of about 100 yards from one another. That to the east consists of a mosaic pavement of very elegant foliage, and expensive workmanship beyond what was to be expected from the simplicity profest by Horace….”

97 Ramsay’s words are nicely illustrated by a drawing in black chalk that is in the National Gallery of Scotland (G.2.2.3). In it we can see that the site to which Ramsay refers is the same as the present-day archaeological park, located behind (i.e., to the west) of the Castagneto. The drawing shows the view from the Orsini Palace (i.e., from the north on the crest of the hilltown of Licenza). Ramsay’s sketch indicates “[point] a. the field in which is [sic.] the mosaic pavements;” and “[point] b. the place where stands amongst the bushes the remains of some old walls.” Linking these two features is a road lined with trees. Additional detail is provided by Jacob More, who worked up Ramsay’s view in a series of preserved watercolors and drawings in pen and ink (G.2.2.5.1, G.2.2.5.3). In More, we can see that the fields around the site on either side of the road are planted by low-lying crops, but unfortunately, we are not given any glimpses of the “old walls” at point b. If Ramsay’s measurement of “about 100 yards” is accurate, and if (as is likely) point a corresponds to room 1 or, more likely, 4 (a fragment of whose mosaic Ramsay illustrated in his text), [90] then we can say that the walls observed by Ramsay at b no longer exist. In general it should be noted that the distance from room 1 to room 27 (the two most distant east/west remains on the site along the general line of the road seen in the eighteenth-century illustrations) is only about 50 meters.


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B.1.9. 1780-1910
98 The fact that the site was not excavated between the late eighteenth century and 1911 does not mean that it was completely protected. To the contrary, in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries we have records of degradation of the ruins in the Vigne di S. Pietro which, however minor in each episode, doubtless caused some serious damage in the aggregate.
99 Nibby in 1837 reported the destruction of some ancient walls on the site by a resident of Licenza named Valentino De Angelis (see Frischer, G.1.8.18). From the 1859 cadaster (ASR 3714), we know that Bernardo De Angelis, fu Valentino De Angelis, owned the parcel that used to be denoted as 1213. This corresponds to a modern parcel in the southern half of the modern archaeological park (cf. figs. 3, 4). Since the only structure above ground in modern times here was the so-called Church of St. Peter, which de Chaupy reported was made of spolia of ancient building materials (see Frischer, G.1.8.4), and since no other building was ever reported on the site, we may infer that it was this structure that De Angelis demolished. If so, the demolition was only partial. We have two photographs of how the area appeared in the early twentieth century: the first, a view in 1910, before Pasqui’s excavations (cf. C. Loomis Dana and J. Cotton Dana in Frischer, G.2.3.2; fig. 5); secondly, an early photograph from the Pasqui excavations of 1911-14 (cf. SAL E 661=fig. 6).

Figure 5
View of Area 53 in 1910, prior to Pasqui's excavations (source: C. Loomis Dana and J. Cotton Dana, 1911). The cross marks the spot where walls could be seen.

Figure 6
Photograph of the remains of the medieval structure in Area 53 (source: Archive SAL, E 661, 1911-14).
100 The worst intervention known to us occurred in the 1840s and 50s when a new parish church was built in Licenza. The local priest, Marco Tulli, dug up building material on the site and made lime out of the marble fragments he found. [91] In principle, he ought to have had an excavation permit from the Papal government, but, if he did, no record of it survives in the Archivio di Stato di Roma, the appropriate archive in Rome. [92] Efforts to enforce the law are, however, attested at other times. In 1849 an official inquiry into a possible illegal archaeological excavation turned out to be a false alarm: the owner of the property, Vincenzo Onorati, had simply been digging pits to plant trees when he happened upon a mosaic pavement (G.1.8.22), which he immediately reburied. A similar inquest occurred in 1885 when the Ministry of Public Instruction investigated a report that the civil engineer Tito Berti (cf. G.1.8.26, G.1.8.27) had illegally excavated the site. After a flurry of activity, the case was dropped (G.1.9.1.1-6).
101 The most common risk to the site came from visitors who started to come in small numbers as word of the discoveries of De Sanctis, Saint’Odile and Ramsay spread. Because in the latter decades of the period the railroad was built from Rome to Tivoli and Vicovaro, and the main roads in the Roman Campagna were paved (including the Via Licinese in the 1880s), tourism began to develop, as witnessed by the inclusion of Horace’s Villa in Baedeker’s guidebook (G.1.8.32).
102 As always, tourism brought advantages—e.g., increased attention paid to the site, ultimately leading to the large-scale excavations of Angelo Pasqui; and an occasional opportunity for the inhabitants to earn some extra money from tourist services—as well as disadvantages. Foremost among the latter was the damage that tourists could willy-nilly cause to the site, especially by encouraging the farmers to uncover the mosaics of rooms 1 and 4. The latter was first seen in 1777 by Ramsay (G.1.8.6.3) and then again by Ramsay’s son, John, in 1783 (G.1.8.7). A measured drawing of a fragment of the mosaic in room 4 was included on the map published in the 1780s by Jakob Philipp Hackert (G.2.1.23). Other visitors who reported seeing a mosaic in room 1 and/or 4 include: J. Landucci, 1792 (G.1.8.9); A. Manazzale, 1796 and 1817 (G.1.8.10; G.1.8.12); R. Bradstreet, 1810 (G.1.8.11); G.A. Guattani, 1827-30 (G.1.8.13); W. Gell, 1834 (G.1.8.17); A. Nibby, 1837 (G.1.8.18); R. Frezzini, 1840 (G.1.8.19); G. Dennis, 1842 (G.1.8.20); J. Donovan, 1844 (G.1.8.21); F. Gori, 1855 (G.1.8.23); T. Berti, 1885 (G.1.8.26; G.1.8.27); the Bishop of Clifton, 1888 (G.1.8.28); A. Mazzoleni, 1891 (G.1.8.29); [anon.], 1899 (G.1.8.31); R. Lanciani, 1909 (G.1.8.35); W. Merrifield, 1909 (G.1.8.36); C. L. Dana and J. C. Dana, 1910 (G.2.3.2.1). The Dana’s publication includes the first photograph of a part of the mosaic in room 4, which gives a nice illustration of what tourists had been seeing during the preceding 130 years (fig. 7).

Figure 7
Photograph of the mosaic in room 4 taken by C. Loomis Dana and J. Cotton Dana, 1910.
103 The published reports hint at the presence of mosaics in rooms other than rooms 1 and 4, where they still survive and can be seen today. Sebastiani reported that Gell had seen a mosaic with small griffins (cf. G.1.8.14). In 1842 Dennis reported that the owner of the property with rooms 1 and 4—Giuseppe Onorati—stated that, about fifty years earlier, he witnessed the uncovering of mosaics in a total of six rooms. They were covered up again “as nothing was found to tempt to further excavation” (G.1.8.20). This report is also valuable because it records an otherwise unknown excavation of the residential part of the site. Where could the other four rooms with mosaics have been located and, hence, where can the excavation have taken place? The following rooms have mosaics, or fragments of mosaics: 1, 4, 11, 16, 17, 26, 27, 37, 40, 42. Other mosaics may have been located in rooms 14-15, and there is a fragment in the Superintendency’s storehouse in Tivoli of unknown provenance (on all these mosaics, see Werner, D.8).
104 Of course, most visitors never published an account of their visit, but we can safely assume that the viewing of the mosaics was a standard feature of a visit to the site in the long period from ca. 1780 to 1911. [93] Sometimes they were even offered tesserae as souvenirs (cf. G.1.8.31) or gathered them themselves (cf. Webster Merrifield’s published account of a visit in 1909 [G.1.8.36], in which he admits to gathering “a handful of the little peg-shaped tesserae”).
105 Not surprisingly, by the late nineteenth century, we begin to read complaints about the damage to the site caused by the tourists and farmers (cf. G.1.8.27). In the edition of the newspaper Fanfulla, published on 22-23 September 1885, an article exhorted the local farmers to protect the ruins (G.1.8.26). In another newspaper, the Cronaca di Roma of 23 September 1899, the local inhabitants are criticized for reusing bricks and architectonic elements in new buildings (G.1.8.31). In 1908 Latinist Vincenzo Ussani published a letter to the editor of Il Giornale D’Italia in which he called upon Corrado Ricci, the Director of Archaeology and Fine Arts of the Ministry of Education, to initiate the excavation of the site in order to prevent more losses caused by tourists and farmers (G.1.9.13). Shortly thereafter, Ricci initiated a series of actions that in a few years led to the excavations of Angelo Pasqui (cf. G.1.9.14ff.).
106 Of course, while any damage to an ancient monument is to be regretted, we should not lose our sense of perspective: the mosaics in rooms 1 and 4 survived fairly well intact, and perhaps visitors’ attention to this area of the villa spared the rest of the ruins, which remained safely underground until exposed by Pasqui’s state-sponsored excavations that were begun in 1911.


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B.2. Identification of the Vigne di S. Pietro as Horace’s Villa: the Ancient Evidence
107 Interest in the site, culminating in its excavation, resulted from the mid-eighteenth century identification of the Vigne di San Pietro as the location of the Sabine villa of the poet Horace. This identification was, and remains, speculative: it relies not on indisputable evidence such as the poet’s name inscribed on a tile or waterpipe found on the site, but from a combination of circumstantial evidence. While it would have been welcome to find important new evidence in favor of or opposed to this identification, the new fieldwork of 1997-2001 turned up nothing that could be so described.
108 Because the name of Horace is so closely associated with the Roman villa in the Vigne di San Pietro, we lay out here what is known about the place from the ancient sources as well as some considerations in favor of and against the identification of the villa as Horace’s. In the next two sections, we give an account of the scholarship on the problem from the Renaissance until Pasqui’s excavations in 1911-14.
109 The best source that Horace owned a villa in Sabine territory is the poet himself. In a number of works written in the middle of his poetic career, he gives us information about the nature and location of the place (see Frischer, G.1.1.1-G.1.1.16). These can help us to understand where the villa was located, how it was furnished, and what Horace did while staying there—always, of course, assuming that we take the material in the poems as factual information and not as poetic invention. Of course, the scholars who from the fifteenth to the twentieth century have attempted to match up elements in Horace’s descriptions of his estate with observable features on the ground have perforce assumed that Horace’s information is reliable.
110 If, for the sake of argument, we grant that this is a valid assumption, then what picture emerges of the villa? In Odes 1.17, we learn that it was located near Mons Lucretilis (G.1.1.1) and a valley called Ustica (G.1.1.2; this is presumably the “opaca valle” mentioned in G.1.1.15). Unfortunately, neither is identifiable with certainty on the map of modern Italy. In Odes 1.22 we are told that the villa is bounded by a forest (G.1.1.3), and in another poem we are told that Horace had a neighbor (“vicinus”) named Cervius (G.1.1.10). Once again, this does not help us to localize the site, since forests are common; nor do we know who this Cervius was or where his country house was located. [94] If anything, Horace’s reference to Cervius is a negative factor in identifying his property, since it means that if we find a site dating to Horace’s lifetime but with no remains that would permit us to attribute it to a specific owner in the Augustan age, then we must always bear in mind the possibility that we have to do with Cervius’ villa, not Horace’s.
111 Other toponyms mentioned by Horace in the area of his property are fanum Vacunae (G.1.1.12), Varia (G.1.1.13), Mandela and the Digentia river (G.1.1.16). They are rather more promising, and the latter three have been convincingly identified as equivalent to the early modern place names Vicovaro, Burdella-Cantalupo, and the Licenza river. Vicovaro is at the eighth milestone on the Via Valeria from Tivoli, just where Acro states that Varia was situated in his gloss on Horace Epist. 1.14.3 (see G.1.4.13). [95] In the poem, Horace tells us that Varia was the place to which five heads-of-household who made their homes on his land were wont to go—presumably to take the produce of their fields to market. [96] From this we can infer that Varia was the closest market town to Horace’s Villa.
112 In a late-antique funerary inscription discovered in 1757 just north of the monastery of San Cosimato, the area is called Massa Mandelana. Massae were collections of properties in a single territory, and their name often included reference to the territory or nearby town. Massa Mandelana thus implies the existence of a town near San Cosimato called Mandela. Horace further states that Mandela “drinks from the icy Digentia river” (G.1.1.16). In the area of Mandela there are two rivers, whose modern names are Aniene (or, alternatively, the Teverone) and Licenza. Since the Aniene was the ancient Anio, and Horace would have referred to it as such had he intended to mention it, he must have been referring to the Licenza river when speaking of Mandela’s water supply, and Licenza is an easy linguistic shift from Digentia.
113 We are thus able to place onto the modern map of central Italy two towns and a river that Horace tells us were in the immediate vicinity of his villa. Of course, this still leaves a large territory where the property might have been located in the 7-kilometer long valley through which the Licenza river flows from San Cosimato to the hilltown of Licenza.
114 To narrow down the search, localization of the fanum Vacunae would be helpful, since Horace closes a poetic letter (G.1.1.12) with the information that he was dictating it “post fanum putre Vacunae,” presumably on the grounds of his nearby villa. But, in contrast to Varia and Mandela, the fanum Vacunae (G.1.1.12) has never been identified on the basis of solid evidence. Vacuna was a common Sabine goddess and presumably was worshipped in several places in Sabinis. [97] But her cult has been archaeologically attested only by inscriptions found in the area around Rieti, which is far away from Varia and Mandela. [98] Since the seventeenth century, scholars have suspected a connection between the aedes Victoriae vetustate dilapsa restored by Vespasian (CIL 14.3479) and the fanum Vacunae, which the poet called “putre.” The two sanctuaries have been thought to be identical because of Varro’s interpretatio romana of Vacuna as Victoria. [99] As the passages from the ancient scholiasts on G.1.1.12 indicate, the assimilation of Vacuna to Victoria was but one of several interpretationes romanae, which also included Bellona, Ceres, Diana and Minerva (G.1.3.11, G.1.4.11). The identification of Vespasian’s aedes Victoriae vetustate dilapsa with Horace’s fanum putre Vacunae is thus not convincing, and it would be risky to assert anything definite about the location of Horace’s Villa from such an identification, not least because the find spot of CIL 14.3479 is not known. [100] It is now located on an exterior wall of the Castello Orsini at Roccagiovine, but in the eighteenth century it was seen over the door of a house in Roccagiovine, so we are not entitled to guess from the inscription’s present location that the fanum was located atop the hill now occupied by the medieval castle. [101]
115 In conclusion, if we take the testimony of the poetry seriously as reflective of the circumstances of the poet’s life, then the Sabine villa of Horace must have been somewhere in the area of the Licenza river valley. But we have no compelling reason to pinpoint its location as the Roman villa we excavated in the Vigne di San Pietro.


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B.3. Knowledge about Horace’s Villa from the Imperial Period to 1911
116 That at a distance of two millennia we cannot be more precise is not surprising if we look at the ancient scholarly tradition on Horace as reflected in the Suetonian biography of Horace and in the Horatian scholia. Study of the topographical notes in these sources shows that knowledge of Horatian toponyms became quite vague within two centuries of his death. In the second-century Suetonian life of Horace we have the intriguing report that Horace “usually lived on his Sabine, or Tiburtine estate,” and that his house (domus) was shown “near the small grove of Tiburnus” (see Frischer, G.1.2.1). This passage has been interpreted in two ways. The first is that Horace lived at one time in Sabinis and at another in the area of Tivoli. Opposed to this is the view that Horace’s estate was far enough away from Tivoli toward Sabine territory to be called “Sabine or Tiburtine” (cf. Catullus 44). The latter view seems to be confirmed by the following clause, since the writer goes on to state that Horace’s house was shown at one spot, not two. Unfortunately, we cannot identify the spot referred to as “the small grove of Tiburnus.” Most likely we have to do with a typical biographer’s back-formation: an apparent fact about a poet’s life is inferred from his works. [102] In Odes 1.7, Horace praises Tivoli in a priamel, and he introduces the city with several toponyms, including the “Tiburni lucus” (Odes 1.7.13).
117 It is surprising that Suetonius’ precise identification left no traces among the later ancient and early medieval commentators on Horace’s works, since the biography was quite frequently included in late-antique editions of the poet’s works. Nevertheless, Porphyrio can only write that Horace’s fundus was “in Sabinis” (G.1.3.1; G.1.3.4); the Mons Lucretilis and Ustica are “in Sabinis” (G.1.3.2, G.1.3.3; cf. Pseudo-Acro, G.1.4); Varia is a “locus in Sabinis celeberrimus” (G.1.3.13); and Mandela is a “pagus…in Sabinis” (G.1.3.14; cf. Pseudo-Acro, G.1.4.18). In at least one instance, when he attempts to be more precise, Porphyrio’s geography is demonstrably incorrect: he calls Gabii a “vicus in Sabinis iuxta Lucretilem montem” (G.1.3.12). [103] The omnium-gatherum collection now known as “Pseudo-Acro” fares only a little better. According to it, Gabii is also in Sabinis (G.1.4.12), and it is not certain whether Ustica is the name of a mountain or an island (G.1.4.2). It mistakenly situates the Fons Bandusiae of Odes 3.13 on the grounds of Horace’s Villa (G.1.4.6), whereas we know that it was located near Venusia, where Horace was born. [104] On the other hand, it does give more precise information about the location of Varia as “rising over the Anio” and places it, correctly, at the eighth milestone on the Via Valeria beyond Tivoli (G.1.4.13).
118 Not surprisingly, the medieval commentators mark no progress toward greater topographical precision (cf. G.1.5 and G.1.6). For that, we must await the Renaissance. As early as Petrarch we find a new appreciation for the landscape as a place of natural beauty and for Rome as a place of historical memory. [105] In the first half of the fifteenth century, Cyriacus of Ancona approached the landscape more objectively as a place where ancient monuments could be sought out and described. [106] By the middle of the century, the field of Italian historical geography had been founded by the Papal secretary Flavio Biondo, who wrote Roma Instaurata and Italia Illustrata from 1446 to 1453. [107] In the latter, he showed some interest in the location of Roman villas, attempting to locate the villa of Cicero at Puteoli, the villa of Lucullus near Naples, Hadrian’s villa near Tivoli, and Horace’s Sabine villa. [108] Without argumentation, Biondo placed the fanum Vacunae near Monte S. Giovanni and Montenero (G.1.7.2; for the locations, see fig. 9, middle), and in commenting on the cult of Vacuna, he quotes Pseudo-Acro (G.1.3.11). He identifies the Digentia river as the torrent known as the Rivus Solis near Poggio Mirteto. There is no torrent today with this name. [109] Finally, again with no argumentation, he places Horace’s villa in the Farfa river valley, in the area of modern Monte S. Maria, Frasso, Poggio Moiano, etc. (see fig. 8). Biondo also knew of an identification of a second Horatian villa in the Praenestine Mountains (G.1.7.1).

Figure 8
Farfa River valley (map of Lazio, TCI [Milan 1997], 1:200.00 — not to scale).
119 In 1550, Leandro Alberti wrote that Horace had villas in the hills near Tusculum and near the fanum Vacunae, which he thought was located at Vacone (G.1.7.5; fig. 9, top left). In the 1570s, the Dutch commentator on Horace, Jacob Cruquius, followed Biondo’s identification of Horace’s Sabine villa (G.1.7.9, G.1.7.10, G.1.7.12) and also tried to identify Horace’s Mons Lucretilis (cf. G.1.1.1 and G.1.7.6) as the mountain from which the Farfa river took its source (the modern-day Mt. Ode, 932 meters; see fig. 9, center). He followed Biondo in locating Mandela at Montopoli (G.1.7.14; fig. 9, left of center). He furthermore realized that Horace’s reference to Varia (G.1.1.13) implies that a town with this name was the nearest market to the villa. Not finding any town near the Farfa valley with this name, he emended the text from Variam dimittere to Vatiam dimittere (G.1.7.11), noting that Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in his Roman Antiquities, recorded a town named Vatia near Reate (modern-day Vazia, 5.8 kilometers to the east of Rieti, just past Rieti-Cittaducale; cf. fig. 9, upper right). [110] Of course, the conjecture is wrong: the distance from the Farfa valley, where Cruquius puts Horace’s Villa, to Vazia is over 35 kilometers. [111] There are several market towns closer to the alleged site of Horace’s Villa than is Vazia. Nevertheless, despite the absurdity of his conjecture, Cruquius is right to prefer Varia to the Baria mistakenly transmitted in some Horatian manuscripts. That Varia is equivalent to Vicovaro is something that was not yet known when Cruquius wrote, since the identification was first made by Laevinus Torrentius (1608; G.1.7.16). And Cruquius’ concern with putting together pieces of the topographical puzzle created by various off-hand geographical references in Horace’s poetry is something not seen in Biondo and marks a definite methodological advance. With Cruquius, there is clearly an understanding that Horatian place names cannot be arbitrarily equated with places on the modern map of Italy, but they form a system of relationships that can provide a mechanism of control for a scholar trying to make identifications.

Figure 9
Map of Northern Sabine territory (Map of Lazio, TCI [Milan 1997], 1:200.00 — not to scale).
120 In 1580 we have the first attempt to place Horace’s Villa at Tivoli. In a brief passage about the ancient villas at Tivoli, Giovanni Maria Zappi mentions Horace’s Villa, in addition to those of Augustus, Cassius, Quintilius Varus, and Manlius Vopiscus (G.1.7.15). In 1608, Laevinus Torrentius, in his commentary on Horace’s works, claimed that the villa was located at a place called Camporazio near Vicovaro (G.1.7.16). He was to be followed by Fridericus Rappoltus, in his commentary on Horace’s works published in 1675 (G.1.7.25).
121 Zappi’s claim about Tivoli was accepted by Marzi (G.1.7.20), and it was elaborated in 1611 by Del Re (G.1.7.17). He thought that Horace had a number of villas in Tivoli, Praeneste (cf. Biondo in G.1.7.1), and in Sabinis. The Tiburtine villa he identifies as the monastery of San Antonio where, as Del Re noted, ruins of a Roman construction were visible (and still can be seen today). [112] Two years later, Ianus Rutgersius, in his notes on Horace (G.1.7.18), disputed the idea that Horace had both a Tiburtine and Sabine villa. Instead, he argued for a single villa near the boundary between Sabine and Tiburtine territory, quoting Horace’s words unicis Sabinis (G.1.1.5) and comparing Catullus 44: O funde noster, seu Sabine, seu Tiburs, / (nam te esse Tiburtem autumant, quibus non est / cordi Catullum laedere: at, quibus cordi est, / quovis Sabinum pignore esse contendunt) / sed seu Sabine, sive verus Tiburs….
122 The last major scholar to favor Del Re’s thesis that Horace had two villas—one at Tivoli, the other in Sabine territory—was Athanasius Kircher (G.1.7.22 and G.1.7.23). Writing in 1669, Kircher put the Sabine villa on the slopes of Montelibretti because of an alleged linguistic shift from Mons Lucretilis (G.1.1.1) to Montelibretti (fig. 9, lower center). In 1744, Volpius refined Del Re’s analysis of the remains at San Antonio by distinguishing two building phases: an earlier, Horatian phase, of which no traces survive; and a second, more luxurious phase in the time of Manlius Vopiscus (G.1.7.27). Finally, the candidacy of Praeneste, which Del Re advocated following Biondo, was supported by Cecconi in 1756 (G.1.7.30) and was last discussed in 1795. In that year, Pietro Antonio Pietrini made the cogent point that just because Horace says in Odes 3.4.23 that he visits Praeneste does not require us to think that he had a villa there. [113]
123 In his Italian geography published in 1624, the Leiden geographer Philippus Cluverius put Horace’s Villa on the slopes of Montelibretti, which he equated to Horace’s Mons Lucretilis (G.1.7.19). This identification was challenged by one of his students, Lucas Holstenius, in his annotations on Cluverius (G.1.7.21). Published posthumously in 1661, Holstenius’ work was to be a turning-point for the history of the Licenza site, for in it Holstenius—who after studying with Cluverius went on to become the Vatican Librarian and a very distinguished geographer—was the first to equate the aedes Victoriae of CIL XIV.3479 with Horace’s fanum Vacunae (G.1.1.12). Noting the location of the inscription at Roccagiovine, Holstenius also identified Horace’s Digentia (G.1.1.16) with the modern toponym Licenza.
124 Holstenius’ ideas were to reemerge in the second half of the eighteenth century and lead to the discovery of the site in the Vigne di San Pietro. But at the very beginning of the century we encounter an amusing alternative identification of Horace’s Villa that involved the concoction of fraudulent inscriptions. The perpetrator of the fraud was Bartolomeo Carlo Piazza, who in a book published in 1703 tacitly agreed with Leandro Alberti (G.1.7.5) in placing the fanum Vacunae near Vacone (G.1.7.26). To strengthen the association of the place with Horace, Piazza quoted two inscriptions mentioning Maecenas and Augustus that he reportedly saw in the parish church of Vacone. Piazza’s arguments in favour of the identification were refuted by De Sanctis (G.1.8.1), and the fraud was exposed in the 1760s when the Abbé Bertrand Capmartin de Chaupy (G.1.8.4) visited the church and could find no sign of the inscriptions.
125 Holstenius’ work put the Licenza valley into the spotlight, and starting from the 1750s tourists and antiquarians began visiting the area to search for actual remains that could be associated with Horace’s Villa and the nearby places mentioned in his poems. In their efforts, they were aided by the publication of two new maps that showed the area in higher scale and with greater reliability. The first was published in 1739 by Diego de Revillas (G.2.1.15); it was based on trigonometry and included a scale, and was the first map of the Tivoli area with these important features. The second was published in 1755 by the Jesuits Maire and Boscovich (G.2.1.18). Theirs was the first map of the entire province of Lazio to be based on scientific principles of surveying. [114]
126 The earliest visitor on record to study the area was the Scottish painter, Allan Ramsay. He came in September of 1755 “to go in search of Horace’s farm in the Sabinia” (G.1.7.29). Using de Revillas’ map, Ramsay found and made a sketch of a spring (G.2.1.17) that a farmer showed him and which he identified as the Fons Blandusiae. Ramsay’s short initial visit was to result in a thirty-year project to identify and comment on the villa, which the painter-writer pursued in fits and starts during his trips to Italy in the 1770s and 80s. His work on the villa took the form of a short treatise, An Enquiry into the Situation and Circumstances of Horace’s Sabine Villa, which was finished in 1784 but that he did not live to see published. The text was finally published in 2001 (cf. G.1.8.6). [115]
127 In the last years of the pontificate of Benedict XIV (†1758), George Nicolaus Heerkens, a Dutch physician and poet, went to Licenza to look for the site of Horace’s Villa, about which he gave a lecture to the Accademia degli Arcadi in Rome (G.1.7.31). [116] The lecture, in which Heerkens argued in favor of situating Horace’s Sabine villa in the Licenza valley, met with some opposition from people who pressed the claims of Tivoli, Praeneste and even Baiae. Heerkens countered that, although Horace writes quite often about his Sabine villa, he never mentions a villa elsewhere.
128 In his account of the lecture, Heerkens stressed that even though some Arcadians objected to his theory, others seem to have been persuaded. De Revillas, who was a member of the academy, prepared a second edition of his map of the Tivoli area, and on it he placed the ruins of Horace’s Villa (labeled “Rudera Villae Horatii”) approximately in the Vigne di San Pietro near the hilltown of Licenza. In 1761, the abbot Domenico De Sanctis, another Arcadian, published his Dissertazione sopra la villa di Orazio Flacco (G.1.8.1), in which he echoed Heerkens’ thesis without citing Heerkens.
129 The thrust of De Sanctis’ short book is an examination of the passages in Horace’s poetry where the poet mentioned his Sabine villa. He gives only a very brief description of the site at the end of his book, but the information that he reports is precious, since he gives us our only account of the excavation (scavamento) of the Baron de Saint’Odile, the Tuscan ambassador to the Holy See (cf. G.1.8.1). [117] De Sanctis states that Saint’Odile found the remains of a “comfortable dwelling,” and that near it was found “a conduit for bringing water to the house from the nearby spring.” De Sanctis’ work was reprinted in 1768 and 1784. The reprints contain no new information about the site but the last edition does report that “well-known events have prevented [Saint’Odile] from completing the undertaking he began.” This is a reference to Saint’Odile’s dismissal from his post in Rome under scandalous circumstances in 1774. The later editions also provide evidence of a bitter quarrel that broke out in 1767 between De Sanctis and the Abbot Bertrand Capmartin de Chaupy when de Chaupy published the first of his three volumes on Horace’s Villa. Each abbot claimed priority in identifying the site in the Vigne di S. Pietro. Neither mentioned Heerkens, the true discoverer of the site.
130 The Abbot Bertrand Capmartin de Chaupy was a religious living in Italy after being exiled from France in the mid 1750s. De Chaupy published his three-volume work on Horace’s Villa—and a host of unrelated and tangential matters—in the period 1767-1769 (G.1.8.4). The work was the subject of a satirical engraving by Piranesi in 1769 (G.2.1.22), who felt that de Chaupy’s work was defective because it was too long-winded and too little based on survey, measurement, and illustration. [118] It appears likely that de Chaupy’s work, besides being inspired by Heerkens (who reported meeting the abbot and explaining his theory about Horace’s Villa to him; cf. G.1.7.31), was also supported for a certain time by the Tuscan ambassador to Rome, the Baron de Saint’Odile (cf. G.1.8.1) but that the relationship between the two had broken down by 1767, when de Chaupy published his first volume. [119] In that volume and elsewhere de Chaupy suppresses the name of Saint’Odile, who never himself published anything about his project at Licenza.
131 Visitors to the Vigne di S. Pietro in this period report that very few ancient remains were visible on the site. Ramsay reserved a verbal and graphic description of the site for a later treatment (G.1.7.29). Heerkens mentioned seeing only ruins identified by the locals as the fanum Vacunae and a spring they called the Fons Blandusiae; he says nothing about remains of the villa proper (G.1.7.31).
132 We have summarized De Sanctis’ description above (G.1.8.1). De Chaupy gives a longer and first-hand description, stressing how few were the remains that could be seen on the site (see G.1.8.4). The most impressive structure was a ruined building that de Chaupy interpreted as a church built out of spolia of ancient building materials. He thought that the church must have been called “St. Pierre” and had given its name to the Vigne di S. Pietro. He explained the dedication to St. Peter as resulting from Constantine’s donation of land in this area to the church of Saints Peter and Marcellinus in Rome, and was perhaps correct to do so. [120] Covering the surface of the site were many cubilia, or tesserae, the wedge-shaped building blocks of opus reticulatum. From Vitruvius (Arch. 2.8), de Chaupy concluded that a structure built with this construction technique must date from the Augustan age. Closer inspection allowed him to distinguish two separate structures: a large dwelling just “above” the church; and another, smaller building that he thought must have been a bath building since there were lead waterpipes leading to it. Especially because of his recognition of the presence of opus reticulatum, de Chaupy claimed to be the first to prove that the site dated to the Augustan period and hence was almost certainly Horace’s Villa. Be that as it may, a major problem with his work was the lack of any illustrations, and the map he included had a flawed orientation (fig. 10). [121] It had other errors as well, as a comparison of it with Folio 144 of the Carta d’Italia makes clear (fig. 11). If we adjust the scale of both such that Licenza and Roccagiovine line up, and then put the features indicated with numbers by de Chaupy onto the IGM map, we can see that de Chaupy has more or less correctly positioned the church of S. Maria delle Case of Roccagiovine (his Fanum Vacunae=6) and the Mola of Licenza (his 7). But de Chaupy put the Fonte Ratini (2) too far to the north, thereby making it impossible to know where we are to imagine his site of the Villa of Horace. It is not even clear whether the structure he records on his plan corresponds to any still visible in the archaeological park today. If we compare a highly accurate map such as that published in 1887 by Mazzoleni (fig. 12), showing the brook running down toward the Licenza river from the Fonte Ratini, we can see that the remains visible on the site today (not excavated, of course, in 1887 when Mazzoleni’s map was made, but clustering in the area about his Roman number VIII, where he was able to see the mosaics in rooms 1 and 4) are not as near to the brook as the ancient remains identified as Horace’s Villa by de Chaupy. Moreover, the brook runs on the other side of the ruins seen today (i.e, to the north, as on Mazzoleni’s plan, not to the south, as on de Chaupy’s).
133 The situation improved somewhat with the next antiquarian student of the Vigne di S. Pietro site: Allan Ramsay. Ramsay was the Principal Painter in Ordinary to George III and son of the famous Scottish poet, Allan Ramsay the Elder, who was a great admirer of Horace. When the painter retired to Rome in the mid-1770, he devoted himself as much to writing as to art, and Ramsay’s short treatise on Horace’s Villa (doubtless inspired by his visit to the Licenza valley in 1755; see G.1.7.29) was a major focus of his interests in this period. [122] His verbal description of what he saw on the site (see G.1.8.6) was supplemented by a series of drawings, some of which he had Jacob More convert into watercolors for eventual use by the engraver who would help to bring out his treatise. [123] He also encouraged Jakob Philip Hackert to publish a relief map of the Licenza valley (fig. 13), which was published separately in the 1780s. [124] In the event, Ramsay died before he could publish his treatise, which (despite the interest it aroused at the time—most notably, in the circle that included Samuel Johnson, James Boswell, Joshua Reynolds, and Edward Gibbon) [125] had to wait until 2001 to find its way into print.

Figure 13
J. P. Hackert, relief map of the Licenza valley (detail, showing the area from Roccagiovine to Licenza).
134 Ramsay represents a modest advance over de Chaupy because he recognized that, in documenting a site, it was important to combine text, illustrations, and a map. He dispensed with making his own map of the general area because he felt he could rely on Hackert. His illustrations are mostly general and, however helpful as evidence of the agricultural development of the Licenza valley in the eighteenth century, are useless for understanding what archaeological features he was describing in his text. There is one exception, a drawing in the National Gallery of Scotland (RSA 509; fig. 14) that Ramsay made to show the site as it appeared from a window in the Orsini Palace in Licenza. In letters with associated notes, he specified where key features of the landscape were located. The drawing is laid out on a grid and is very accurate. Ramsay’s note at the top of the drawing states, it was “drawn exactly by me, A.R. by the help of pack thread squares, June 21, 1777.” [126] Here, then, we have a very precise illustration of the site, the first we are to have before the state-sponsored excavations of Pasqui in the early twentieth century.

Figure 14
Ramay's sketch of the site (National Gallery of Scotland, RSA 509).
135 Ramsay’s sketch includes the following features (his letters are used): (a) a field with a mosaic pavement; (b) the remains of some old walls; (c) the Fonte Ratini (whose location is indicated by a cypress); (d) the Mill of Licenza; (e) Roccagiovine; (f) the spot where a farmer reported to Ramsay that he had dug up remains of an ancient gatehouse in opus reticulatum in the recent past; (g) Colle Franchisi; and (h) the monastery of San Cosimato. In the Enquiry, Ramsay discusses all these features, of which d, e, g, and h are given as reference points only. Since Ramsay illustrated the mosaic in field (a), from which we can see that it is a mosaic that is well-known and still exists in the archaeological park (it is located in room 4) and his reference points are also known, we can use this information to get a good general idea about where his other two points of archaeological interest (b and f) were located. He gives a verbal description of these features on pages 46-47 of the Enquiry (G.1.8.6.1).
136 It should be stressed that Ramsay’s language is not as precise as was his drawing; he was operating with vague terms such as “a field in which is the mosaic pavements” or “the Mill,” and since he did not specifically refer to the location of the mosaic in room 4 or a certain part of the Mill complex, any measurements based on Ramsay’s sketch necessarily have a large margin of error. This cannot be calculated precisely but 10% would be a reasonable estimate. Thus, the distance, as the crow flies, from the remaining basin of the Mill to room 4 is approximately 262 meters. The distance from Ramsay’s point a to point d might therefore be expressed as 262 m +/- 26 m. The distance from point a to point b is 94 m +/- 9.4 m, and b lies to the west of a. Since the precise heading of a-b cannot be determined from the drawing, it is safest to represent b on the modern map not as a single point, but as an arc. The area ca. 85 to 105 meters west of room 4 falls into modern cadastral parcels 109, 111, 153, and 150 (see fig. 15). Survey of this area in 1997 did not reveal the walls recorded by Ramsay. It is unfortunate that he did not give us the name of the property owner, since in 1780, the first cadaster of Licenza was compiled (ASR 3704, 3705, 3706), and we could have narrowed down the position of the walls even more, at which point it would have been worthwhile to search for foundations below the surface. Without autopsy of at least the foundations (which, one might hope, still preserve good ancient stratigraphy and some dating elements), we cannot be certain from Ramsay’s brief description that the walls in question were Roman or later.

Figure 15
Modern cadastral plan with Ramsay's points A, B, and D.
137 Ramsay’s point f cannot be immediately measured from the drawing, since, unlike a, b, and d, the point does not lie on the same plane with any of our known points. However, if we use the drawing in combination with Ramsay’s verbal description of the area on pages 46-47 of the Enquiry, we can get a good idea of where f was located (cf. G.1.8.6.2).
138 The Colle Franchisi is located south of the parcel of land known as Le Mogli, as folio 16 of the contemporary cadaster of Licenza makes clear (fig. 16). Entering the spot mentioned by Ramsay as point f onto the cadastral map, we can see the area where Ramsay saw the tesserae of opus reticulatum. Survey of the area in 1997 uncovered evidence of additional tesserae on the surface. Where Ramsay errs is in the distance from this area to Horace’s Villa. He states that it was about three quarters of a mile (or ca. 1207 meters). In fact, as the crow flies, the distance is only about half that (ca. 606 meters). Of course, Ramsay may not have been measuring as the crow flies. In any case, a bigger problem with Ramsay’s report is that he blithely assumes that the ruined structure found by Bernardo Pomfili was part of the same property as “Horace’s Villa,” over 600 meters away to the north. This is possible, but other theories are equally conceivable. For example, we know that there was a villa in the locality called “I Sainesi” (G on fig. 16), which is less than 200 meters away from area F. [127]

Figure 16
Modern cadastral plan with the villa at "I Sainesi" (G) and Ramsay's points A (Villa of Horace) and F (Colle Franchisi).
139 In Ramsay’s text, the most interesting report is that of the mosaic in room 4, of which Ramsay illustrated details, and of an otherwise unknown mosaic (G.1.8.6.3). About the latter, Ramsay writes: “I had, at other times been shown parts of this mosaic composed of flowering foliages.” Since no such mosaic is preserved, Ramsay’s report could be evidence of a lost floor in a room other than 4. Ramsay himself thought that all the pieces of mosaic he saw belonged to one and the same room—something he could not judge as well as we can, after Pasqui’s 1911-14 excavations.
140 After Ramsay, the Vigne di San Pietro site was generally accepted as the location of Horace’s villa until the mid-nineteenth century, when the attention of scholars shifted to Roccagiovine. In Noël Des Vergers’ Étude biographique sur Horace, published in 1855, Horace’s Villa was located at a villa site in the territory of Roccagiovine called the Colle del Poetello in the locality Capo Le Volte. This book contained a photograph of the site, which is considered one of the earliest photographs ever published in a printed book. Des Vergers was very influenced by the Rome-based archaeologist, Pietro Rosa, who provided two maps used in the book. Rosa and G. Henzen published articles in 1857 arguing the case for locating the poet’s villa on the Colle del Poetello. [128] The argument was based on the following: (1) they thought that the word “poetello” derived from the Latin word poeta; (2) that the site of Horace’s Villa should be higher up a mountainside than is the Vigne di S. Pietro site because in Satires 2.6, Horace called his country house an arx (G.1.1.9); (3) that the Fonte Ratini was too unimpressive a spring to be recorded in Horace’s poetry; and (4) that the Vigne di San Pietro site was too far (allegedly four miles) from the site of the fanum Vacunae at Roccagiovine to be described by Horace as post fanum Vacunae. Their arguments were accepted by M. Beulé in 1875. [129] In his popular book, Nouvelle promenades archéologiques, published in Paris in 1880 and translated into English in 1896, Gaston Boissier agreed with Henzen and Rosa.
141 The villa at Colle del Poetello is site number 30 in Mari’s survey of the Licenza valley. [130] In 1886, Tito Berti studied the Colle del Poetello and considered the merits of its candidacy as Horace’s Villa. He rejected it in favor of the Vigne di San Pietro, citing a number of reasons, including most importantly the facts that: (1) poetello derives from the Italian word for poggerello (i.e., hillock), not from Latin poeta; (2) there is no spring near the site of the Colle del Poetello (cf. Horace’s description of his villa in G.1.1.8), whereas the Vigne di San Pietro is near the Fonte Ratini; and (3) the Vigne di San Pietro is one mile, not four miles from Roccagiovine. [131] Berti’s views were accepted by Achille Mazzoleni, the author of the best scholarly treatment of the site in the nineteenth century, [132] and by such distinguished scholars as Eugen Petersen, the director of the German Archaeological Institute in 1904, and Rodolfo Lanciani, the Professor of Roman Topography at the University of Rome in 1909. Zaccaria Mari in his late-twentieth-century archaeological survey of the Licenza valley published in 1994 also rejected the identification of the villa at Colle del Poetello as Horace’s estate.
142 With the candidacy of the Colle del Poetello failing by the end of the nineteenth century, and with increasing concern being expressed about the state of preservation of archaeological remains on the Vigne di San Pietro site, the idea slowly but relentlessly grew for the Italian State, through its Ministry of Public Instruction (MPI), to mount excavations of “Horace’s Villa.” Excavations ultimately were initiated by MPI in May of 1911.
143 There were several forces at work in exerting pressure on the ministry. First and foremost was the village of Licenza. Had the Town Council of Licenza not passed a resolution on 28 May 1896 urging the government in Rome to sponsor the project (G.1.9.2), and had it not followed up with occasional letters to MPI pressing the case (cf. G.1.9.4, G.1.9.9), it is unlikely that the State-sponsored excavations would ever have taken place. From time to time, others made important contributions. Two Parliamentarians, Augusto Scaramella Manetti (G.1.9.7) and Giulio Venzi (G.1.9.15), took a strong interest in the matter. Vincenzo Ussani, a young Latinist who was later to rise to fame as a Professor of Latin in several universities, made effective use of the press in building public support for the excavations (G.1.9.13=G.1.8.34, and see also G.1.8.31).
144 MPI handled archaeological excavations through its Directorate of Archaeology and Fine Arts (ABA). Operations for ABA were handled by various regional Offices of Excavations. Licenza, as part of the Province of Rome, fell under the supervision of the Office of Excavations for Rome, Lazio Antico, and the Province of Aquila (USRLA). At first, USRLA resisted these pressures. On 16 July 1903 Luigi Borsari, the Director of the Office, wrote to the Minister of MPI raising a series of questions and expressing doubts about the identification of the Vigne di San Pietro site (G.1.9.10). The letter is by no means simply “bureaucratic” in the negative sense. Instead of acceding to the request of the Town Council of Licenza and starting an expensive project of excavation and related land expropriation, Borsari noted that it was by no means clear that the site was really Horace’s; that it was necessary to do soundings to determine whether the eighteenth century excavations had been limited to the mosaics in rooms 1 and 4 or, on the contrary, had already dug up a large part of the site leaving little new to uncover; and, in general, that one should approach any project in Licenza with a careful, scientific methodology. A few months later, Borsari wrote again stating that work could not begin for lack of funds, and also noting that the project should not be limited to the Vigne di San Pietro site but should include other features of interest in the general area of Roccagiovine and Licenza (G.1.9.12).
145 The attitude of the ministry and USRLA shifted under new leadership. Corrado Ricci was appointed in 1906 to serve as Director of ABA in the ministry. [133] Angelo Pasqui was named the Director of USRLA in 1908. Ricci (b. Ravenna, 1858-d. Rome, 1934) came to his position after a distinguished career as Superintendent of Monuments in Ravenna, Director of the Brera, and Director of the Galleries of Florence. [134] Pasqui (b. Arezzo, 1857-d. Rome, 1915) was a prolific scholar, specializing in the archaeology and topography of Italy from Campania to Etruria. He worked with Gamurrini and Cozza on the creation of the Carta archeologica dell’Italia and the related Forma Italiae monograph series, and later with Felice Barnabei in the creation and organization of the Villa Giulia Museum. Among his many excavations was that of the Ara Pacis in 1903. [135]
146 Ricci took Ussani’s article of September 24, 1908 very seriously (G.1.9.13, G.1.9.14). We have his copy of the article in the files of MPI, and it is annotated, in Ricci’s hand, as follows: “For Horace’s Villa from Prof. Vincenzo Ussani of the University of Messina, known for his perceptive and loving studies of the Latin poets...”. On October 10, 1908, Ricci wrote to Pasqui, asking for a report estimating the cost of an excavation of the property in the Vigne di San Pietro (G.1.9.14). By July 28, 1909, Ricci still had not received an answer, and at this point a member of Parliament, Giulio Venzi, intervened to ask what, if anything, was happening in relation to the excavations of Horace’s Villa (G.1.9.15, which contains Ricci’s reply to Venzi’s lost letter). Ricci wrote to Pasqui the next day, asking him to send the report requested the previous October as soon as possible (G.1.9.16). Pasqui finally sent Ricci a letter on the subject on September 3, 1909 (G.1.9.17). He began by stating that he visited the site and studied the scholarship about it. The area where the villa might be located was not very big, and hence “the excavation is not very expensive, and one can estimate the sum of Lire 3,500...”. He then states that the area in question was owned by various individuals, including the heirs of Vincenzo Onorati, Emilio Caponetti, Rocco Foschi, Maria Assunta Foschi (the wife of Domenico Ricciotti), and Antonio Angeletti; and he produced a map showing the area in question (fig. 17). Pasqui proposed not to expropriate the land, but simply to rent it and compensate the owners for their loss of agricultural production. Ricci replied a few days later in a letter approving the excavation and expenditure of Lire 3,500, with the stipulation that the funds should come out of the budget of the USRLA (G.1.9.18). But at the end of November, Ricci was forced to hold up start of the project for lack of funds (G.1.9.20), postponing it “for a more opportune time”—practically the same reply that MPI had given to the Town Council of Licenza after the passage of its resolution of 1896 calling upon the ministry to undertake the excavation of the site in the Vigne di San Pietro.

Figure 17
Pasqui's sketch of the approximate location of the villa with respect to the cadastral land parcels, ca. 1911.
147 This time, however, the ministry was serious, and on February 21, 1910, the minister of MPI approved the use of state funds for the project (G.1.9.21). After a series of further delays and preparations, the excavations commenced on May 8, 1911, as Pasqui informed Ricci by letter (G.1.9.24).


END DIV SECTION

B.4. Interventions in the 20th century
B.4.1. Pasqui’s excavations, 1911-1914
148 The excavations ran from May, 1911 [136] through October, 1914. Pasqui died on October 15, 1915 before he could publish his final report. As noted, the report on Pasqui’s work was published in 1926 by Giuseppe Lugli, who was at that time an inspector in the Superintendency for Rome and the Province of Rome. Lugli was ultimately to rise, in 1929, to be the head of the Superintendency and then, in 1934, to be the Professor of Roman topography at the University of Rome, following in the footsteps of his teacher, Rodolfo Lanciani (see fig. 25 for a photograph of Lugli on the site in the 1930s). [137] These circumstances are unfortunate since, despite Lugli’s indisputable merit as a scholar, they mean that what we have known about Pasqui’s finds has been filtered through a secondary source. Fortunately, some contemporary documentation of Pasqui’s excavations survives and permits us to follow their progress at each major phase and to reconstruct, at least in general terms, how he understood the main features that he had uncovered. The most important pieces of this documentation have been listed in the catalogue ( [G] ) and include these classes of material:
1.9.14-1.9.24: official documents dating to the period October 10, 1908 to April 29, 1911 in the files of ABA and USRLA prior to the commencement of the excavations in May, 1911. These mainly concern legal and financial matters.
1.10: official correspondence between Corrado Ricci and Angelo Pasqui dating to the period May 22, 1911 to October 23, 1914 in the files of ABA and USRLA during the excavations. These mainly concern legal and financial matters.
1.11: Pasqui’s private correspondence in the period of the excavations. Very little of this has been found. The Pasqui family of Arezzo and San Sepolcro reports that they are not in possession of any private papers of Angelo Pasqui.
1.12: the surviving documents illustrating the operational aspects of the excavations. These include letters to and from Angelo Pasqui; Nicola De Rossi (b. July 26, 1869; d. June 27, 1951; for his portrait, see fig. 18), the foreman of the workers in Licenza; Giuseppe Verduchi, a restorer in Pasqui’s office assigned to Licenza as supervisor of the fieldwork and restorer of the finds; G. Rufini, the Mayor of Licenza; and others directly involved in the fieldwork. These letters covered the period January 21, 1912 to November 25, 1913. This part of the catalogue (G) also contains the surviving portion of the Giornale di Scavo kept by Nicola De Rossi. The surviving pages cover some, but not all, of the period March 26, 1912 to November 30, 1916, viz.:
    March 26, 1912 to July 30, 1912
    May 1, 1913 to June 25, 1913
    July 4, 1915 to August 30, 1915 (random surface finds)
    November 1916 (random surface finds).
De Rossi was a local resident with no archaeological training. His fieldnotes are better than nothing but leave much to be desired. In addition to serving as an official aide-mémoire of the fieldwork, the Giornale also served as a record of the provenance of small finds. These were additionally cross-referenced in two catalogues, one organized by class of material, the other by property owner. These survive intact, and excerpts are included in this part of the catalogue.
1.13: early published accounts of Pasqui’s excavations in the popular press, as well as Pasqui’s own report in the Bollettino d’Arte. As will be seen, these accounts give us a fairly consistent view of how Pasqui interpreted his finds.
2.4: graphic documentation of Pasqui’s excavations, including plans, sections, elevations and sketches. This collection is housed in the archive of the Archaeological Superintendency of Rome in Palazzo Altemps (AS Pal. Altemps, b. 18 fasc. 10). It ought to be in the archive of the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio. Evidently, a mistake was made in the division of the unified archive of the superintendencies when they were administratively separated in 1970. The existence of this dossier was not known prior to its discovery in 2000 by Dr. Klaus Werner, who thought that the source was Rodolfo Lanciani. Closer study by the present author proved that the source was Pasqui and his staff at Licenza. Much of the work was done by Edoardo Gatti, a surveyor in USRLA assigned to “Horace’s Villa.”
2.5: the photographic documentation of Pasqui’s excavations, which is in the archive of the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio. Unfortunately, no photographic documentation was made of the site prior to excavation, nor was the documentation taken on any regular basis during the fieldwork. Most of the shots show the site as it appeared when work ceased in October of 1914 and may date to late 1914 or 1915.

Figure 18
Photograph of Nicola De Rossi from his tomb in Licenza.
149 For the purposes of this report, a full study of Pasqui’s excavations of “Horace’s Villa” is neither necessary nor desirable; it is reserved for treatment elsewhere. In what follows, we focus instead on some matters of immediate concern to the understanding of the site, including:
1. Pasqui’s methods and main archaeological finds
2. The extent to which unpublished information survives permitting us to supplement or correct the record of Pasqui’s excavation as reported in Lugli 1926
3. The constraints of time and space that limited Pasqui’s excavation and which, after his death, had a strong influence on later scholars’ interpretation of the site
4. The nature, extent and legibility of Pasqui’s restorations on the site
5. The extent to which Pasqui’s interpretation of the site corresponds with that found in Lugli 1926
150 By the end of Pasqui’s excavations in October 1914, a number of features had emerged that can be seen on the plan drawn by E. Gatti, Pasqui’s surveyor (see fig. 19). From the plan, it is clear that Pasqui had uncovered the features now visible on the site with the exception of Areas 35, 37, 38, 40, 50 and 55, which were uncovered later in the twentieth century, as we will see.

Figure 19
Plan showing the state of the site at the end of Pasqui's excavations (E. Gatti in Lugli 1926).
151 As for method, Pasqui used the approach of “wall-chasing” and sterro (“digging out”) so typical of his period in Italy and elsewhere. The excavations started at two known points: structure 53, where some remains could still be seen above the ground; and, a bit later, at rooms 1 and 4, where fragments of mosaic had been shown to tourists and antiquarians for the preceding century and a half. Structures were dated on the basis of building technique, and Pasqui assumed that opus reticulatum implied an Augustan date, whereas opus testaceum pointed to the period from the Flavians to the Antonines. He had no notion of a stratigraphic excavation and never used materials found in association with foundations or walls to date them. He showed little appreciation for the medieval period, which he dug through and destroyed without leaving a record. Moreover, since he was operating with the preconceived idea that this was Horace’s Villa and the site had been unoccupied before Horace’s time, he did not excavate down to virgin soil, but stopped wherever he found opus reticulatum because he assumed that this building technique had to date to the Augustan age. All of these assumptions are open to doubt, and the failure to reach virgin soil is inexcusable (although it fortunately spared many ancient levels from Pasqui’s destructive methods). There is the accidental fact—for which Pasqui cannot presumably be blamed—that the documentation survived only in small part and then was scattered to various archives without a composite record facilitating its retrieval. But he can be criticized for the fact that the documentation was not very full or professional, judging from the surviving bits. Photographic documentation is practically nil; drawings are few and poorly marked as to date, author, and subject. Moreover, as Director of the USRLA Pasqui had many duties in Rome and elsewhere. He was only occasionally present on the site, as his correspondence makes clear (cf. the letter to Barnabei in G.1.11.1 and to De Rossi and Verduchi, on which see De Simone, D.1.2.1), and in his absence the day-to-day work was entrusted to subordinates whose previous records or future careers do not suggest that they were archaeologists of distinction. The actual work of digging and restoration was done by local workers in Licenza, all of whom were farmers, not archaeologists, by trade. [138]
152 Pasqui described the site as follows (cf. G.1.13.3):

…a little work of excavation sufficed to make it apparent that the entire upper part of the small valley hid under a layer of cultivated soil the remains of ancient structures, and it was easy to ascertain immediately that a part of these remains comprised a vast construction made exclusively of opus reticulatum, and another part comprised a later construction in opus incertum revetted by a nice covering of brick…. Moreover, as the systematic excavations proceeded it became clear that the first reticulate structure belonged to a villa…. The other building without doubt belonged to a public bath supplied by pipes with the health-giving waters of the Digentia. [139]

153 Pasqui published no plan with his report, but, fortunately, a plan survives that is consistent with his description. It was published by the journalist Robert Vaucher in May, 1913 and can be used to give precise locations for most of the features Pasqui tried to identify (see fig. 20). Much of what Pasqui writes in his short report is echoed in the popular accounts by two journalists who interviewed him in 1913: Robert Vaucher in May (G.1.13.1), and Paolo Giordani in September (G.1.13.2).

Figure 20
Plan of Pasqui's excavations, May 1913 (R. Vaucher, L'Illustation, May 17, 1913). 1. Entrée de la villa (détruit par des glissements de terrains). — 2. Le cryptoportique. — 3. Jardin. — 4. Piscine. — 5. Triclinium. — 6. Partie habitée par les maîtres. — 7. Partie réservée aux serviteurs — 8. Caldarium. — 9. Égouts. —10. Conduite emmenant l'eau de la piscine. — 11. Collecteur des eaux. — 12. Bains vespasiens. — 13. Frigidarium. — Porte de l'église constriute sur le frigidarium. — 15. Crypte creusée dans la piscine. — 16. Terrains restant à fouiller.
154 Pasqui described the structure he considered the villa as consisting of a garden, rectangular in plan and 34 m wide x 76 m long, enclosed by a “cryptoporticus”. The entrance (no. 1 on fig. 20) was on the short, south side of the “cryptoporticus” (cf. no. 2 on fig. 20). In the middle of the garden was a pool, rectangular in shape and 22 m long, 11 m wide, and two meters deep (no. 4 on fig. 20). Five steps led up to the residence from the two arms of the “cryptoporticus” on the east and west long sides. A corridor ran along the façade of the residence, in the middle of which was a third staircase leading down to the garden proper. The garden façade of the “cryptoporticus” was formed of pillars and panels decorated with precious marbles, including rosso antico and giallo antico. The interior of the “cryptoporticus” was decorated with frescoes. The exterior wall of the “cryptoporticus” continued along the residence and then made a 90-degree turn along the back of the residence. Hence, in plan, the villa was a large rectangle, 41 m wide x 108 m long. In the residence, the rooms on the east were paved with fine mosaics, indicating that they were for the masters (no. 6 on fig. 20), whereas those on the west had a more utilitarian floor in brick, implying that they were used by the slaves (fig. 20, no. 7). Pasqui dated the villa to the Augustan age and attributed it to Horace. [140]
155 In contrast, Pasqui compared the bath complex to the structures visible at Hadrian’s Villa and dated it to the Trajanic period. He also posited an earlier, Flavian phase at a “much lower level and decorated with stuccoes and frescoes. This structure, ca. 3 meters lower, was leveled and its large rooms served, without further modification, as the room for the personnel in charge of the bath.” [141] On fig. 20, this is the area of no. 12, which corresponds to room 33 on our plan of the site. Pasqui described the bath as having the canonical apodyterium, calidarium, and frigidarium. The windows of the rooms were closed with glass, of which large fragments were found in the drains. Study of the fragments showed that they all measured 40 cm x 30 cm with a thickness varying from 2 to 6 mm. Number 8 on fig. 20 is the apsidal calidarium with a suspensura floor. Painted fresco fragments, decorated with patterns and figures, were found here. Pasqui interpreted room 53 on our plan (=no. 13 on fig. 20) as the frigidarium of the bath. At the center of it was a swimming pool (cf. G.1.13.2). Here, in the Middle Ages, was built a small church, whose doorway was made of spolia of the ancient building. It stood on a roadway leading from Varia to the fanum Vacunae. Inside the church, which (as de Chaupy had suggested) was perhaps called San Pietro, many burials were found. [142]
156 From his brief report, we can see that Pasqui believed that the site consisted of a residence and a separate bath building stretching from our Area 53 to 32/33 and including room 21 and possibly the adjacent rooms 19 and 20. Since 19, 20, and 21 are part of the residence, it is not entirely clear how Pasqui could write about the alleged public bath that it “did not communicate in any point with the villa itself.” [143] As for what Pasqui called “the villa proper,” he appears to have formed the idea that the residential structure on the site had the shape of a regular rectangle, as can be seen in the interview dated May 11, 1913, which was published in a popular magazine by Robert Vaucher (G.1.13.1) and later in Pasqui’s own brief report on the excavations (G.1.13.3). As the work proceeded, features were placed within this preconceived plan, and where the actual remains failed to materialize, they were hypothetically indicated by a broken line, as can clearly be seen with a large tract of the expected, but missing, northern closure wall (cf. fig. 21). A photograph taken in 1912 or 1913 shows that the presence of a tree, which could apparently not be removed for budgetary reasons, hindered work in this area (cf. fig. 24).

Figure 21
Plan of Pasqui's excavations, ca. 1912-13, showing reburied structure made of bricks in Area 6 (Archive of the Archaeological Superintendency for Rome, Palazzo Altemps).

Figure 24
Photograph taken in 1912/13 during work at Horace's Villa. Arrow indicates tree in Area 8 (source: Archive SAL, E 730).
157 By the time Gatti’s plan was published in Lugli 1926—by far the most important twentieth-century publication on “Horace’s Villa”—the hypothetical features were no longer indicated by a broken line but by a solid line, and the fact that they were mere hypotheses was quickly forgotten, especially since, as De Simone makes clear (D.1), the missing features were built by the modern restorer, Giuseppe Verduchi.
158 Gatti’s plan exerted a strong, and therefore misleading, influence on scholars, including on Lugli himself. It is important to recognize that the plan not only mixes hypothetical with actual features indiscriminately; but it also does not include all the features uncovered by Pasqui. Evidence of this comes from the graphic documentation collected in G.2.4. One sheet shows a rectangular feature made of bricks in the northwest corner of room 6 (fig. 21). It is annotated “reinterrato” (“reburied”), and, indeed, this feature cannot be seen on the surface of the site today. Other features are found in rooms 11 and 12 (see figs. 22, 23). To verify the accuracy and reliability of these documents, we excavated room 12 in 2001 and found that the features recorded on the document of fig. 22 are indeed still to be found in situ (see De Simone, C.2.1). Future investigators will want to see if the walls reburied in room 6 are still to be found.

Figure 22
Plan of remains found in rooms 10, 11, 12 (Archive of the Archaeological Superintendency for Rome, Palazzo Altemps).

Figure 23
Section through points C-D on fig. 22 (Archive of the Archaeological Superintendency for Rome, Palazzo Altemps).
159 We know that Ricci summarily ordered Pasqui to cease the excavations on October 1, 1914 (G.1.10.9). On October 23, Pasqui responded with a letter reviewing the history of the project in bold strokes, reiterating his recommendation that the land be expropriated by the State from the property owners, and stating that “the entire plan of the building, which was preserved with its walls to a height of 60 cm. on average, has been uncovered” (G.1.10.10). Whether Pasqui really believed this, or whether he was exaggerating, is unclear. What is certain is that in following Ricci’s orders to prepare the site for the public, Pasqui simplified the archaeological record by reburying some features he had found in the residence and by inventing out of whole cloth others that never existed (for details, see De Simone D.1.2).


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B.4.2. Lugli’s 1926 account of the Pasqui excavations
160 At this point, we should contrast what Pasqui actually found with Lugli’s lengthy report of 1926, which was published in the prestigious Monumenti Antichi series of the Accademia dei Lincei. From the outset, it should be recognized that Lugli was laboring under two disadvantages: he had not participated in Pasqui’s excavation but had only been present for a short time during the latter part of it, [144] and he did not have access to all the documentation still to be found in the archives of the Archaeological Superintendency and of ABA. [145] These disadvantages meant that Lugli had no idea of how some features had been reburied and how others had been heavily and, at times, fancifully restored—something that would have been clear to him only if he had been able to read Pasqui’s correspondence with De Rossi and Verduchi (see De Simone, D.1.2.1). Indeed, near the beginning of his report, Lugli stressed how reliable were the restorations that Pasqui had commissioned, writing “some have reproved Prof. Pasqui for having restored a bit too heavily the ruined walls and for having brought them all to the same level. But this was the only way to preserving these remains, without doubt worthy of respect, from bad weather and animals which even today get onto the site for lack of a fence, owing to the delay in expropriating the land. It is, however, easy to distinguish the genuine wall from the restored wall—and practically everything with the same ancient material—because the new material has been set back by a few centimeters and has a rougher surface. Only several doorways have not been well considered, but this is a small thing in comparison with the notable merit earned by Pasqui in his excavation.” [146]
161 Balancing the disadvantages was the great advantage that Lugli had over Pasqui: time. He wrote over ten years after the cessation of excavation and so could reflect on the finds for a long time before writing about them; moreover, in writing up his ideas, he could take as long as he needed to give a very detailed and fine-grained analysis. He was also able to interview Nicola De Rossi, the head of Pasqui’s work crew and, after the end of digging, the guard on the site. [147]
162 On the basic interpretation of the site, Lugli agreed with Pasqui on some points but disagreed on others. He accepted Pasqui’s view that the residence and quadriporticus constituted the earliest phase of construction on the site, and Lugli, too, dated this phase to the Augustan age. [148] He, too, thought that the site had three major phases—Augustan, second century A.D., and medieval. He accepted Pasqui’s claim that the entrance to the villa was through a doorway in the middle of the southern arm of the quadriporticus (Area 54 on our plan). [149] He disagreed with Pasqui about the nature of the bath complex: for Lugli, it was an integral part of the villa and hence private. It was not a public structure that happened to be built next to a private residence, as Pasqui had thought. Much of the bath complex Lugli dated to the mid-second century A.D., at which time he speculated that the property, in imperial hands since Horace died after having bequeathed the villa to Augustus, was sold by the imperial fiscus. [150] This dating was slightly later than Pasqui’s, which, as we have seen, was to the Trajanic period. Like Pasqui, Lugli accepted the old thesis that the property was eventually given to the church of Saints Peter and Marcellinus in Rome, and that a monastery was constructed here in structure 53 in the Middle Ages. [151]
163 But, as noted, Lugli was able to go far beyond Pasqui in his analysis of the site. Since Pasqui’s finds were mainly communicated by Lugli, a summary of Lugli’s views is necessary here. Lugli hypothesized that some new features were later added to this original core in a second phase, including the fountain in courtyard 8, which he thought was contemporaneous with the bath complex in Areas 32-53. [152] In a third phase, rooms 16 and 17 were damaged; they had originally comprised the tablinum and alae of the residence. [153] Opposite them was the summer triclinium (7) and the winter triclinium (6). The atrium was located in room 12. Rooms 1, 4, 11, 14 and 15 were cubicula. Traces of red plaster were still in situ in room 4 and the northern end of corridor 23. [154] According to Lugli, the rest of the fresco fragments were found scattered over the site and had no specific provenance. [155] On the other hand, as mentioned above, Pasqui had noted that a great many fresco fragments came from room 33.
164 Lugli paid special attention to features of the villa that Pasqui did not have an opportunity to address. The mosaics in the villa, which he considered to reflect especially fine craftsmanship, came in for extended treatment. Several (especially the one in room 1) he dated to the Augustan period. [156] Others (especially those in rooms 11 and 16) he thought were later. The mosaic of 16 he even dated to the medieval period of the hypothetical monastery of Saint Peter. [157] At various points in his report, Lugli returns to the matter of water supply and drainage, laying a valuable foundation for future work. [158] Water from the impluvium in 12 went by pipe to the main drain of the villa (see De Simone D.1.3.6), as did the outflow from the fountain the middle of courtyard 8. The main drain also received the runoff from the baths.
165 Lugli agreed with Pasqui that structure 33 had two phases, but he dated 33 and 34 (which he considered a pool [34] and frigidarium [33]) to the Augustan, not Flavian, period. [159] As mentioned, he considered the rest of the bath complex to date to the mid-second century A.D. Like Pasqui, he thought that 33 was remodeled in this second phase, being transformed into a calidarium. [160] Contemporary with this change was a modification of rooms 19, 20 and 21. According to Lugli, we do not know the original function of this area, but in the second phase they became additional hot rooms. The portico (35) was also built to adorn the baths, as were rooms 38-53. Here, too, there were hot rooms (43-49). [161] Pasqui had not excavated rooms 38-41, so Lugli was not able to discuss them. He did, however, spend a great deal of space on room 53, which Pasqui had identified as the frigidarium. Lugli considered it “the most interesting of this period.” [162] Noting that the form of the structure might suggest that it was a nymphaeum, Lugli went on to propose that it was a vivarium, or an artificial construction for raising fish, although he grants that it might originally have been built as a nymphaeum or fountain. Lugli speculated that from the upper windows visitors to the villa could look down on “the spectacle of fish darting about between jets of water.” [163]
166 In the third and final phase, which Lugli characterized vaguely as “medieval,” without assigning even an approximate date (as had Pasqui), [164] the main changes were the conversion of structure 53 into a church with a crypt on the lower level where monks were buried; the construction of bedrooms and living quarters for the monks in the area of 33-52; and the reuse of the quadriporticus as the cloister of the monastery.
167 For all his virtues, Lugli can be criticized for missing some precious information in the published sources of Pasqui’s excavations. This criticism applies especially to the provenance of various small finds, which Lugli treats at length in columns 565-590. At col. 564, he explains that his treatment is derivative of Pasqui’s detailed catalogues, but he fails to note that those catalogues relate information about provenance that he does not include. Even though Pasqui’s information relates only to the parcels of land on which the objects were found, and not to the exact position and depth at which they were found, it is still useful since the parcels of land correspond so well to the main parts of the villa (residence, quadriporticus-garden, baths). It is not at all clear why Lugli thought it desirable to omit this information. Moreover, as various reports in this volume make clear (cf. Buttrey, D.11; Filippi, D.4; Werner, D.8), Lugli made various errors in transcribing the manuscripts of Pasqui’s catalogues. Finally, Lugli did not make any progress beyond Pasqui’s simple listing of objects in a catalogue that was created mainly with the administrative goal of reimbursing the landowners for the finds from their properties. There is no attempt to date, analyze or interpret the objects, only a few of which are illustrated with photographs.


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B.4.3. Condition of the site in the 1920s
168 The only documentation about the site from the 1920s that survives in the archives of the Archaeological Superintendency concerns rental of the land on which the ruins stood and of the rooms in the Palazzo Orsini where the finds were stored. Twenty photographs of the site were published by Lugli in his 1926 monograph (G.2.8.2); several others, taken by Thomas Ashby in 1927, are in the photographic collection of the British School in Rome (G.2.8.3).
169 From the photographs, we can see that some work must have continued on the site after Pasqui was ordered to close the excavations in October, 1914. In a photograph in the Gabinetto Fotografico Nazionale (G.2.7.3 [undated, but ca. 1915?]), and in two others published by Lugli (G.2.8.2.3) and taken by Ashby (G.2.8.3.1), we can see that the fountain in Area 8 has been reconstructed, although the tree blocking work just to the north of the fountain is still seen standing (fig. 24). From Lugli (G.2.8.2.12) we can see that the zone from 25 to the residence had not yet been replanted (see Gleason, C.3.2.2 on the tree planting here in the 1950s).


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B.4.4. Lugli-Price excavation of 1930-31
170 A small excavation was undertaken in 1930-31 by Giuseppe Lugli of the Archaeological Superintendency for Rome and the Province of Rome (for a photograph of Lugli on the site in 1935, see fig. 25). The only documentation of it that survives is a short article published by Thomas Drees Price in the Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, which was mainly devoted to Price’s reconstruction of the villa (see Gleason, B.5). [165] The excavations focused on the eastern branch of the quadriporticus (55) and the pool (25). They were doubtless inspired by Lugli’s comments in his report of 1926 about how Pasqui’s incomplete excavation in the eastern branch of the quadriporticus left some matters to be clarified, particularly about circulation through this part of the quadriporticus and about the function of the cross wall at the south end of Area 55. [166] Again, the technique of wall-chasing was used (cf. fig. 26, which shows workers digging a trench behind the eastern wall of 55), documentation was even more sporadic than in Pasqui’s time, and Lugli never published his results.

Figure 25
Lugli's 1935 tour of the Villa of Horace (source: Lugli Family of Rome).

Figure 26
Work in progress in the Lugli excavation of 1930-31 (source: Price Family of Denver, Colorado).


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B.4.5. Restorations of 1930-31
171 Thanks to the generosity of the Vicomte Roger d’Ailhaud de Brisis of Tivoli, we are able to publish some hitherto unknown letters between Lugli and Mrs. George Hallam that concern restorations at the villa in 1930-31 (see G.1.14). The restorations were sponsored by Mr. and Mrs. Hallam, relatives of Vicomte De Brisis and the owners of the ex-monastery of S. Antonio at Tivoli in the early decades of the last century (see fig. 27). George Hallam had published several works on the monastery, which he, along with a long tradition of local antiquarians, thought was Horace’s Tiburtine villa. His support of this old identification did not prevent Hallam from also agreeing with Pasqui in attributing the Vigne di S. Pietro site to Horace, and Hallam was indeed a frequent visitor to Licenza, who liked to bring family, friends, and distinguished scholars to see the ruins of what he considered Horace’s “other” villa. [167]

Figure 27
Mr. and Mrs. George Hallam at the front door of their home, the Monastery of S. Antonio, Tivoli; no date, but ca. 1930 (courtesy of the De Brises Family of Tivoli).
172 Hallam and his wife donated to the Superintendency Lire 1000 in 1930 and Lire 500 in 1931. As Lugli’s letters to Mrs. Hallam make clear, the purpose of the gift was to permit the Superintendency to restore walls at the villa as well as to co-sponsor the Lugli-Price excavation (G.1.14.1). It is not surprising, given George Hallam’s longstanding interest in Horace’s villas, that the Hallams appear to have asked that their gifts be spent on restoring the “Horatian part” of the villa (see G.1.14.3), i.e., the walls in opus reticulatum (see G.1.14.2). The work was done by Nicola De Rossi and his son, Rocco, who was otherwise unemployed (G.1.14.3, G.1.14.4). The letters do not indicate exactly which walls needed restoration, but in view of the fact that the Lugli-Price excavation had laid bare extensive new remains in Area 55 that were largely in opus reticulatum, this may well have been the focus of the efforts of Nicola and Rocco De Rossi.


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B.4.6. World War II
173 During the long years of World War II, the number of the visitors to the site fell to a handful. [168] After Italy joined the Allies on October 13, 1944, the German Army occupied central Italy, including Licenza. On March 13, 1944, Rocco De Rossi [169] wrote to Salvatore Aurigemma, the Superintendent of the Archaeological Superintendency, that German soldiers had taken possession of the local museum, without removing the objects for safekeeping. He asked Aurigemma to intervene with the German commander in Rome to secure the withdrawal of the soldiers (G.1.15.1). We have a draft of the reply to De Rossi and the German Commander in Licenza, which Aurigemma wrote on March 24, the day after the Resistance’s attack that killed 33 German soldiers marching through the Via Rasella and the very day of the harsh German response: the massacre of 335 Italian citizens at the Fosse Ardeatine. Not surprisingly, Aurigemma did not think the moment opportune to speak to the German Commander in Rome. Rather, he decided to send to Licenza a staff member named Guglielmo Di Pietro. Di Pietro was to have the responsibility of reporting on the state of the site and of storing objects in the museum (G.1.15.2). Di Pietro reported on his mission on March 27, writing to Aurigemma that the situation was normal at the site and at the museum. The German commander had acceded to De Rossi’s request to vacate the premises, agreeing with De Rossi that there was no reason for his soldiers to be utilizing the museum. Hence, Di Pietro did not have to see to the packing and storage of the objects in the collection (G.1.15.3; cf. also G.1.15.4, De Rossi’s letter to Aurigemma several weeks later, confirming that the museum was still unoccupied by German troops). In the confusion of the German retreat, some soldiers broke all the glass in the guard’s hut on the site, but otherwise German behavior was exemplary, as De Rossi reported to two investigators sent to Licenza later in the year by the victorious Allied army (G.1.15.6).


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B.4.7. Activities from 1946-1996
174 By the late 1940s, the Archaeological Superintendency’s main concern with the Licenza site was to bring to a conclusion Pasqui’s project to expropriate the land of the archaeological park, on which the State had been paying rent since 1911 (cf. G.1.10.10). [170] Pasqui’s dream was not to be realized for many decades. In the meantime, conditions on the site were slowly worsening, in part from normal wear and tear, and in part from the absence of a fence protecting the ruins.
175 In 1951, Rocco De Rossi, the son of Nicola and his father’s successor as guard of the archaeological site, wrote to the Superintendent reporting damage to the mosaic in room 1 (G.1.16.2). The Superintendency applied for funds to repair the damage in 1952, and the work was carried out in 1953 (G.1.16.3, G.1.16.4). Apparently, at the same time or a little later, minor damage to the walls on the site was repaired (cf. G.1.16.7.2, dated May 11, 1957: “…i muri erano stati restaurati da 3 anni….”). In a series of photographs taken in 1955 by Ernest Nash for the Fototeca Unione, we see chickens grazing contentedly on the site; and we also see the first small signs of damage to the restored walls (cf. G.2.8.7). For example, in photograph no. 2719, we see tesserae of opus reticulatum that have fallen off the facing wall and are lying on the ground or atop the walls (fig. 29). In 1956, inspection of the site revealed that the wood covering the mosaics had to be repaired to prevent a recurrence of the problem. The work was carried out the next year (G.1.16.5, G.1.16.6).

Figure 29
Photograph of Area 12 taken in 1955 by Ernest Nash (source: Fototeca Unione, American Academy in Rome, no. 2719). Note loose tesserae atop walls and degraded state of the topping of the walls.
176 At the instance of the Archaeological Superintedency, a training school for the unemployed in the Licenza area was established in 1957-58 with funding from the Ministry of Labor. The goal of the school was to provide work to improve the archaeological site, which was described as “being partially in a state of abandonment” and in need of cleaning and reorganization (G.1.16.7.1). The walls, too, had recently suffered damage in a severe frost that winter (G.1.16.7.2). Adriano La Regina, described as a student of archaeology at the University of Rome, was hired to supervise the work of restoration and, apparently, also to undertake some new excavations (G.1.16.7.5). La Regina—later to rise to the prestigious post of Superintendent of the Archaeological Superintendency of Rome—did not publish an account of his fieldwork, and no documents survive in the archive of the Superintendency to throw light on exactly where he dug and what he found.
177 Despite the interventions of 1957-58, conditions on the site continued to deteriorate. In 1964, the Superintendency commissioned a series of photographs (SAL negative nos. 20650-51, 20652-53, 20673-75), “to document the dilapidation of the walls,” as the title of the series of photographs states. A report dated September 10, 1965 called for a series of steps to improve the site, including protecting the site with a fence, rebuilding the guardhouse, and restoring the mosaics (G.1.16.8). In the same year, there was another photographic campaign (SAL negative nos. 22794-97, 28985-28996, 30660-30664). Some of the pictures are aptly labeled “muri fatiscenti” (“dilapidated walls”), others “muri in disfacimento” (“walls in a state of decay”; cf. fig. 30). Apparently, the recommendations of the report were carried out, and the site was fenced in for the first time. In late October of 1968, the Superintendent, Pietro Griffo, wrote a report calling for an intense campaign of restoration of the walls on the site (G.1.16.10), and the work can be seen being carried out in a series of pictures (SAL negative nos. I.1614-1634). These are entitled “lavori di manutenzione e restauro,” and, though undated, appear to document Griffo’s project, which presumably started in 1969 and continued for one or more years. In the mid-1970s, a short note about the project was published by Maria Santangelo, an employee of the Archaeological Superintendency. [171] The photographs confirm the activities reported by Santangelo. She speaks of how “everything brought to light by Pasqui was restored,” including the walls and mosaics, both in the residence and the baths. The mosaics were taken apart and reassembled; missing parts were supplemented with marble chips inserted into concrete. In the photographs, we see workers repairing the buttresses of 36 (fig. 28), restoring the southern area of the baths (photograph I.1614 [=G.2.8.8.31]), and removing vegetation and humus around the tops of the walls of the pool (25; photographs I.1628-30 [=G.2.8.8.45-47]). In others we see the finished work, including the residence, where the mosaics have been protected with sand, and where the walls look repointed and recapped (photograph I.1623 [=G.2.8.8.40]). But, despite these efforts and Santangelo’s claims in her published report, funds ran out before the work was completed. In 1975, a British magazine published an article lamenting the sad state of the site and surrounding area. The actor Spike Milligan sent a copy of the article to Giovanni Leone, the President of Italy (G.1.16.14). Leone’s office then must have contacted the Superintendency, which sent Maria Santangelo, still its inspector for Licenza, to the site. She reported that the work initiated in the 1960s under Superintendent Griffo was never finished and that her annual request for funds to recap the walls had never been favorably received (G.1.16.15).

Figure 30
Photograph of dilapidated wall in Area 33 taken in 1960s - 1970s by the Archaeological Superintendency of Lazio (source: Archive SAL, I 1624).

Figure 28
Restorations of Area 36, ca. 1965-1974 (source: Archive SAL, I 1626).
178 As for excavation, this is attested only by Santangelo’s vague concluding comment that “in the southern zone and toward the slopes of Lucretilis a new exploration was conducted to the extreme limit of the state property. From these works it has become clear that access to the villa, up to now unknown, was from the south.”
179 If, by the mid-1960s, the state of the archaeological site was less than ideal, the state of the Museo Oraziano in the Palazzo Orsini was positively ruinous, and the competent authorities started campaigning for state funds to remedy the situation (cf. G.1.16.9, G.1.16.11, G.1.16.12). In 1977 the Antiquarium in the Palazzo Orsini was restored, as is documented by a series of photographs (photographic archive of the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio, negative nos. A.77.482-492). [172] There is no written record of this work, which, judging from the pictures, seems to have involved repairs to the ceiling and windows. But in the next year, the situation worsened when, in early January, 1978, the Antiquarium was twice burgled. In crimes that have never been solved, numerous coins were stolen (G.1.16.17.1, G.1.16.17.2, and cf. Buttrey, D.11) as well as the following items from Lugli’s catalogue: the sculpted fountain mask of a satyr (F1); the female head identified by Lugli as Isis (F2); the statuette of a rabbit with a bunch of grapes (F11); the similar statuette with a rabbit eating a flower or something similiar (F12); and a fragmentary inscription (L2). [173] According to the records in the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio, a small bust of a young male that has no Lugli catalogue number was also stolen. This was the head found in 1958, not in “Horace’s Villa,” but in the locality known as I Sainesi (G.1.17.3).
180 Lugli F2 was identified by Helga Herdejürgen as a piece sold to a private party on the German art market, in “Kopien und Serien. Ein archaistischer Kopftypus neu befragt,” unpublished manuscript, pp. 4-5. Dr. Herdejürgen kindly gave me a copy of her article and was working on a contribution to this volume about all the sculpture from Licenza in Lugli’s catalogue, when she unexpectedly died. According to Dr. Herdejürgen, Lugli F2 does not represent the goddess Isis but is a copy of an archaistic type, datable to the Roman period and known from nineteen other examples. The version of the type corresponding to the example from Licenza is characterized by a diadem decorated with rosettes, the upper part of which is composed of lotus buds and palmettes. Most of the versions date to the period of Claudius, but Herdejürgen dates the Licenza example to 30 B.C., influenced undoubtedly by the identification of the villa as Horace’s and by Lugli’s dating of the phase with opus reticulatum to this period. About our piece, Dr. Herdejürgen wrote:

A copy came to light in 1911 in Horace’s Villa. Stolen in 1978 from the Orsini Palace in Licenza, it reemerged on the Göttingen art market and was published without an indication of its true identity (F. Rumscheid, Archäologischer Anzeiger 1992, 83ff, Abb. 1-6). The provenance that was cited (“purchased by a private collector on Rhodes in about the 1830s”) misled scholars. The posterior of the head is cut away, the side surfaces are lightly finished—a sign that the sculpture may once have stood in front of a wall or a column. [174]

181 In 1981 extensive restorations and some excavations were undertaken on the site. In contrast to La Regina’s and Santangelo’s excavations, this time the written and photographic documentation is relatively full, though nothing was ever published (G.1.16.19). The person in charge was Margherita Bedello, assisted by Adriano D’Offizi.
182 The notes (G.1.16.19.4) and the final report (G.1.16.19.5) tell us that the work stretched from June 5 to 26, 1981 and from October 12 to November 3, 1981. The site was protected with a fence. Bedello found traces of white and red fresco from the wall at the last stair from the residence in Area 55, where she was working (see De Simone, C.4.6). She also restored rooms 19 and 20 in the residence. The pool (25) was cleared of weeds and damage to the walls was documented. The western section was restored; on the north, Bedello noted that some of the wall had fallen into the structure, which she documented. On the interior of the walls of 25 she noted no evidence of plaster, and this led her to wonder about the use of the structure.
183 Other photographs show additional restorations not mentioned in Bedello’s surviving fieldnotes (photographic archive of SAL, “Licenza. Villa d’Orazio, Scavi 1981,” negative nos. 441-451 “visita preliminare agli scavi” [Febbraio 1981; G.2.8.8.77-87]; a-81-656-665, “lavori di restauro e consolidamento di strutture murarie,” [no date; G.2.8.8.88-96]; a-81-676-679, “restauri dei muri disfacenti,” [no date; G.2.8.8.97-100]; 2141-2161, “scavi 1981,” [July; G.2.8.8.101-121]). The date of the fourth series appears to contradict the written record of Bedello, unless it can be taken as evidence that her fieldnotes are incomplete or partially missing, or else that the photographs are wrongly dated. The first three series simply document the condition of the walls before restoration. The areas photographed are in the general vicinity of 5, 21, 33, 35, 53, and 55. The fourth series starts with the area at the bottom of the stairs from the residence into the east corridor of the quadriporticus, where Bedello’s notes record the find of fresco fragments (SAL, negative nos. 2141-2144; G.2.8.8.101-104). It continues with some shots of the structure crossing the corridor at the north end of Area 55 (SAL, negative nos. 2145-2146; G.2.8.8.105-106), and then with shots showing the results of digging farther south in the same corridor (SAL, negative nos. 2147-2152; G.2.8.8.107-112). Finally, there is a series of pictures of work in the area of the pool, particularly (as far as one can make out) around the fallen north wall (structure 25; SAL, negative nos. 2153-2161; G.2.8.8.113-121).
184 Another intervention in 1983 of cleaning, restoration, and modest excavation is documented only by photographs (SAL, negative nos. a83-243 to a83-257, dated January 28, 1983 [=G.2.8.8.132-146]; a83-275 to a83-281, dated January 24, 1983 [=G.2.8.8.147-153]; a83-408 to a83-410, dated February 22, 1983 [=G.2.8.8.154-156]; a83-411 to a83-419, dated February 22, 1983 [=G.2.8.8.157-165]; a83-612 to a83-629, some of which are dated February 28, 1983 [=G.2.8.8.166-183]; a83-818 to a83-839, dated April 1, 1983 [=G.2.8.8.184-198]).
185 These pictures attest a campaign of cleaning in Areas 35, 37-40 (fig. 31), and 50, with removal of the surface soil to expose the top level of ruins, now visible for the first time on record at the site (SAL, negative nos. a83-243 to a83-257 [=G.2.8.8.132-146]). A number of photographs (SAL, negative nos. a83-409 to a83-419 [=G.2.8.8.155-165]); a83-1107 to a83-1113 [=G.2.8.8.199-205]) clearly show the fistula in Area 50 that was studied more intensively in 1997-1999 (see Camaiani et al., C.5.4, activity 34). This was the one, modest excavation undertaken in 1983, as far as can be judged from the photographs. The main effort seems to have gone into capping (or, in the case of the walls uncovered earlier in the century, recapping) the walls exposed in these areas and throughout the bath complex to its southern limit at 53 (cf. SAL, negative nos. a83-612 to a83-620 [=G.2.8.8.166-174]; a83-622 to a83-629 [=G.2.8.8.176-183]; a83-818 to a83-839 [=G.2.8.8.184-198], which show the walls with cleanly capped tops).

Figure 31
Photograph of cleaning by the Archaeological Superintendency of Lazio in Areas 35, 37-40 in January, 1983 (source: Archive SAL, a-83-245).
186 In 1987, a fire swept the area to the southwest of the site, destroying a section of the fence protecting the archaeological park, but otherwise causing no damage to the ruins themselves (G.1.16.20).
187 In the late 1980s, the situation changed dramatically as the authorities began to prepare for the celebration of the bimillennium of the death of Horace in 1993. The old Antiquarium, dating back to Pasqui’s day and, as we have seen, largely neglected since then, was completely renovated and enlarged. The first step in the project occurred in 1988 when the town of Licenza purchased rooms in the Orsini Palace for the museum (G.1.16.21). Additional funding was contributed by the Superintendency (documentation is lacking in the archive of SAL), and the project was successfully completed in time for the bimillennial celebrations in 1993. The new Antiquarium opened to the public on April 19 of that year. Two series of photographs in the archive of the Archaeological Superintendency record the work in progress inside and outside the Palazzo Orsini (SAL, negative nos. a90-286 to a90-305 and a93-278 to a93-302). [175] The first room contains maps of the territory reflecting the various periods of ancient occupation. In the next room are displayed fistulae, pottery, and instrumenta domestica. In the third room are fragments of sculpture and architectonic elements in marble. The fourth room contains the fresco fragments. Well illuminated, open to the public six days of the week, the new museum represents a notable improvement over the old, especially since the objects are clearly labeled and the site with its surrounding territory is well described.
188 On the occasion of the opening of the museum, the Superintendency published a volume of new studies on the site; [176] and a scholarly conference was held, whose acts were published shortly thereafter. [177] By 1993, then, there were encouraging signs that the remains of “Horace’s Villa” were finally receiving the care and attention they deserved.
189 As this book is being prepared for publication, a new project to restore the remains on the site is in progress under the technical leadership of Alessandra Centroni and the scientific supervision of Maria Grazia Fiore. Work commenced in 2005 and is extending into 2006. Thus far, the focus has been on recapping and repointing the walls as well as repaving the floors.


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B.5. Biographical Sketch of Thomas Drees Price

By Kathryn Gleason

190 In 1929, the Director of the American Academy in Rome, Gorham P. Stevens, reported that the Italian authorities had offered the Academy and other foreign schools “the opportunity of excavating in ancient Roman lands, including the Kingdom of Italy, and the possibility of apprenticing our Fellows in the classics to Italian archaeologists engaged in the work of actual excavations.” [1] The news was welcome but the Fellows in archaeology were committed to other projects, and so it was the Fellows in the School of Fine Arts who first responded to the opportunity. In 1930, Thomas Price, a landscape architect, collaborated with Giuseppe Lugli on a small excavation at “Horace’s Villa,” while architect Walter R. Reichardt worked with Prof. Gioacchino Mancini, Director of the excavations at Hadrian’s Villa. [2] Price’s publication of his work in the Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, while not an excavation report per se, provides the only published report on the joint project, with photographs, a revised plan, and a reconstruction of the villa. [3] After publishing this report and a reconstruction of the House of Loreius Tiburtinus at Pompeii, Price seems to have vanished from notice; his name is not among the more familiar ones of the Academy nor is his portrait on the wall of the Bar. Yet he went on to create notable works of landscape architectural design in the 1930s, drawing on his experiences at the American Academy, and perhaps on his work at “Horace’s Villa” as well.
191 The following biography offers a sketch of the career of this talented designer, and of the education and skills that lie behind his published work in archaeology. His “disappearance” was simply into the little celebrated profession of landscape architecture. Yet there is much we may note in his work. Price was a participant, if not a leader, in the fascinating transitional years between the École des Beaux Arts training and Modernism at the Academy and in the profession of landscape architecture. His professional work included designs in both the classical and modern traditions, usually collaborative efforts, including the Conservatory Garden in Central Park (with M. Betty Sprout and Gilmore Clarke) and the gardens of the Brazil Pavilion for the 1939 World’s Fair (with architects Oscar Neimeyer and Lucio Costa). He had a long career with the architectural firm of Vorhees, Walker, Smith, Smith and Haines in New York. He retired in 1972 and died in Denver, Colorado in 1989.
192 Thomas Drees Price was born May 18, 1901 in Porto Alegre, Brazil. [4] His parents, John W. and Elisabeth Wittmann Price, were American Methodist missionaries teaching school in the region of Rio Grande do Sul. Price and his two sisters and brother were all born and raised there; Thomas, the second eldest, left at age sixteen to stay with his grandparents in Denver, where, in the spring of 1918, he attempted to enlist in the Army. Too young for the draft in that year, Price fell victim to the great influenza epidemic of 1918. After recovering, he went to Columbus, Ohio to work at his maternal uncle’s brass foundry and to attend Ohio State University for study in animal husbandry. According to his sister, he hoped to return to Brazil and start a ranch.
193 Once at university, however, his drawing talents proved greater than his aptitude for scientific study, and by the end of his first year his transcripts note that he had transferred into the landscape architecture program. We have very little information on his college years, except that he belonged to the Tau Sigma Alpha fraternity and worked at his uncle’s foundry. His uncle was to be a great support to him in the following years. Price’s knowledge and appreciation of metal work gained from his uncle is evident later in his travel sketchbooks and his interest in ironwork trellis and balustrade designs. In 1923, just short of graduation, Price moved to Cambridge, Massachusetts, and completed the course work for his degree at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. He transferred the credits to receive the degree from OSU, and then stayed on to complete the Master of Landscape Architecture Degree from Harvard, graduating in 1926. [5]
194 Price’s education in the profession of landscape architecture fell during the waning years of the “Country Place Era.” [6] His academic training was founded upon a classical education and instruction in the method of the École des Beaux Arts in Paris, where many designers had received their training prior to the founding of schools of architecture in the United States during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. [7] At Harvard, Price was hard working and skillful, entering and winning the major student competitions of the day. The Charles Eliot Traveling Fellowship, for example, was awarded to him by competition on the basis of a history examination and a design project. He received two honorable mentions in the Rome Prize Competitions, and, in 1929, he was awarded the Prize for his solution to that year’s design problem, “An Estate on a Private Island” (fig. 1). These competitions tested the students on their knowledge of history as well as for their ability to produce excellent designs in the classical manner.

Figure 1
Rome's Prize Award for Price's solution to the design problem, "An Estate on a Private Island".
195 By the time of his Rome Prize Award, Price had graduated from Harvard and was working for the preeminent firm of Olmsted Brothers in Brookline, Massachusetts. The firm’s records indicate that he worked primarily on campuses and private residences. The firm was noted for its attention to detail, an aspect that also characterized the educational program at Harvard (much shaped by members of the Olmsted Office), and, ultimately, Price’s own work and focus as a member of collaborative teams. Price appears to have brought to the American Academy a considerable professional knowledge of site grading and construction detailing, as well as an interest in classical design for private residences, public parks, and campuses. [8] The interest in private residential design is also clearly evident in his travel itineraries, sketchbooks, and choice of projects at the American Academy. [9]
196 In September of 1929, Price arrived in Rome as the first Kate Lancaster Brewster Fellow in Landscape Architecture [10] (fig. 2). Like most Fellows, he spent a great deal of the first year traveling. The fall tours with the Professor of Classical Studies included “Horace’s Villa,” which may have led Price to select this site for his required second year project. This, however, did not begin immediately. His first measured drawing project was the Villa Aldobrandini, and the winter months of that year were devoted the notorious Collaborative Project, “A Monument to Mechanical Progress.” This was a highly contentious exercise in which the fellows sought to explore modern ideas of design, only to find themselves in conflict with the Trustees, who insisted upon classical solutions, despite the nature of the design problem. [11]

Figure 2
Thomas Drees Price in his studio during the winter of 1931 at the American Academy in Rome preparing his model of Horace's Villa (Price Archive, Album of the Horace's Villa Excavation).
197 In October 1930, Price set out to measure the ruins of “Horace’s Villa” as one of the measured drawings required by his fellowship. Encountering difficulty in drawing the remains of the unexcavated northeast corner of the villa, Price joined forces with Giuseppe Lugli. [12] The project was conducted in cooperation with the Italian authorities under the sponsorship of the American Academy in Rome with funding from the Bethlehem, Pennsylvania chapter of the Archaeological Institute of America. [13] The Soprintendenza provided excavation equipment and engaged, supervised, and paid the workmen. The Academy provided the funds for hiring the workers, at 56 cents for an eight hour day.
198 On November 17, 1930 they began excavations, which continued until poor weather forced them to stop in the last week of December. When the weather halted the work, Price returned to the Academy and prepared drawings and a model of the existing conditions at the site. [14] He also participated in the second collaborative problem, “A Small Museum for Classical Renaissance Sculpture on the Estate of a Wealthy Collector.” While the result of the overall Collaborative Exercise was dismal, Price’s team appears to have been close-knit; indeed, his teammate David Mattison painted Price’s portrait with the ruins of “Horace’s Villa” and Licenza in the background (fig. 3). Excavations resumed in late February and continued through mid-March of 1931. In photographs taken during the work, we see Price, in his suit and tie, observing the excavation work and showing the excavations to visiting Fellows from the Academy (fig. 4).

Figure 3
Portrait of Thomas Price at Horace's Villa, by David Mattison. Painting is in the collection of J. Gorsuch.

Figure 4
Thomas Price with other fellows of the American Academy in Rome at Horace's Villa (Price Archive, Album of the Horace's Villa Excavation).
199 The “Horace’s Villa” team consisted of eleven workers under the supervision of Nicola De Rossi, who had worked on the Pasqui excavations of 1911-14. [15] Areas totaling 570 square yards were staked out and the men were divided into two squads to excavate. [16] The photographs and plans provide additional details (fig. 10). It appears from these documents that all areas of interest were opened at once. The foreman and eight workers excavated the northeast quadriporticus, but their number diminished to six as they reached the center of the east range of the quadriporticus. Five men excavated the north side of the pool and various workers opened small test areas around the quadriporticus. On their return in March, the squads simply resumed excavation in those areas. Restoration of walls appears to have taken place sometime during 1932.
200 The photographs of the excavations are the primary record of what was accomplished in the two phases of work, which, as Price notes, focused on the northeast area of the quadriporticus and the northern side and northeast corner of the central pool. [17] Test soundings were carried out throughout the site, either to check theories or to take measurements. It appears that the team did the initial work on the first areas of interest in the fall, returning in the spring to resume work in areas that had proven promising in the first season, or to answer questions that were raised. In the photographs we can see that the northeast quadriporticus was cleared in the drier months of early fall. The soils of the baulk and on the paths are dry (fig. 5). As work moved south, the weather clearly worsened. The small niched pool in the center of the east range of the quadriporticus appears to have been found after the rains, either later in the first campaign or during the second. It is photographed with standing water and wet soils (fig. 6). All four piers of the pool appear in Price’s initial sketches, which were prepared during the winter, so we must conclude that some work was carried out in the pool area during the autumn as well. It appears that this was done after some rain, but it is difficult to judge from the black and white photos—there was apparently enough sun to dry the paths out.

Figure 5
East range of the quadriporticus during Price's excavation (Price Archive, Album of the Horace's Villa Excavation).

Figure 6
The small niched feature in the center of the east range of the quadriporticus during Price's excavation (Price Archive, Album of the Horace's Villa Excavation).
201 Price does not offer details of the excavation, referring the reader to the photographic plates. The specific discoveries in the quadriporticus and around the pool are discussed elsewhere in this volume (see Gleason et al., C.3). Price summarizes the results of the work as 1) providing new evidence for the manner in which the quadriporticus meets the residence at the northeast corner, although the steps appear to have been located earlier by Pasqui; 2) locating the two piers on the north side of the pool, predicted by Lugli; and 3) gleaning more information about the facades of the quadriporticus facing the garden (fig. 10). Price writes:

This enterprise has amply repaid our efforts by its results since...it unexpectedly furnished a clue to the treatment of the facades of the porticus that faced the garden. The uncovering of an opening, n, in the northeast corner of the porticus, another opening, o, and the beginning of a third opening, p, established the presumption that such openings were repeated around the porticus. The corresponding wall on the opposite side of the garden did not at first sight confirm this, since this wall as restored by the former excavator is continuous....But since the size and position of the small pilasters which decorated the walls on either side of the garden are symmetrical, the architectural treatment of the two walls must, one would presume, have been identical; this is an alternating treatment of door and solid wall, both between pilasters. And in fact confirmation was forthcoming when we looked below the restored portion. At a level just above the substructure, the cornerstones of most of the openings were found in situ at g, h, and i. This evidence, supported by that furnished by a portion of the wall at f, not only conclusively reveals the principal architectural elements of the facade of the porticus, but also demonstrates that the restored wall in the northwest corner of the garden is not in accordance with the original layout. [18]


Figure 10
Price's plan of "Horace's Villa," after his excavations of 1930-31 (photo courtesy of Henrique Price Grechi).
202 Price’s reconstruction drawings (figs. 11 and 12), though fanciful in their depiction of the garden, presents the team’s conclusions about the architectural façade as described above, based both on their findings and on digging around the restored walls of Pasqui’s 1911-14 excavations. Their work, a new reading of the evidence, thus revised and corrected earlier conceptions about the quadriporticus.

Figure 11
Price's reconstructive plan of "Horace's Villa" (photo courtesy of Henrique Price Grechi).

Figure 12
Price's reconstructive longitudal section of "Horace's Villa" (photo courtesy of Henrique Price Grechi).
203 The project concluded with restoration of the walls exposed. This was apparently carried out in 1932 with support from the Director’s Fund of the American Academy, under the direction of Lugli and Nicola De Rossi. [19]
204 The American Academy viewed the project as a promising beginning to collaborative projects “… in Italy and Italian provinces but also in practically the entire Mediterranean basin,” according to Stevens’ glowing conclusion to the Annual Report of 1931-32. Price himself was granted another year on his fellowship based upon the success of the “Horace’s Villa” project and drawings, which were displayed at the Exhibition of Italian Gardens at the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. [20] Amedeo Maiuri, the Archaeological Superintendent of Pompeii, granted him a permesso to prepare drawings and a brief publication of the House of Loreius Tiburtinus at Pompeii for the American Academy in Rome. [21]
205 On his return to the United States, Price’s connections to the American Academy served him well. After a brief stay in Cambridge, Massachusetts and work at a CCC Camp, Price went to the New York Parks Department, working under Gilmore Clarke, who had become a Trustee of the American Academy during Price’s second year. Clarke may have also nominated him for membership in the American Society of Landscape Architects and the Architectural League of New York, societies in which he would be active all of his years in practice.
206 At the Arsenal, Price joined a huge team of designers creating simple, formal designs and redesigns for Robert Moses’ new vision of New York’s park system. He appears to have worked closely with Gilmore Clarke, first on the Central Park Zoo, then on Madison Square Park. The latter was a redesign of the earlier informal layout in a formal geometric design that caused considerable concern in the community, as the artist’s rendering appeared to suggest the removal of many mature trees. Newspapers indicated that the general design was made by Gilmore Clarke, while Price worked out the detailed plan. [22]
207 In 1934, Price, again with Gilmore Clarke representing the project publicly, worked on the design team for the Conservatory Gardens in Central Park, one of the few geometric spaces in the Park, built on the site of the demolished conservatory. Plans indicate that M. Betty Sprout designed the lovely and extensive planting scheme which was the main theme of this part of the park; Price is credited with the “design” in later years, when the gardens were restored. [23] Price was not a planting designer, so it is likely that he designed the garden’s terraces and structures, the formal stage for the display of plants and art. It is not clear whether Clarke, Sprout or Price did the conceptual design individually, or if it was a collaboration. In the trellis work, fences and balustrades, one sees Price’s skills with metal work, while his attention to the design of wellheads for the fountain base reflects his interest in such features, as seen in his sketchbooks and in an article written for Landscape Architecture Magazine (figs. 7 and 8).

Figure 7
Trellis at Conservatory Garden, Central Park, New York City (photo by K. Gleason).

Figure 8
Wellhead base for fountain in Conservatory Garden (photo by K. Gleason).
208 According to Price’s family, the pinnacle of his design career was the 1939 World’s Fair. As a member of the staff of the 1939 World’s Fair Commission, Price was responsible for bringing Lucio Costa’s conceptual sketch for the Brazil Pavilion into detailed design and implementation. [24] This is one of the great early Modern designs. While it was certainly a departure from anything Price had designed himself, and Roberto Burle Marx appears to have played a role that is yet to be documented, it is clear that Price’s fluency in Portuguese, his exposure to Modern design, and his talent gave him the role of translating the concept sketches into the beautifully crafted built piece. The American Academy in Rome, in a brochure celebrating the role of the Academy’s Fellows at the Fair, credits Price with the landscape of the Brazil Pavilion, but the brochure does not provides details (fig. 9).

Figure 9
Brazil Pavilion at 1939 New York World's Fair (American Academy in Rome Brochure, Price Archives).
209 After the World’s Fair, interrupted only by service as a translator during World War II, Price spent the rest of his career in New York working for the Fair’s main architects (Vorhees, Walker, Smith, Smith and Haines), creating clean, simple, well-detailed Modern landscapes for the firm’s building projects in the United States and Central America. [25] In 1960, he returned to the American Academy and to visit Licenza. It was his first and only trip to Europe after his Fellowship. In 1972, he retired to Denver.
210 Price’s career had been marked by skill and hard work, good fortune in his youth, and a kind of solid Welsh work ethic through his later years. Price, says Domenico Anese, who worked for Gilmore Clarke and knew Price over the course of their careers, was “a designer’s designer.” Price was a talented designer of the “bones” of a project—the three dimensional, built aspects of landscape architecture—and very fine with details. He was an amiable man who worked well with other designers, but he never made an effort to promote his own career or design approach.
211 Clearly, his career in an architecture firm never brought the acclaim that his youthful projects had, nor the satisfaction. His home was decorated with his portrait at Licenza, a spectacular engraving of St. Peter’s by Cecil Briggs, his diplomas from Harvard and the American Academy (together with his framed medallion and sash), a Cave Canem tile from Pompeii, ironwork pieces from various countries, and other mementos of his days at Harvard, in Rome, and at Licenza. His huge drawings done at the American Academy were kept, carefully rolled up. All had been published in black and white in the Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, although they were originally in color. The drawings were left to his great-nephew, Henrique Price Grecchi, an architect in Rio de Janiero, who has kindly provided the images published here (figs. 10-12). Thomas Drees Price died in 1989 and is buried facing the mountains in Fort Logan National Cemetery in Denver.


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C. New Fieldwork
C.1. The “Horace’s Villa” Project, 1997-2003: Organization, Strategy, and Objectives

By Bernard Frischer, Stefano Camaiani, Monica De Simone

[text]
212 The new research project at “Horace’s Villa” took place between 1997 and 2003 thanks to the fruitful collaboration between the Soprintendenza Archeologica del Lazio, the American Academy in Rome, the University of California Los Angeles (UCLA), and the Comune of Licenza. [1] The goals of the project are discussed elsewhere in this volume (see Frischer, A).


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C.1.1. Organization
213 The Scientific Committee overseeing the project was composed of Dr. Anna Maria Reggiani (SAL), Dr. Maria Grazia Fiore (SAL), and Prof. Bernard Frischer (UCLA). The principal investigator of the project was Prof. Bernard Frischer, who conceived the project, found institutional sponsorship and financial support, set the research agenda, recruited the staff and volunteers, and administered the project both during the fieldwork and study phases. Co-principal investigator was Prof. Kathryn Gleason, who was responsible for the excavation of the garden. Field directors were Dr. Gianni Ponti (1997-1999) and Dr. Monica De Simone (2000-2001).


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C.1.2. Sponsors
214 The project was originally to be sponsored from 1997 to its expected completion date in 2000 by the Vincenzo Romagnoli Group (Milan and Rome, Italy). With the death on November 4, 1999 of Vincenzo Romagnoli, the owner of the company, this sponsorship had to be terminated early. In February and March of 2000, the Steinmetz Family of Los Angeles and the Samuel H. Kress Foundation agreed to replace the Romagnoli Group as the project’s prime sponsors. In 1997-1998, Alitalia kindly provided transportation for senior staff from Los Angeles to Rome. The Comune of Licenza co-sponsored the new site presentation scheme that was implemented in 2001. The Creative Kids Education Foundation of Los Angeles donated funds to create a Web site and a documentary about the project.
215 Institutional sponsors included the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio (1997-2003); the American Academy in Rome (1997-2003); the University of California, Los Angeles (2000-2003); University of California Research Expeditions Program (1999); and the Institute for Advanced Technology in the Humanities at the University of Virginia (2004-2006).


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C.1.3. Staff and volunteers
216 An international team of archaeologists was responsible for the various excavations, coordination of the graphic and photographic documentation, running of the laboratory, management of the data processing workshop, and analysis of the finds. [2] Over seventy volunteers from twelve countries came to the site from 1997 to 2001; without their generosity, effort, and talent, the project would not have been possible (figs. 1-2). [3]

Figure 1
Archaeologists and volunteers are the American Academy in Rome, summer of 1998.

Figure 2
Archaeologists and volunteers at the site, summer 1999.
217 Special thanks should be given to the following scholars, who visited the site and made gave advice helpful in interpretation of the finds: Susan Downey, Elisabeth Fentress, Cairoli Fulvio Giuliani, Daniele Manacorda, Giuseppe Pucci, Peter Rockwell, and Russell Scott.
218 The professional staff had the following responsibilities:

1997 (3-week season)

  • Architectural Analysis: J. Burden
  • Ceramic Analysis: S. Serra
  • Excavation: S. Nerucci, S. Camaiani, Z. Mari (Areas 50, 51); L. Cerri, A. A. Kaci (rooms 37-40); L. Passalacqua (Area 54)
  • Information Management: L. Passalacqua, S. Camaiani
  • Photographic Documentation: Z. Mari
  • Prospection (resistivity and magnetometry): S. Veronese
  • Registration: L. Clougherty
  • Web site authoring: B. Frischer, M. Brown

1998 (6-week season)

  • Ceramic Analysis: S. Serra
  • Conservation: Murat Yasar
  • Excavation: S. Camaiani, A. A. Kaci (rooms 37-40); L. Cerri (Areas 24, 50); S. Nerucci, M. De Simone (Area 23); K. Gleason (Area 24); L. Passalacqua (Areas 25, 55)
  • Information Management: L. Passalacqua, S. Camaiani
  • Photographic Documentation: S. Camaiani, L. Cerri, S. Nerucci, M. De Simone, K. Gleason, L. Passalacqua
  • Registration: L. Clougherty, J. Crawford
  • Soil and Geological Analysis: J. Foss
  • Territorial Survey: M. Carroll, C. Merrony, M. Charles
  • Tree Inventory and Evaluation: I. Lekstutis
  • Web site authoring: B. Frischer

1999 (10-week season)

  • Architectural Analysis: D. Abernathy, P. Stinson
  • Ceramic Analysis: C. Angelelli
  • Conservation: M. Yasar
  • Excavation: K. Gleason (Areas 24, 25) ; S. Camaiani, L. Cerri, L. Passalacqua (Areas 35, 37-40, 50) ; M. De Simone (Area 23) ; L. Passalacqua (Area 55)
  • Information Management: L. Passalacqua, S. Camaiani
  • Marble Analysis: C. Angelelli
  • Mosaic Analysis: K. Werner
  • Numismatic Analysis: T. Buttrey
  • Photographic Documentation: P. Armenian, S. Camiani, L. Cerri, M. De Simone, K. Gleason, S. Nerucci, L. Passalacqua, K. Volkmer
  • Registration: L. Clougherty, J. Crawford
  • Site Presentation Studies: M. Goalen, D. Fortenberry
  • Soil and Geological Analysis: J. Foss
  • Wall Census: M. De Simone
  • Wall Painting Analysis: S. Mols
  • Water Pipe Analysis: C. Bruun
  • Web site authoring: B. Frischer

2000 (3-week season)

  • Architectural Analysis: D. Abernathy, P. Stinson
  • Architectural Terracotta Studies: M. J. Strazzulla
  • Archival Research: K. Werner
  • Ceramic Analysis: C. Angelelli
  • Conservation: H. Leshem (PRS-Mediterranean)
  • Excavation: K. Gleason (Area 24), J. Schryver (Area 25), M. De Simone (Area 50)
  • Folklore Studies: L. Del Giudice
  • Geomagnetic Prospection: P. Chowne, W. McCann (Genius Loci)
  • GPS Mapping: F. Colosi, R. Gabrieli
  • Historical Consulting: V. Rudich
  • Information Management: S. Camaiani
  • Marble Analysis: C. Angelelli
  • Metallic Object Analysis: A. Martin
  • Mosaic Analysis: K. Werner
  • Numismatic Analysis: T. Buttrey
  • Palaeobotanical Studies: J. Ramsay
  • Photographic Documentation: M. De Simone, A. Ortolan
  • Registration: J. Crawford
  • Sculptural Studies: S. Lattimore
  • Site Presentation Studies: M. Goalen, D. Fortenberry
  • Soil and Geological Analysis: J. Foss
  • Stamps on Bricks and Roof-tiles: G. Filippi
  • Wall Census: M. De Simone
  • Web site authoring: B. Frischer

2001 (3-week season)

  • Archival Research: K. Werner
  • Ceramic Analysis: C. Angelelli
  • Conservation: M. De Simone
  • Excavation: M. De Simone (Area 12)
  • Folklore Studies: L. Del Giudice
  • Historical Consulting: V. Rudich
  • Information Management: S. Camaiani (data processing workshop)
  • Metallic Object Analysis: A. Martin
  • Registration: J. Crawford
  • Site Presentation Plan and Implementation: M. De Simone, C. Angelelli
  • Soil and Geological Analysis: J. Foss
  • Stamps on Bricks and Roof-tiles: G. Filippi
  • Wall Census: M. De Simone
  • Web site authoring: B. Frischer

2002-2003 (Study seasons totaling 24 weeks)

  • Editor-in-chief: B. Frischer
  • Editorial Board: J. Crawford, M. De Simone



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C.1.4. Research issues, methods and strategy
219 From the first, this project was conceived as an interdisciplinary research project with many facets. The prime focus was, of course, on archaeological investigation, in which the method of stratigraphic excavation, increasingly common in Italy and elsewhere, [4] was to be used on the site for the first time. [5] In applying the method, we wished to give pride of place to no particular period (as had been done earlier, with the privileging of the late Republican and mid-imperial phases) but to pay equal attention to all remains coming to light from virgin soil to surface humus. An important second focus was on the previous interventions and excavations, particularly those of Pasqui (1911-14) and Lugli-Price (1930-31), to see if more information could be collected than is available from published sources. We also wished to integrate the new finds of 1997-2001 with the older discoveries, and we wanted to subject the finds, old and new, to the first expert analysis ever performed on material from the site. We were interested in a number of questions that inevitably arise for a site such as this: the history of its ownership (including, of course, the matter of Horace’s connection to the property); the history of its occupation, abandonment and reuse through the centuries; and the degree to which features of this particular site reflect broader regional trends in the Anio valley and the Roman hinterland generally. Finally, we wished to determine the extent to which new discoveries could still be made on the site. We hoped to lay the foundation for new fieldwork by other excavators in the future, and to provide raw materials for further analytical studies (for example, about the design, decoration, and use of the villa in the various phases of its existence), which might be more readily undertaken by other scholars after all the disparate materials of earlier excavations and our own were organized, synthesized, and presented in a coherent and manageable fashion.


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C.1.5. Archaeological strategy
220 The original plan was to excavate for three seasons (1997-1999) and to study the results in two seasons (2000-2001). In the event, the need and opportunity arose for two additional short seasons of fieldwork in 2000-2001, and so the study seasons were postponed until 2002-2003.
221 In the course of 25 weeks spread out over the five seasons, an overall surface area of almost 600 square meters was studied with the help of teams composed of 10-15 people, generally a mix of professional archaeologists and volunteers with little or no previous field experience (fig. 3). [6] Considering both the scientific and didactic aspects of the excavation, the ratio of time devoted to excavation and the area studied is extremely favorable, taking into account not only the stratigraphic complexity of a site characterized by a long succession of settlements, but also the thickness of the deposits, which varied between 40-50 centimeters and 1.5-2 meters.

Figure 3
The first step of the excavation in 1997.
222 While excavations were underway, the process of documenting, analyzing, and restoring the finds through laboratory work was carried out (fig. 4). An information management system capable of handling all the excavation data was created, and this greatly facilitated the cataloguing of the considerable quantity of data accumulated in the course of the fieldwork.

Figure 4
Activity at the conservation lab, summer 1998.
223 The first season lasted only three weeks and had the goals of orienting the team to the site, testing the hypothesis that good ancient stratigraphy was still to be found there, and providing the kind of graphic documentation that would be useful as the project continued. The Superintendency’s state plan of 1993 was scrutinized and determined to have some significant flaws (see Colosi et al., E.5). A new zero point was established, and a survey was made, based on the use of a laser theodolite, preparatory to the creation of a new, more accurate state plan. Close study of the site revealed that the most promising area for undisturbed ancient stratigraphy lay on the western side of the site in the area of the baths (Areas 35, 37-40, 50). The hillside abutting this area was cleaned and studied. Excavation was concentrated in an area we denominated Sector I (=Areas 37, 50; for Sectors see fig. 5; for Sector I, see also figs. 6-7). Here there had already been some excavation and restoration carried out in the early 1980s, which had, however, left out an area approximately rectangular in shape (see Frischer, B.4.7).
224 The objective of this trial excavation was to understand not only the nature and purpose of the rooms along the western limit of the baths, but to add to our knowledge of the whole bath complex. We hoped to understand the relationship between these rooms, where previous work had resulted only in surface cleaning, and those already excavated in previous interventions (32, 33, 34, 36, 41, 42, 43, 45, 46, etc.). Because the area had been only superficially altered by the previous interventions, it promised to present intact stratigraphy that could be used to establish the transformations that had occurred here and perhaps elsewhere during the various phases of the villa’s existence.
225 In addition to this trial excavation, another excavation was undertaken next to the south wall of the villa in Area 54, which corresponds to the short side of the quadriporticus. Our goal was to understand the break in the enclosing wall of the villa and to verify the standard interpretation of this area as the main entrance to the villa.
226 Geomagnetic and geoelectric prospection (fig. 8) was undertaken on the grounds of the archaeological park and just beyond in order to find evidence of structures beneath the surface that might be investigated in the next two seasons. Promising results were found in various places, but, in the event, for practical reasons only those on the grounds of the archaeological park could be examined. Nevertheless, we note here the desirability of undertaking new excavations just across the street from the park (land parcels 109 and 111 in the most recent cadaster) and on the terrace above the site (land parcels 152, 153, 179, 180, 693, and 694 in the most recent cadaster).

Figure 8
Results of geomagnetic and geoelectric prospection in sector III.
227 In 1998, a second archaeological study was organized with a larger team and more time at our disposal. Sector I was enlarged to include two additional rooms (38 and 40), which had been excavated in the past by the Superintendency, but not to virgin soil. These previous excavations had not been published and, given their incomplete nature, did not permit any conclusions to be drawn about the date or function of this part of the villa.
228 A new excavation sector (Sector V=Area 25) was opened in the north-west corner of the big rectangular pool in the garden of the villa. The goals were to describe the stratigraphy, which turned out to be still intact, and at the same time to determine the type of the flooring and wall covering of the structure.
229 Prof. Kathryn Gleason of Cornell University directed second trial excavation inside the garden (Sector VII=Area 24, fig. 9). The Cornell team excavated close to the access staircase between the residential area and the garden itself, in order to determine the ancient levels and their dating, to see if there were any remains of the garden that could still be found, and, if so, to better understand the garden itself.

Figure 9
Sector VII, in 1998.
230 Prof. John Foss of the University of Tennesee, a soil engineer, worked closely with the Cornell team. Foss’s involvement was aimed at clarifying nature of the geology and soils of the villa and surrounding territory. He also pursued a specific study of the leaching of lead from the water pipes on the site, something he had earlier done at Hadrian’s Villa. Foss’s main technique was boring with a bucket-type auger to determine the stratigraphy; then various laboratory methods were used to measure the amount of lead in the soil in and around water pipes and in randomly chosen other locations (see Foss et al., E.1.2.2 for details). Foss did fieldwork on the site in 1998, 1999, and 2000.
231 Another trial excavation (Sector IV=Area 23, fig. 10) was opened on the inside of the western branch of the quadriporticus, in front of the access staircase to the residence. The purpose was to establish the relationship between the outside and the inside of the portico and to identify a probable floor level relating to the earliest phase.

Figure 10
Sector IV. 1, in 1998.
232 The fifth excavation area (Sector VIII=Area 55, fig. 11) was opened about halfway along the eastern branch of the quadriporticus. The goals were to establish the purpose of several structures that encroached upon the east corridor of the quadriporticus, to verify the consistency and the nature of the stratigraphy in this area, and to study a fragment of a circular structure positioned in the middle of the quadriporticus and located on the line of the main axis of the pool (25). The date and function of the latter had been much debated, and we hoped to shed further light on this matter.

Figure 11
Sector VIII: remains of a fountain (?) in the east wing of the quadriporticus.
233 The last trial excavation (Sector IX), to the east of the residential area of the villa, was carried out to verify some anomalies observed in the course of the previous year’s electrical and magnetic prospecting, but it produced no results worthy of note.
234 The 1999 season saw the most archaeological activity. The excavations were completed in Sector I, with work extending into the new Areas 35 and 39. The goals were to understand the original dimensions and function of Areas 38-39-40, to study their connection to Area 35, and to shed light on the nature and phases of Area 35. At the end of the season, these areas were backfilled, with the exception of Area 39, where the newly found remains were conserved and left exposed for public viewing. [7] A small stratigraphic excavation was undertaken at the southern limit of Area 23 in the western corridor of the quadriporticus. The purpose was to pursue the previous year’s studies in this area with respect to phasing, occupation levels, and building techniques as well as to examine the masonry stratigraphy of this part of the residential complex. The area just to the north of the residence was cleaned, with the goal of determining whether the villa structures continued beyond the point where Pasqui’s excavations had stopped. Finally, several studies were pursued in the garden, including Areas 24 and 25. In Area 25 the southern face of the southeast pier was excavated in an attempt to find dating elements for the pool and to better understand the stratigraphy in this part of the garden. Meanwhile, work continued in Area 24.
235 In 1999, the wall census project was initiated to create a detailed and accurate catalogue of all the walls on the site. This was advisable because the heavy restorations made by Pasqui had, in the intervening 80 years, weathered or been degraded in other ways, making it difficult in many places to distinguish ancient from modern material and thereby complicating the interpretation of the site. In connection with this project, an extensive collection of mortars was made.
236 Finally, in 1999 (and in some cases, in subsequent years) a number of experts visited the site, local museum, and storehouse of the Archaeological Superitendency at Tivoli in order to autopsy the material they had agreed to publish. The classes of material studied included architectonic elements, architectural terracottas, bricks and rooftiles, ceramic pottery, coins, inscriptions, marble flooring and wall revetment, mosaics, sculpture, wall paintings, and water pipes.
237 In 2000 and 2001 (originally planned as study seasons) modest additional archaeological studies were undertaken to finish some work in progress and to fill in some gaps in the new picture of the villa that was gradually emerging. In March, 2000 the work in Area 24 was brought to a conclusion and the trench was backfilled. In June 2000, the area just to the west of 37 and 50, which had been cleaned in 1997 and protected from slides and erosion by a temporary wooden wall (fig. 12), was landscaped and secured with a permanent green wall (figs. 13-14) by the Israeli firm, PRS Mediterranean. In the preparatory work carried out in June, 2000, the opportunity of further cleaning in this area was utilized to record the ancient remains, which turned out to add important new information about the hydraulic system supplying the baths.
238 In July 2001, a three-week excavation was undertaken in Area 12. Archival research had turned up some previously unknown drawings of plans showing hitherto unrecorded features from the time of Pasqui’s excavations in Areas 6, 11, and 12. If accurate, the plans would provide important, yet previously unknown, evidence of several structures in the area of the residence that Pasqui had found and reburied, but never mentioned in his reports or interviews. Ideally, all three areas would have been excavated to test the reliability of the documents and to record, date, and interpret any features found, but a variety of practical considerations made it possible to do only a limited test excavation in one area. The modern surface of Area 11 has a significant fragment of an ancient mosaic, and work in this area might have put the mosaic at risk. The ancient structure drawn in Area 6 was smaller than that in Area 12; and Area 12 (and the adjacent Area 11) were documented with a section as well as a plan, so that it provided an opportunity to test the validity of the documentation in two dimensions. For these reasons, the test excavation took place in Area 12.


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C.1.6. Resources utilized in archival research
239 As mentioned, a second goal of the project was to collect information about the history of the site from antiquity to the present day, with a special emphasis on previous archaeological interventions and excavations.
240 Archaeological materials from the twentieth century excavations were found on the site, in the Licenza Museum, formerly the Antiquarium (including its small storage room), and at the storehouse of the Archaeological Superintendency of Lazio at Ercole Vincitore. The major gap in the collection of archaeological finds comes from the theft in the Licenza Antiquarium in 1978 (see Frischer, B.4.7). For the objects stolen, we attempted to use photographs in the Archaeological Superintendency that were taken before the theft, and, except for the coins, they provided an acceptable makeshift. Unfortunately, the coins were photographed many decades ago at small scale and so could not be interpreted at all from the images (see Buttrey, D.11).
241 For published sources on the site, good bibliographical information existed, starting with Lugli’s bibliography [8] but also including the unpublished comprehensive bibliography of Prof. Charles Henderson, which contains materials printed through 1993 and which the author kindly put at our disposal.
242 For unpublished, archival materials (including photographs as well as documents), there was no previous research to rely on, and, as with any archival research, the search required persistence and luck. The biggest gap in the archival record is the working papers of Angelo Pasqui, which are still missing, as Lugli noted with regret in 1926. [9] Another gap are the professional papers of Lugli himself; upon his death, these were donated by his family to the Archivio Capitolino, but have gone missing. [10] They might have shed a great deal of light on a number of matters, including Lugli’s 1926 article, his excavation with Thomas Price in 1930-31, and his restorations of the site in the early 1930s.
243 The fact that the Pasqui and Lugli letters are missing was ascertained through helpful interviews with Pasqui’s grandson, Giorgio Pasqui of Bibbiena, and with Lugli’s son, Pier Maria Lugli of Rome. In general, such interviews with persons connected to the site in the past proved useful. In addition to Mssrs. Lugli and Pasqui, we interviewed several present or former employees of the Archaeological Superintendency responsible for Licenza, including Domenico Facenna, [11] Adriano La Regina, [12] and Antonio Muzi. [13]
244 The following archives were consulted for documentation illustrating the history of the site:
Archivio Capitolino, [14] Comune di Roma, Fondo Orsini. Here are to be found several medieval documents for the history of Orsini holdings in the Licenza Valley. [15] See also below, UCLA.
Archivio Centrale dello Stato (EUR/Rome). [16] This archive contains the documents from the Direzione Generale delle Antichità e Belle Arti. Here can be found documentation pertaining to Pasqui’s excavations of 1911-14, including the Pasqui-Ricci correspondence (Ricci’s letters are usually drafts).
Archivio della Soprintendenza Archeologica per il Lazio. This archive contains adminstrative documents pertaining to “Horace’s Villa” from the early twentieth century until the present day. It includes messages sent to Pasqui by his staff from Licenza during the 1911-14 excavations as well as the Pasqui-Ricci correspondence (Pasqui’s letters are often drafts).
Archivio della Soprintendenza Archeologica di Roma (Palazzo Altemps). This archive contains one file of the graphic documentation of Pasqui’s excavations of “Horace’s Villa”. [17]
Archivio di Stato, Roma. This collection contains the archive of the Ministero per Lavori Pubblici of the Papal States, which in the nineteenth century had to give permissions for private archaeological excavations. Excavators were required to file regular reports on their finds. It also has copies of the cadasters of property in Licenza under the Papal government.
Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Archivio Borghese. Here may be found documents pertaining to ownership of land in Licenza by the Borghese family from the seventeenth through nineteenth centuries. [18]
Archivio Storico, Comune di Licenza. This archive contains municipal documents, including the minutes of meetings of the city council, from the Risorgimento until the present day.
Biblioteca Angelica, Rome. This library holds the correspondence of Felice Barnabei, a friend of Angelo Pasqui, in the Archivio Barnabei. [19] Its holdings also include the Archivio Academia degli Arcadi. [20]
Biblioteca Classense, Comune di Ravenna. Here may be found the Carteggio Corrado Ricci, [21] the archive of Ricci’s extensive correspondence.
National Library of Scotland, Special Collections. The earliest known version of Allan Ramsay’s treatise on Horace’s villa [22] may be found here, as well as the diary of his son, John, [23] from the trip father and son took to Italy in 1783, when Ramsay was putting the final touches on his treatise.
UCLA Young Research Library, Special Collections. Here are to be found the parts of the Orsini Archive not in the Archivio Capitolino [24] and the fair copy of Allan Ramsay’s treatise on Horace’s Villa. [25]
University of Edinburgh Library, Special Collections. The library owns a copy of Allan Ramsay’s treatise on Horace’s Villa that dates to a time between the copies in the National Library of Scotland and UCLA. [26]
245 The following photographic archives were also consulted:
Archive, British School at Rome. The archive contains the Thomas Ashby photographic collection, including 14 shots of the Licenza Valley taken in 1927.
Archivio Fotografico, Corriere della Sera. The archive kindly made available to us copies of the photographs in its files that were made in 1913 to illustrate the article in La Lettura written by Paolo Giordani about the Pasqui excavations.
Archivio Fotografico, Soprintendenza Archeologica per il Lazio. The collection contains all the official photographic documentation for Licenza taken by the Superintendency (or, its predecessor, the Ufficio Scavi per Roma e la Provincia di Roma e Aquila) from 1911 to the present day.
Fototeca Unione. The collection includes 13 photographs taken by Ernest Nash on the site of “Horace’s Villa” in 1955.
Gabinetto Fotografico Nazionale. The collection holds five photographs of “Horace’s Villa” taken in ca. 1914/15 at the conclusion of Pasqui’s excavations.
Photo Archives, German Archaeological Institute (Rome). The collection was searched for useful photographs of the remains or finds of “Horace’s Villa,” but nothing of interest was found.
Aerofototeca, Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione (Rome-EUR). [27] The holdings include four aerial photographs of “Horace’s Villa” taken in 1970.


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C.1.7. Documentation and database
[text]
246 During fieldwork, trench supervisors were responsible for recording data. Given the fact that excavation is destructive, it is necessary to provide for careful and effective documentation so that the greatest amount of information can be captured and saved. The greater the amount of this information, the more complex becomes its management and synthesis. But the act of documenting an excavation is not limited to collecting data in the field; it also concerns the digitization of data in the field or, as in our case, immediately afterwards in the laboratory, with the aid of an appropriate relational database.


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C.1.7.1. Data collection
247 The Excavation Notes were filled out every day by each trenchmaster (fig. 15). Here the archaeologist’s first impressions were recorded, along with all the activities carried out in the work area and including the finding of any noteworthy objects. The Excavation Notes form also included room for sketches and measured drawings. This kind of documentation, written in a discursive style, might seem old-fashioned, but it has proven to be a tool that retains its usefulness today, both for the interpretation of data recorded elsewhere in the information system (generally by various experts), and as an aide-memoire to the trenchmaster for the doubts, second thoughts, and the day-to-day unfolding of the excavation—all of which becomes important to review when the time comes to write a final report.

Figure 15
Excavation note.
248 To register the data pertaining to the stratigraphic units (SU), we used as a model the forms developed by the Italian Ministero per i Beni e le Attività Culturali and approved by the ICCD (Istituto Centrale per il Catalogo e la Documentazione, a unit of the Ministry; figs. 16-17). [28] A similar form was used for registering walls (Mural Stratigraphic Unit, or MSU). For the numbering system used to identify each SU or MSU, we decided to build into the code an indication of the excavation sector from which the SU or MSU came. The archaeological site was divided into the following sectors: I, bath complex; II, southern branch of the quadriporticus; III, residence; IV, western branch of the quadriporticus; V, pool; VI, central area of the garden; VII, northern area of the garden; VIII, eastern branch of the quadriporticus; IX, zone to the northeast behind the structures currently visible on the site and near the entrance from the parking lot; X, sector used to denote studies of the walls (see fig. 5). Each SU or MSU is identified by a number of four figures (five for Sector X) composed of the sector number at the head and then by a progressive numeration of the SU found in it. For example, if the sector is IV, the numeric series will run from 4,000 to 4,999; if VII, from 7,000 to 7,999; if X, from 10,000 to 10,999. Sector I has available all the numbers from 0 to 1,999.

Figure 16
Stratigraphic unit form (front).

Figure 17
Stratigraphic unit form (back).
249 By SU we mean every recognizable action changing the surface of the earth, whether human or natural. [29] The registration of all the elements useful for identifying a SU is an indispensable means for being able to reach a comprehensive interpretation of a site, by means of—wherever possible—the recognition of activities. Thus, both in the moment of excavating and in the act of recording the data, particular attention must be paid to the characteristics and stratigraphic relationships so that the sequence of individual actions or activities can be reconstructed in the matrix. [30] The design of the forms we utilized satisfies these requirements, obligating the person responsible to fill out all the fields on the records. In this way, next to the discursive and sometimes rather informal comments appropriate to the Excavation Notes, the trenchmaster also must record the data in a precise and concise way.
250 As the excavation proceeded, the trenchmaster had the responsibility of creating a catalogue of all the individual SU he or she found, giving the reference number and position for each.
251 During the excavation, once a SU had been identified, the trenchmaster prepared an overlay (or single-context plan) [31] and documented it photographically. Survey was done by a hybrid method utilizing a total station and traditional surveying tools (measuring tape, plumb line, drawing frames). Each photograph was entered into the photo list and annotated when shot. The photo lists were then matched with the photographs once they were developed and contact sheets printed, and an inventory of the photographs was created.
252 Photography was both chemical and digital. Black and white 35 mm chemical photographs were taken of all stratigraphic units and small finds (Kodak 5052 TMX was the preferred product). Important stratigraphic units and all small finds were also photographed with 35 mm slide film (Kodak Ektachrome was the preferred product). Small finds were also recorded on 35 mm color print film (Kodak Gold 200-6 was the preferred product). During the course of the project, consumer digital photography made great strides. In 1997 and 1998, digital photography was only used for informal shots to be used on the project’s Internet site. By 1999 and thereafter, a Nikon Coolpix 2.1 megapixel camera was purchased and used for supplementary documentation of stratigraphic units and finds. All non-digital photographs were digitized at high resolution and included in the photographic database described below.
253 In 1999, an aerial photographic survey of the site was carried out by a small radio-controlled helicopter, under the supervision of Robert Ajtai of VE.DO.
254 At the end of each season, reports were produced by each trenchmaster, synthesizing the results for his sector and including, as an appendix, the filled-out forms (Excavation Notes, SU and MSU forms, photo lists, etc.).
255 Once archaeological material left the site, it was taken to the project’s nearby laboratory in the Mulino of Licenza for inventory and study. All the material taken to the laboratory was cleaned and classified and entered into a related catalogue. For the noteworthy materials, a special form was developed (fig. 18), which reflects the main fields of the so-called “pre-catalogue.” The noteworthy material, after being photographed, was then inventoried according to the rules and procedures of the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio.

Figure 18
Noteworthy materials form.


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C.1.7.2. Data management
256 Throughout the project, written forms were digitized and included in the project’s information management system. The processing of information from the catalogues, inventories, and forms was carried out with the aid of commercial software such as Microsoft Word, Access, and Excel. In addition, all the slides taken of excavated material were digitalized with the Epson GT7000 scanner at a resolution of 1200 DPI (dots per inch). The scans were saved in JPEG (Joint Photographic Experts Group) format at the medium level of quality. In this phase of the work, our priority was to maximize efficiency in managing data and not to prepare publication-quality images. We knew that, in the end, few of our thousands of images would be published, and those could be digitalized anew in uncompressed format at the highest level of quality in the production phase of publication. All of the overlays were digitalized and then vectorialized with AutoCad.
257 Luca Passalacqua and Stefano Camaiani, then two laureandi in the Department of Archaeology at the University of Siena, were responsible for our data management and for designing an information system that allows the user to make queries across most of the data categories (fig. 19).

Figure 19
Horace's Villa Project database.
258 Initial plans called for all the individual databases to be combined in a composite Geographic Information System (GIS) utilizing ArcView. In the event, this part of the data management project was not implemented for lack of personnel and funds. On the other hand, the lack of a GIS interface, while regrettable, did not materially compromise the usefulness of the system, which greatly facilitated analysis and interpretation during our study seasons and, afterward, during the production of this volume (fig. 20).

Figure 20
Meeting of the working group of the Horace's Villa Project, December, 2000.


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C.1.8. Disposition of finds and documentation
259 The small finds were taken to the Archaeology Laboratory of the American Academy in Rome, where they were studied by various experts. At the conclusion of the 2002 study season, all objects were inventoried according to the system of the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio and transported to the storehouse of the Superintendency at Ercole Vincitore (Tivoli). There, they were stored in the same general area as the older finds from Licenza.
260 Upon publication of this report, all original versions of the written, photographic, and digital documentation will be deposited for long-term storage with the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio.


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C.2. The Residence

By Monica De Simone and Laura Cerri

C.2.1. Excavation in Area 12
261 This excavation (Sector III.12) was conducted in July, 2001, following the discovery of a document (fig. 1), which was identified by Bernard Frischer shortly after it had been found in 2000 by Klaus Werner in the Archive of the Archaeological Superintendency for Rome in Palazzo Altemps (see the contribution of Frischer, B.4.1). Recognizing that the document was extremely important because it contained a plan of the Pasqui excavations showing features never before published and no longer visible on the surface, Frischer immediately requested permission to conduct the excavation, which was kindly granted by the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio. The present writer was the field director of the project.

Figure 1
Document from the SAR Archives in Palazzo Altemps (Rome); it is related to rooms 11 and 12 during the excavations 1911-1914: above, plan (a); below, section (b).
262 The plan, datable to the period between 1911 and 1914, shows a situation not otherwise known within Areas 11 and 12 of our plan. Area 12 is commonly identified as the atrium with impluvium; room 11, bordering Area 12 on the east but not communicating with it, currently presents a pavement with a restoration of a portion of the mosaic preserved in the northeast corner of the space. The archival document, in addition to indicating some measurements, shows the following features: in Area 12, a sort of horseshoe-shaped structure running parallel to the walls on the east, north, and west to a distance of about 50 cm; near the southwest corner, a structure with a right angle, which may indicate the presence of another room; and in room 11, a staircase with five steps. To the plan is attached an east-west section (cf. fig. 1b; see letters C and D of fig. 1a), which shows how the features of the plan should be understood to relate to structures below the present surface level (corresponding to the footing of the walls in opus reticulatum) and not, as could be hypothesized by the lack of quotas, to walls demolished during Pasqui’s excavations. A note in the margin of the section indicates that these structures pertain to a not-further-defined “medieval house” (“casa medievale”).
263 The photographs of the period do not clearly show this stage of the Pasqui intervention, but it is possible to verify in them the level reached by the excavations, as well as the condition of the structures, which were almost entirely limited to the foundations (fig. 2). Particularly striking is the complete absence, at least at the time the photographs were taken, of the present northern wall of Area 12.

Figure 2
Room 12 from south-west, during the excavations 1911-1914 (Archive SAL, A96-949).
264 Cleaning and stratigraphic excavation in the eastern half of Area 12 (fig. 3) was undertaken in order to verify the document and to clarify the nature and function of the area in question in its various phases.

Figure 3
Plan of Area 12 at the end of the excavation 2001.
265 The excavations of 1911-1914 removed or at least disturbed almost all the ancient archaeological stratigraphy, with the notable exception of SU 3144 (see below). As a result, there were practically no elements that could furnish an absolute date. However, it was possible to find and analyze the features summarily indicated in the archival document, and also to verify the presence of heavy restoration.
266 The only original portion in opus reticulatum (SU 3117) was identified on the face of the eastern wall in the northern zone of the area. Exactly corresponding to it was revealed SU 3102, belonging to a fragment of the preparation of the floor. That was certainly consistent with the reticulate structure covering the footing of its foundation (SU 3136) and abutting the wall. In contrast, its relationship with another foundation we identified (SU 3103) is more complex. This foundation runs in a north-south direction and is almost parallel to wall 3117. The foundation should be the east arm of the horseshoe-shaped structure of the archival document. But no northern arm was found, and SU 3103 clearly abuts the ancient foundation (SU 3121) of the northern wall (3122, a restoration) of the area. The foundation 3103, consisting of lime and a loose, yellowish mortar, was made in a vertical cut (SU 3115), penetrating through the ancient soil (SU 3110=SU 3114), which was almost completely sterile. In the southern zone of the area, SU 3103 is either partially preserved at a lower level or is almost completely razed. However, SU 3132, 3137, 3141, 3142, and 3143, which are small traces, must relate to its construction. They provide evidence that clearly attests the continuation of the wall toward the south (fig. 4). Obviously, one can say nothing about the elevation of this wall, nor can one completely exclude the possibility that it was coeval with SU 3117, creating a very narrow service corridor, even if the dimensions of this space would lead one to think otherwise.

Figure 4
Room 12, from the south: visible in the trace of SMU 3103 that was built on the basin.
267 The part of greatest interest comprises the structures attested near the southeast corner of the area, identified in Pasqui’s excavations and indicated in the archival document but apparently neglected by the restorers.
268 No feature that can be related to a “medieval house” was discovered, but what can be recognized is a hydraulic installation, whose use cannot be determined with certainty. Obviously, we are in a phase in which the foundations 3113 and 3125-3127 had not yet been built, nor the wall related to structure 3103. All these features need to be set aside in considering the nature and function of the earlier water system. What remains of the system is part of a basin, presumably square, delimited to the north by SU 3107 and to the west by SU 3123. Its wall structures are covered, on the interior wall of the basin, with a thin layer of cocciopesto (SU 3108 and 3124). The basin was built after the cutting of SU 3110 and the deposit of virgin clay (SU 3145). One wall, 3107, in opus caementicium (grayish mortar and lime), was constructed against earth (controterra); the other wall, 3123, was not. The latter does not, however, show a regular face on the western side. Parallel to the wall 3123 runs a small water channel, made of a thick pavement of cocciopesto. The water, which ran in from a pipe housed in 3107 near the corner with 3123, flowed out only a short distance, thanks to the drain made from SU 3140.
269 The basin lacks its southern and eastern sides, but two other features may help to clarify the function of the installation. Inside the basin, near the eastern limit of the presently visible part of 3107, there is a column (3111; fig. 5). The column is not completely circular and was made with fragments of roof-tiles and mortar, partially covered with a thin layer of cocciopesto (SU 3112). The column was made after pavement 3131 became operational and was built with a mixture of mortar different from that found in walls 3107 and 3123. The cocciopesto, however, is rather similar. The column could thus represent a later addition or an ancient repair, although we cannot completely exclude a unique construction phase. It is only 20 cm distant from the wall of 3107 and presents, toward the wall, a face that is flat rather than circular, and with no revetment.

Figure 5
Room 12: detail of the top of the column (MSU 3111).
270 Corresponding to it, on the wall of 3107 (revetment 3108), two irregular holes, which were made by puncturing the cocciopesto, are present at a different height. These suggest the existence of a vertical feature, presumably in a perishable material (perhaps a wooden beam?) secured to the basin by nails, which caused the puncture holes observed in the cocciopesto against which the column would have been erected. On the top of the column, as it now exists, a small irregularly-shaped bronze feature, sunk into the mortar, is still visible. The interpretation of the function of this installation must also take into account another interesting feature, namely, SU 3139 (fig. 6). This is a portion of the imprint of what appears to have been another column analogous to 3111, positioned in front of 3123 near the drainage channel 3140. It seems plausible to hypothesize that the arrangement was similar on the two missing sides of the basin, which would also have had vertical elements that stood a little bit in front of the walls, approximately half way (?) down their length.

Figure 6
Room 12: detail of SU3139, probably the imprint of a column.
271 As noted, the basin was created by a cut (SU 3146) that penetrated the clay deposit (3145), which was partially shaped in relation to wall 3123. Cut 3146 was obviously visible only outside the basin. The regularization continues to the west of the basin, perhaps because, initially, the construction of a second similar basin was planned. This zone, however, was impacted by fill (SU 3144), which was dumped into 3146. It yielded fragments of roof-tiles and cover-tiles (some with traces of exposure to high temperature), small amounts of charcoal, and practically no pottery.
272 The relative chronology of the southern zone of the trench is fairly clear. After the creation of the basin, which necessitated a regularization of the natural slope (running downwards from north to south), the fill 3144 was made. In the absence of stratigraphy, we can hypothesize a succeeding phase of abandonment or of additional filling that put the hydraulic installation out of use. The foundations that were constructed in the next phase were partially built in the “vertical cut” manner up to the point where they reached the part of the basin that is still preserved. This new building phase (MSU 3113, 3127-3125) includes a general raising of the level, now indicated by the restored structures, that is fortunately verifiable thanks to the survival of an original portion of wall 3117.
273 The relationship between this new phase and the construction of SU 3103 (and related traces of that activity: SU 3132, 3137, 3141, 3142, and 3143) remains uncertain. However, it appears that the discontinuity of wall 3127 must relate to the continuation of 3103 toward the south.
274 The northern part of the excavation was less thoroughly studied. Here the first excavators did not dig as extensively, touching only the surface layers and the probable residuum of a floor bedding (SU 3134). Once SU 3134 was removed, it was ascertained that the ancient stratum SU 3110 (=3114=3130) was still preserved in this area. The stratum was partially removed in the central zone of the excavation and turned out to be completely sterile. Only a small part of SU 3102 was removed, in order to investigate SU 3114.
275 Near the western limit of the trench, another structure (SU 3133, fig. 7) was identified. It was probably a foundation and was built of small, medium, and large stones bonded by clay, not mortar. It is hard to establish its relationship with SU 3121 (the ancient foundation of the northern wall of the room), since only the top was investigated. The structure runs south for a short distance, where it was probably partly demolished when the brick wall 3119 was erected. Wall 3119 constitutes the eastern side of the small rectangular basin (the so-called impluvium), which is slightly off-center within Area 12. It lacks a foundation and was built directly on SU 3110. The wall seen during the excavation has modern mortar, and one may entertain strong doubts about its antiquity, at least at this point.

Figure 7
Room 12, from the north: structure 3133.
276 Despite the practical limits of this excavation, the project brought to light new data and has furnished new evidence of the drastic nature of the restorations made from 1911-1914. We can now exclude the existence of a wall running parallel to the northern limit of the space, as was indicated on the archival document. The foundations 3103 and 3133 show a further phase, in which the complex presented a different arrangement, although it had almost exactly the same orientation. It is clear, however, that the structures indicated on the document near the southwest corner are not related to the medieval period but to a phase earlier than that represented by the structures in opus reticulatum.
277 Besides attesting a previous phase than what is presently seen on the site, the basin offers various points of interest (fig. 8). If it can be established that its function was practical, it would be the only feature heretofore found of the pars rustica of the villa in any phase. This it would mean that the villa had a far different functional design in the early period than it came to have in the phase exposed to view since the time of Pasqui. But even if its function turns out to have been ornamental, the fact that the structures of the next phase obliterated it attests a complete reworking of the layout of the villa in this part.

Figure 8
Room 12, from the east: the visible portion of the basin at the end of the excavation of 2001.


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C.2.2. Soundings north of Areas 6, 17, and 26
278 In the course of the archaeological investigations undertaken in 1999, three soundings were executed in the northern zone of the villa (Sector III) between the wrought-iron security wall delimiting the archaeological park on the north and the wall running east-west that, today, appears to close off the residence on its northern side (cf. C.1. fig. 5). These explorations were made to determine the correctness of the plan of the residence published by Lugli and later scholars, which, for a variety of reasons, can be doubted. First of all, there is a disproportion between the size of the garden and quadriporticus, on the one hand, and of the residence, on the other: the residence ought to have been larger. Moreover, the brick fountain situated in Area 8 oddly juts out beyond the alleged northern closure wall of the residence. Equally unexpected is the fact that, if the alleged closure wall is ancient, then the fountain was not placed symmetrically in the middle of Area 8, as might have been expected in the case of so monumental a structure.
279 The soundings we undertook confirmed our suspicions. The removal of the surface level of humus in three soundings brought to light wall remains that supported our hypothesis that the residence ought to have continued beyond the alleged closure wall to the north.
280 Sounding adjacent to Area 26: Sounding 1 was opened near the northwest corner of the residence. The removal of the surface level of humus permitted us to identify the foundation of a wall with a north-south orientation. The limited scope of our investigation did not allow us to determine either the width of the wall or whether the presence of stones mixed with mortar to the east of it should be attributed to the presence of another structure, oriented east-west, or to the collapse of the wall we found.
281 Sounding adjacent to Area 17: Sounding 2 also allowed us to identify the continuation northwards of the north-south wall of the villa, perpendicular to the alleged closure wall. In this trench two walls came to light: one to which we have already referred, oriented north-south (fig. 9), which constitutes the prolungation of the wall already identified and restored by the Archaeological Superintendency; and a second wall, oriented east-west, which is perhaps related to the presence of the stones and mortar discovered in Sounding 1. Both walls were preserved only at the foundation level; they were made of stones and tufa, bonded with a yellowish mortar of a crude quality and friable consistency. Noteworthy is the fact that a stone cubile was found in the north-south wall, which is probably to be attributed to the elevation.

Figure 9
Sector III, surrounding 2.
282 Sounding adjacent to Area 6: Sounding 3 was made at the northeast corner of the residence, adjacent to Area 6. A pavement in cocciopesto was revealed that was only partially preserved. It extended north of the northern wall of Area 6 and represents another confirmation of our hypothesis of additional structures north of the alleged northern closure wall.
283 The data obtained in these three soundings, even if limited and not stratigraphic, provide an important point of departure for further investigations of this part of the villa. This could lead to discoveries in an area not affected by preceding archaeological and conservation interventions. In this connection it should be noted that the road immediately behind the metal fence has not yet been paved, and thus the levels underneath it could be fairly easily revealed. Since, as Bernard Frischer has informed me in a personal communication, the road was built immediately after Pasqui’s excavations on land that had, up to that time, been used for farming, its subsurface should contain intact ancient stratigraphy. The same may be true of the field immediately to the north across the street, which is presently a small truck farm with no deep ploughing.
284 The limited space within which the interventions were carried out constrained us to undertake only small sondages. Moreover, the presence of a newly installed electrical cable running just inside the wall along the northern limit of the archaeological park prevented us from extending the work right up to the wall. Research in this part of the villa was restricted to removing the surface level of humus and to the identification of the tops of structures below the surface. Time did not permit a stratigraphic investigation, which, it is hoped, a future campaign will be able to undertake.

Editor’s Note: Monica De Simone wrote section C.2.1; Laura Cerri wrote section C.2.2.



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C.3. The Garden

By Kathryn Gleason, James G. Schryver, Luca Passalacqua

C.3.1. Introduction
285 The excavation of the gardens at “Horace’s Villa” has produced some of the most successful results of the AAR/SAL excavations. [1] Preserved, systematically excavated ancient gardens outside of the region of Mt. Vesuvius are rare, but include the excavations of E. Salsa Prina Ricotti and W. Jashemski of the gardens at Hadrian’s Villa in nearby Tivoli and the joint Italian-Danish project on the gardens of Livia at Prima Porta. [2] Given the importance of Horace’s poetry about the Sabine landscape and his villa, Frischer consulted Jashemski on the feasibility of undertaking a garden archaeology project, and she recommended a small team of specialists to do the work. He assembled the group for a feasibility study in August 1998. All participants were encouraged by the results of their investigations that year. [3]
286 Gardens and designed landscapes are excavated for a number of reasons, and, contrary to expectation, the goal is not the discovery of the species of plants that grew there. This is not possible in most instances. [4] Rather, the objective of archaeological exploration is to recover the basic physical layout of the garden (the boundaries, the paths, the edges, and the features that structure the space and the experience of the visitor), as well as to understand the garden within the context of the overall property and landscape, both built and natural. Evidence is derived from the built architectural features of the garden, located through geophysical survey and excavation, and from the location of the plants, detected through excavation. The small holes, pits, and sometimes even flower pots indicate the presence of plants of different sizes, even though we usually cannot provide botanical identification without other records. [5] For this project, Horace’s poems constitute such a record. Although he does not specify the plants in his garden, he mentions many of the plants of his estate, which illuminate the broader context of our study. The “external” landscape setting of a Roman garden is as essential to the garden design as the internal features. Whether or not we are speaking of Horace’s Sabine Villa, we gain much from the record his writings provide on the landscape of a farm in the Sabine hills. For instance, during the recent excavations, our archaeological botanist reported sorrell among the carbonized seeds from SU 7044, where it was deposited in antiquity in the fertilizer of the Flavian garden (see Ramsay, D.14). A common weed in wet areas, Horace suggests it was gathered from his land for medicinal purposes (Ep. 2.51-58).
287 Taken together, the archaeological evidence gives us the basic infrastructure of the garden: its water system, its planting beds and patterns, its paths; from these we can extrapolate the overall framework for the visual experience of the garden. Onto this structure we may drape such evidence for art and daily life as the remaining archaeological and textual records provide. It is also possible to judge other, often ephemeral, qualities of the garden from the evidence of the habitats it produced for other forms of life: for example, snails, insects, amphibians, and rodents that prefer sun to shade, moist to dry, high vegetation to low. Even without the details, this basic infrastructure of visual space allows us to glimpse the ways in which visitors saw the garden as they moved around it, sought cool as opposed to sunny places, or looked at the garden while they dined. The painstaking observation and recording of fine soil changes, as well as the recovery bits of bone and plant remains, are but the raw data leading to the larger understanding of the experience of seeing and being in the garden, or in the larger landscape of the villa.
288 This report presents a garden of the first century A.D., whose features we may interpret. We located a cultivated soil layer of the late first century B.C., but not its features. We begin with a brief review of the elements of the designed landscape already known at the beginning of the project: the elements that make this villa such an important contribution to garden history. We then present the methodology employed before turning to the full report on the excavation of the quadriporticus garden, which was the focus of three brief seasons of work between 1998-2000. Although this excavation is only a series of small test sites within the larger area of the garden, some of the preliminary results of the work allow us to present theories about the visual structure of the garden. Some conclusions are already quite evident, while other, more speculative, observations may guide future work at the site. The report concludes with questions and suggestions for such an effort, which is certainly warranted.


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C.3.2. Landscape setting and description of the Villa’s gardens
[text]
289 From a landscape architectural perspective, the overall siting and design of the villa take advantage of a variety of topographic features to create the architectural settings popular in gardens of the first centuries B.C. and A.D.: terraces, cryptoporticoes, and viewing pavilions (diaetae). Although Horace does not describe the contents and layout of the gardens of his villa, his poetry is set in the steep natural topography and such cultivated landscape as the rugged hills permitted (fig. 1). This is the landscape celebrated in the remarkable siting of the villa. The response of the achitecture to the spectacular vistas marks the villa as a type of “view villa,” popular in the first century B.C. and highly developed a century later. [6] The original building must have been sited, at least in part, for the views, though we have few certain architectural remains from which to judge how the scenes were experienced. For the Flavian period, the peak of “view mania,” the siting and the archaeological discoveries at Licenza suggest that the architecture was designed to engage the surrounding landscape.

Figure 1
View north from the villa to Civitella. The stone picnic table in the farmer's plot recalls the ancient practice of placing triclinia in orchards and vineyards (photo by K. Gleason).
290 The siting of the villa’s residential and bath complex is unusual. The land was terraced to form a saddle between a small knoll to the east, known today as the Castagneto, and the lower slopes of Monte Rotondo to the west. As observers have noted, the setting was quite strategic both for views and for pleasant climatic conditions. Horace describes it as an arx enclosed by montes (Sat. 2.6.16), phrasing that well describes the site of current excavations. By terracing the saddle, the designer created broad level surfaces for gardens and working areas connected to the architecture, while providing extraordinary views from these terraced gardens to the north and south (fig. 2). [7]

Figure 2
View from the road to Licenza, looking south to the villa site, March 2000 (photo by K. Gleason).
291 The Castagneto is a knoll rising about 50 m above the villa. At the summit, the 1998 survey team noted a remarkably level surface with a clearing in the woods. Today, the overgrown spools of coppiced chestnuts obscure the view, but in winter it is possible to appreciate a 360° view of the countryside surrounding the villa from this clearing (fig. 3). The knoll’s lower slope has now eroded over the east wall of the villa, and the overburden has prevented excavations of buried walls off the east portico. There can be little doubt that the architecture of the east side of the villa was carefully planned in relationship to this topographic feature, as the slope would have required retention. A retaining wall and a means of egress to the knoll could have been combined with either interior architectural features or exterior ones.

Figure 3
View from the Castagneto through coppiced trees in March 2000. A 360-degree view is possible (photo by K. Gleason).
292 Villas of the first centuries B.C. and A.D. around the Mediterranean often featured such viewing knolls. For example, Herod the Great’s palace at Jericho had an artificial knoll with a pavilion at its summit (fig. 4). The pavilion provided views of the estate with its famous palm and balsam plantations. Closer to home, the Villa dei Papyri at Herculaneum and the Villa Iovis on Capri had viewing pavilions. It is difficult to believe that this knoll at Licenza was not incorporated into the villa’s architectural scheme; remains of a pavilion, however, have yet to be detected. Cores in the area demonstrated that the soil layers there have been very stable for tens of thousands of years (see Foss et al., E.1). This preliminary evidence suggests that the knoll may have had a gently rounded crest naturally, rather than a constructed terrace. It is likely that any disturbance for an architectural structure may thus be represented archaeologically as a minimal intrusion into the natural soil horizons, as with posthole construction. In March 2000, a ground penetrating radar survey was conducted on the knoll’s summit, but lack of time prevented a sufficient number of transects to be run. Further survey is warranted in this area to determine if there are archaeological remains of a diaeta or other structures associated with the villa. [8]

Figure 4
The Winter Palace of Herod the Great at Jericho. The artificial viewing knoll and dieta provided views of the palace and the surrounding estate. Late first-century B.C. (after Netzer/Salzberg).
293 On the north and south, the saddle, with its terraced platform for the villa, drops away about 50 m, quite steeply to the north, more gradually to the south. The view to the north, of the prominent hill at Civitella, is almost directly on axis with the villa. This view will be explored in more detail below, but it is worth suggesting here that when the as yet unexcavated northern side of the villa is investigated, archaeologists may consider the possibility of a garden, an ambulatio, and/or diaetae that address not only this hill, but the extraordinary panorama of the valley. The view to the south is no less impressive, though less visible now. Today the panorama begins with the view of S. Maria Delle Case on the slope below Roccagiovine, where the Temple of Vacuna may have been visible in Horace’s day (Epist. 1.10.49).
294 On the west, the long slope rising 530 m to the summit of the Colle Rotondo has also eroded, burying this side of the villa. How this slope was integrated into the villa is a more complex issue. It is possible that a peristyle at the northwest opened onto a courtyard that is now substantially buried under the eroded slope. Coring of the accessible portion of this courtyard has not produced garden soils; however, too little of the overall area is available for study to be sure that it was not planted, if only with shade trees. Also on this side of the villa, the recent excavations identified an atrium of the late Republican period (See Camaiani et al., C.5).


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C.3.2.1. Gardens within the building: small courtyard garden (Area 8, Lugli’s cortile A)
295 Lugli describes the garden at the northern end of the villa as one of two courts that furnished light and air to the rooms around it; the second is the so-called atrium roughly on axis to the south. Lugli regards Area 8 (his cortile A) as opening onto the countryside to the north; [9] room 12 (Lugli’s cortile B) was an interior court with a water feature, but recent excavations revealed an earlier phase beneath it (fig. 5; and see De Simone, C.2.1)

Figure 5
Small garden in Area 8, April 1986 (photo by K. Gleason).
296 Lugli reports that the original appearance of Area 8 is not known, but that changes were made to the courtyard itself in the imperial period. [10] Within the courtyard space is a low, rectangular construction, with small semicircular niches in the middle of each side. The construction consisted of a channel surrounding the central space, which was evidently occupied by a garden. This highly architectonic form of garden bed or planter was popular by the mid-first century A.D., as seen in the Domus Augustana in Rome, the Templum Pacis in Rome, and further afield, at Conimbriga in Portugal.
297 Recent investigations have shown that the north enclosure wall of the building was reconstructed incorrectly by Pasqui’s team: the boundary wall visible today should not be regarded as the north wall of the villa and the complex clearly continues northward (see Frischer, F.1). The implication of this discovery is that Area 8 was an introverted space, not facing the north view as indicated by Lugli, although the doors onto it along the north-south central axis may have formed part of a series of frames through it to the vista of the valley beyond.
298 Lugli also suggests that the entire area around this feature was a garden (un cortile fiorito) that surrounded one of the rooms (room 7) projecting onto it, which he interprets as the summer triclinium. [11] The present ground surface of the area disguises any hint of a garden, and cores of the central feature revealed that the early excavators had removed all of the original soil before refilling and replanting it. [12] While the area clearly bears further examination, we did not make it a priority for the feasibility study.


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C.3.2.2. The quadriporticus garden (Sectors V, VI, VII)
299 The garden excavations focused entirely on the area within the large quadriporticus, discovered during the 1911-1914 excavations by Pasqui and further investigated by Lugli and Price during the American Academy in Rome excavations of 1930-1931 (fig. 6). The architecture of the quadriporticus itself was the focus of further work during the 1997-1999 seasons and is reported separately (see De Simone et al., C.4). Lugli reports the dimensions of the quadriporticus garden as 34 x 76 m. It is comparable in size to the peristyle of the Villa dei Papyri (28 x 94 m), the House of Octavius Quartius at Pompeii (30 x 86 m) or the central peristyle of the Villa at Sirmione (50 x 80 m). Lugli thought that the garden was at the front of the building, with the entrance to the villa at the south end of the quadriporticus. [13] Excavations in 1997 showed the south wall to be buttressed in such a way as to make an entrance here unlikely (see Passalacqua, C.4.2).

Figure 6
Plan of the villa with garden excavation areas shaded in grey (plan: M. De Simone; modified by K. Gleason).
300 Within the quadriporticus was a spacious garden focusing on a large piscina in the center. Lugli describes it as follows:

“[The garden was] surrounded on all four sides by a crytoporticus or corridor with large windows opening on the garden. In the center is a large tank with two pilasters on the southern side, which perhaps supported statues, and with a drain for the outflow. Edible fish were probably kept in this tank, while the xystus or garden was laid out with avenues of box and borders of flowers, and rustic benches were conveniently placed in the shade of the fruit trees.” [14]

301 This is the image that guided Thomas Drees Price’s 1932 reconstruction and has influenced the plantings installed at the site since the 1950s, as well as the reconstructions shown at the Museum in Licenza today. [15] No actual archaeological evidence, however, was reported for fish-raising features in the pool, for walks, planting patterns, or benches. A flower pot was found during the Pasqui excavations and exhibited in the Museum, but its findspot is not known, nor is it clear if its function was recognized. Lugli and Price undertook excavations primarily in the northeastern area of the quadriporticus, where they discovered a niched basin within the portico. It was placed, apparently in a later phase, to terminate the east-west axis through the piscina. It is possible that the basin was visible from the garden, and its construction compromised the passage through the porticus at that point. This suggests that the facade was opened up to the garden. The Lugli-Price team also excavated the northeastern corner of the piscina wall and along the north edge, revealing that it had four piers rather than two as described above. No other results from their excavation in the area are known.
302 In summary, the features of the quadriporticus garden securely known archaeologically at the start of our project were:
the central piscina with its four piers, a tank and conduit leading to the drain in the southwest area of the quadriporticus;
a set of steps leading into the garden on the central N/S axis;
a flower pot from the Pasqui excavations;
the surrounding porticus with the articulation of its facade, seen to be a series of alternating doors and panels separated by pilasters. Within the porticus was a fountain feature on the east side of the E/W cross-axis through the pool;
an understanding of the slope of the garden (Price calculated a slope of 0.9% east-west, 1.2% north-south).
303 The challenge for the new excavations was to locate features within the garden soil itself, under the unexcavated central area of the quadriporticus.


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C.3.3. Methodology
[text]
304 To detect the fine features of a relict garden, as well as to reconstruct as much as possible the plantings, decoration, activities and habitats of ancient garden areas, we planned an integrated and coordinated series of specialist activities.


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C.3.3.1. Preliminary survey and assessment techniques within the residence and quadriporticus
305 A geophysical surveying (remote sensing) team, a pedologist, and an archaeologist began the study of the quadriporticus garden and other gardens within the building complex. First, the remote sensing team located possible subsurface features. In 1997, a geophysical survey was conducted using a magnetometer. [16] Further studies with resistivity and magnetometer equipment were conducted in 1998, [17] and the area was checked with soil cores to test the readings (see Foss et al., E.1). By and large, debris blocked the cores taken for this purpose. Studies were also done of the larger area of the villa to describe the geological, geomorphological and pedological conditions at the site (see Foss et al., E.1).
306 Ideally, field work on the larger landscape of the villa estate goes hand in hand with garden excavations, especially with this type of villa. A team from Sheffield University worked at the site in 1998, conducted some promising preliminary field work, and proposed a feasibility study that would have integrated the environmental retrieval studies with an assessment of habitat and resources in the area. The project would also have identified, through systematic field walking, any archaeological remains of outlying features of the villa, such as other gardens, roads, and outbuildings, providing important information for the interpretation of the garden, villa views, and environmental evidence from the excavations. Unfortunately, the funding for this study was not available. Neverthless, this is an important dimension for future work at the site.


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C.3.3.2. Assessing the presence of cultivated soils
307 Cores are key tools for the early detection of garden soils, revealing which levels were formed through erosion, redeposition of fill, cultivation or natural processes of soil formation. Many of J. Foss’ initial cores were blocked by debris, but, after stratigraphic excavation through rubble, new cores “periscoped” down, permitting more accurate removal and readings of the fine soil layers and features of the garden by the archaeologists. This coordinated effort is worth planning into any garden or landscape project from the onset. In 1998, it permitted us to determine the presence of two levels of ancient cultivated soils, although only one could be reached by the archaeologists in the time available that season. Without the cores, the feasibility of a garden excavation project at the site would have appeared less promising.
308 Garden soils are identified on the basis on several characteristics. Roman soils were typically cultivated with fertilizer, which consisted of debris gathered from kitchens, barns, and even privies (if Virgil is to be believed). This material was gathered into large piles, in order to be used later and worked into garden soils and fields. As a result of this deposition process and continued cultivation, the artifacts from cultivated layers are highly abraded, often preventing identification. Finds within the soil include potsherds, bones, carbonized plant and wood remains, and other artifacts, all randomly scattered.


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C.3.4. Excavation of the quadriporticus garden (Area 24, Sectors VI.1, VI.2, VII; Area 25, Sector V)
[text]
309 A team dedicated to the excavation of the garden soils is typically needed on Mediterranean sites. K. Gleason planned and carried out the strategy, coordinating the work with B. Frischer and G. Ponti. J. Schryver supervised the excavation and interpretation of the medieval levels. After various stratigraphic units in the garden had been identified, flotation and wet-sieving of soil samples were undertaken in 1999 and 2000. Recovery of plant remains was successful, despite rather poor conditions for preservation and sieving (see Ramsay, D.14). Animal bones, eggshells and land snails were also retrieved. No feasibility studies were carried out for insects, pollen or phytoliths.
310 Excavation focused first on the identification of the nature of the strata. It is evident from the levels of the 1911-1914 excavations that the quadriporticus lay under two meters of later deposits. The first meter consists of almost continuously cultivated soils. Around the perimeter of the courtyard, these preserve a rubble layer, dated to medieval times (fig. 7). [18] As has been observed at other sites, a layer of rubble debris is often ideal for preserving garden features, and this proved to be the case in the quadriporticus. The best preservation occurred under the thickest portions of this layer, and, during excavation, we paid particular attention to the identification of cultivated surfaces. Once these were established, and the surfaces exposed, excavators turned to the identification and documentation of every small feature and change in soil color. Due to the short work seasons, we exposed small areas at the time (fig. 14). Only at the end of the three seasons was it possible to put the plans together and observe a distinct pattern to the finds. That said, the discovery of three planting pots and several pits in 1999, all parallel to the central N/S axis, gave us some immediate clues as to the design of the garden. [19]

Figure 7
East baulk of the 1998 trench in Sector VII.1, showing the general sequence of upper cultivated soils, medieval debris piles, and lower garden levels (photo by J. Schryver).

Figure 14
Schematic plan of the excavation trenches of Sector VII.1 (1998-2000) with excavators initials (K. Gleason).
311 The archaeological stratigraphy is sufficiently clear and data-rich to reconstruct the general chronology, with the main periods of use dated by coins and pottery. The following discussion presents the garden excavation in two groups: Sectors V and VI, the central area of the garden with its pool; and Sector VII, a single large trench at the north end of the garden, at the base of the central steps. The excavation of Sectors V and VI is first discussed trench by trench; thereafter the activities they represent are related to each other. The various activities of each period are initially described with stratigraphic unit numbers, artifact descriptions, and soil context; then they are interpreted, within the limits possible for a feasibility study.


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C.3.4.1. Sectors V and VI: the central part of the garden (Sector VI) and the piscina (Area 25, Sector V)
312 The Pasqui team first excavated the central piscina and its water pipe and small tank on the western side. They also identified two large piers along the south side of the pool. Lugli and Price pursued the pool’s outlines further on the north and east sides and located the northern two piers. [20] In the published study of the excavations, Lugli describes the pool as having a spurting central jet (fontana zampillante) that provided an attractive focus within the well-tended gardens for those strolling in the porticoes. [21] This jet is purely speculative: neither campaign fully excavated the bottom of the pool.
313 To clarify aspects of the construction of the pool and the contents of its fill, teams conducted remote sensing surveys over the pool and excavations were undertaken inside it (northwest corner, Sector V) and outside it (east side and near the southeast pier, Sectors VI.1 and VI.2, respectively). The pool walls seen today are heavily consolidated with a cement cap. No mortar or clamps survive inside the pool to hint as to the nature of the original coating, nor is there any indication of hydraulic mortar or cocciopesto to suggest that the pool was lined with waterproof material. Lugli and Ponti assumed that the walls visible today are foundations, the former on the basis of the materials of construction, the latter on the basis of garden levels to the north of the pool, and both on the assumption that the original garden surface was a short step down from the thresholds between the portico and the garden. The garden levels in cores and trench VI.2, however, place this hypothesis in some question. It may simply be the case that the limestone chip and cement walls seen today are but the core of walls once finished in finer materials. This issue is linked to phasing: the core suggests garden levels well below the top of the walls. The results of the 1999 excavation in Sector VI.2 address this relationship inconclusively (see below). The excavations to date do not establish the original date of the pool’s construction; nor do they clarify the interpretative issues discussed above. If anything, our studies have suggested new possibilities and raised more questions to guide future excavation strategy.

Sounding in the piscina (Area 25, Sector V) [22]

314 Area 25, the 12.5 x 25 m rectangular structure located in the center of the garden, is interpreted as a pool (fig. 8). The excavation was undertaken to understand the chronology of its destruction, to verify the quota of the floor, and to re-examine its function. The original plan was to undertake several stratigraphic explorations and then to expose the entire pool with the help of a backhoe. Because of structural problems with the perimeter walls of the pool, however, the project had to be reduced in scope and was limited to a single trench in the northwest corner (fig. 6).

Figure 8
Central pool (Sector V) in April 1986 (photo by K. Gleason).
315 Study of the fill (SU 5001) in this trench revealed a surprisingly large amount of marble rubble, which probably resulted from the stripping of the pool’s revetment panels. Ceramic finds, however, were sparse, and no statuary or decorative elements were encountered. Thus it is difficult to date the destruction of the pool, beyond noting that in late antiquity we often find cisterns or large basins used as dumps for rubbish and debris. That the structure was a pool seems beyond doubt, even if in the area investigated no traces of decorative surface treatment of the walls or floor were preserved.
316 In this sounding, all that remained was the preparatory bedding for the floor of the pool, at a quota 2 m below the top of the perimeter walls. The bedding consisted of a thick stratum of opus caementicium (SU 5002). No hydraulic mortar or cramps were found on the walls.

Sounding in Sector VI.1

317 In 1998, a small trench was set out that extended from just inside the pool across the pool wall and into a baulk remaining from the earlier excavations. The aim of the trench was to reveal the nature of the soil layers above the Roman levels and to ascertain the preservation of the stratigraphy along the pool wall. The earlier excavators had “chased” the pool walls, but they did not dig deeply enough in this area to sever the connection between the original garden levels and the pool wall. The stratigraphy of this trench is correlated with that of Sector VI.2 (see the following discussion). Although no garden soils were encountered during the brief excavation, a core taken a few meters southeast of the pool indicated that they were at a lower level than anticipated (figs. 9 and 10).

Figure 9
Section of Sector VI.1 looking north (K. Gleason after G. Ponti's sketch).

Figure 10
Harris Matrix for Sector VI (J. Schryver).

Sounding in Sector VI.2

318 In 1999, a 4 x 6 m trench was laid out just east of the southeast pier of the pool with the following objectives:
to locate and examine the garden soils identified by cores taken in 1998;
to ascertain the relationship of the cultivated levels to the pool walls;
to examine the stratigraphy associated with the pool and perhaps date the construction of the pool;
to determine if the piers of the pool were original to the construction or added as support in a later phase.
319 The phases for Sector VI generally correlate with the phases given for Sector VII below.

Period I (Activities 1-5)

320 This Period cannot yet be correlated with other Periods at the site, as no datable pottery has been found, there are no trenches that link the pool area to stratigraphy from the enclosing porticoes, and we were not able to reach the natural soil in either trench. While we have information on phasing and construction techniques, we cannot yet offer a date for the original construction of the pool. For the present, the assignation of the pool to the “original building” [23] is neither proven nor disproven, pending further excavation.
321 While this first Period has no confirmed date, later Periods and activities around the pool do correlate with other areas of the garden and villa.
Activity 1: The first activity at the site is identified by soil cores, which attest to a redeposition of subsoil (See Foss et al., E.1). [24] The redeposition suggests a probable leveling or raising of the ground. Such grooming of the surface may represent the leveling of the entire terrace for the construction of the villa as a whole, or a more specific preparation for the construction of the pool. There is no ceramic material to date this activity.
Activity 2: A cut (SU 6024 in VI.2) just outside the outer pool wall is seen in both VI.1 and VI.2. This cut may be evidence of a construction trench, in which the walls are built up against standing soil. If, however, the site was graded as a terrace before construction of the portico and courtyard, an interpretation of a construction set against earth (controterra) suggests that the pool was built once the garden soils had already been deposited. This would imply that the pool was part of the imperial phase of the villa. If the pool was original to the platform, however, it would have typically been constructed first into the subsoils, and then the fills and garden soils would have been brought in and spread around the pool. There simply is not enough stratigraphic information to further inform us on this issue. [25]
Activity 3: The wall of the pool (SU 6026) is 6m thick and constructed of concrete and limestone chips. The excavation showed that the four 2m2 piers are integrated into the walls of the pool (fig. 11). It is notable that a mortar coating (SU 6025) was found in a highly decayed state on the outside of the pool wall, as it has been difficult to detect such material elsewhere.

Activity 3 is the construction of the pool wall. It is likely that the walls seen today are but the cores of walls with a finer original finish. It is difficult to conclude from the mortar found in the excavations that the walls were simply plastered, and no cramps or other evidence guide us further in interpreting the treatment of the walls. It is also possible, though speculative, that the walls are foundations for a structure at a higher level, or for a reused feature, such as a cistern, associated with an earlier period at the villa.

Activity 4: Immediately outside the pool walls, set within the cut, are fills SU 6006 and 6023. SU 6006, in Sector VI.1, is within the cut (SU 6009) of the earlier excavations of Pasqui and Lugli. SU 6008 is at the base of this cut. SU 6023, in Sector VI.2, is of a lighter color than the surrounding fill of SU 6022. No diagnostic material was recovered to date the fills of these cuts, nor were plant remains or other evidence of fertilizer recovered from the soil samples.

Activity 4 is problematic to interpret from test trenches. The clearest explanation is that the cuts are for the construction of the pool. This may suggest a construction set against earth. If so, the stratigraphy of VI.2 indicates that the earth cut into to create the pool was already layered with cultivated soil levels of earlier periods. This would indicate that the pool was installed later in the history of the villa.

The difference in soil color suggesting a cut might indicate the presence of decayed plaster.

Activity 5: SU 6019 and SU 6022, in Sector VI. 2, are redeposited fills around the pool. The placement of this activity in the chronology is speculative, as there has not been enough excavation to determine if the pool was cut into these soils or if the soils were laid down after the construction of the pool, as indicated above. SU 6022 should be examinated further as a possible cultivated soil.

We cannot rule out the possibility that a garden surface began at the pool edge, as no pavement or substrate for a pavement was seen. However, organic soil, amended with debris, was seen in a core sample just over one meter beneath this surface (the level at which the Pasqui and Lugli/Price excavations stopped, south east of the corner of the pool). This activity is placed in Period I. Either a garden was laid out at the same time as the pool construction, or there was already a garden in place, and the construction trench was cut into it.

Period II (Activities 6-10)

322 This correlates with a period of remodeling or alteration throughout the villa. The stratigraphy of the soils to the southeast of the pool is intact. It is clear from this trench and related cores that cultivated soils surrounded the pool, though no particular design could be ascertained in the small area of the trench, nor were any soil discolorations or fine features observed. No pots or garden artifacts were discovered, but limited ceramic evidence indicates a date in the second century A.D. SU 6013 overlies another fill level (SU 6017), with pottery dated to the first century A.D.
Activity 6: This is the deposition of SU 6017. This fill is a clayey loam with visible amendments in the form of pottery fragments and occasional carbonized plant material. No identifiable plant remains were recovered from this level, but the soil has all the attributes of a cultivated soil. Depending upon the following interpretation of the structures, the deposition of this soil may have preceded the construction of the piers as a second cultivated soil layer. SU 6107 is dated by its scant ceramic remains to a time from the end of the first century B.C. to the end of the first century A.D.; the later date is more likely (see Angelelli, D.2.3). If the footings (activity 7) are associated with this level, they would have projected above the garden surface.
Activity 7: This is the construction of two crude brick rubble-core footings (fig. 12). The two features, made of loosely compacted, degraded brick fragments, may be foundation supports for columns or trellis posts. They are spaced ca. 0.9 m apart, and a core taken to the east at the same interval produced more such brick fragments. The line of these features is parallel to a wall extending westward off the east portico into the garden. Further excavation is needed to reveal their extent to the west, as cores were inconclusive. If the footings are associated with SU 6017, they date to the first century A.D., while if they are associated with SU 6013, they may be dated to the end of the first century or in the second century A.D.

It is conceivable that these footings are associated with the surface of garden level SU 6019, as their bases are at the surface. It seems more likely, however, that they are either substructures for SU 6017 or for a feature associated with SU 6013 (activities 6 and 8). Further archaeological exploration, either by geophysical survey or excavation, should investigate the possibility that they are supports for a trellis or other light architectural feature associated with the extension of the aforementioned wall, as hypothetically reconstructed in fig. 13.

This is the level into which it seems most likely that the brick footings were set; however, the composition of this layer would not have presented a useful or pleasing surface to a garden or courtyard.

Activity 8: This is the deposition of SU 6013, a layer ca. 26 cm thick. It is a redeposited yellowish clay fill, lacking organic inclusions but with occasional pottery, bits of brick, tufa, and pockets of sand. We interpret this layer as fill brought onto the site, but not apparently for cultivation, as it does not have the necessary organic content. Ceramic remains date this level to the end of the first century or beginning of the second century A.D.
Activity 9: This is the deposition of SU 6012, a clay-rich layer below the root zone, barely distinguishable from SU 6010 in color. Its presence was marked by the absence of tree roots and other recent organic material. The fill contained roof-tile fragments, a slab of pavement, and large tesserae. Environmental retrieval produced carbonized wheat grains, culm nodes, chenopodium, buttercup, primrose, and allium. Ceramics in the fill are dated to the end of the first century/beginning of the second century A.D. This appears to be a fill taken from the immediately surrounding area to level the ground around the pool, and it is strikingly similar to the eroded soils that buried the nymphaeum in the east portico. It seems unlikely that the plant remains represent cultivation in the garden, although it is premature to rule out this possibility. It is more probable that this is soil originating from the nearby slopes.
Activity 10: This is the deposition of SU 6010, dated by a single potsherd to the first or second century A.D. It is the ancient level at which the early excavators stopped, and it has been infiltrated by roots of the modern sod grass and other organic surface materials. A soil sample from the lower levels of SU 6010 produced a carbonized seed of Galium (bedstraw), a local weed associated with cultivated areas.

This may be the ancient garden level of the area around the pool; the early excavators evidently thought so. If so, it may be related to SU 6008 from Sector VI.1. It is not possible to offer a definitive intepretation from the evidence—it will be necessary to correlate this test trench with excavation of areas protected by unexcavated overburden.

Period III (Activity 11)

323 This is a general designation for the period that represents the decline of the garden, and probably of the adjacent quadriporticus. Much of the area of Sector VI was excavated during the Pasqui excavations. This period is clearly preserved in the upper levels of Sector VI.1 (excavation conducted by G. Ponti).

Period IV

324 This Period has no activities preserved in Sector VI.2, as the levels were removed during the Pasqui excavations. It is represented in Sector VI.1 as the layer of rubble excavated as SU 6005. The rubble is made up of construction materials that seem to represent either neglect or active dumping. It appears that the materials were sifted through to remove pieces suitable for reuse.
325 This Period correlates with the corresponding Period in Sector VII.1, as well as with the test pits excavated for soil cores along the western edge of the quadriporticus. It is defined for the garden as a whole by the intentional dumping of debris in the northern and western areas of the garden, probably indicating the medieval reoccupation of the adjacent buildings. The excavated trenches of Sector VI show that the early excavations severed any relationship of this layer with the eastern wall of the pool (SU 6002).

Period V (Activity 12)

326 This Period, too, is represented mainly in Sector VI.1. It correlates well with the northern area of the garden, as a long, continuous period of cultivation on the site, with pottery from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries. SU 6001 in Sector VI.1 is comparable in depth to the cultivated soils described in Sector VII.1. It is notable that these soils have considerably fewer potsherds and other inclusions than Sector VII. This may be due to a more sporadic cultivation history, and/or to the difference in the agricultural practices of the parcel owner, as Sector VI.1 lies on different property from both Sector VI.2 and the northern area of the garden. [26] In Sector VI.2, the archaeological excavations removed most of the cultivated soils of Period V.

Period VI (Activities 13-16).

327 This includes the twentieth-century excavations and activities associated with the archaeological park. In the garden areas, generally, this is seen in photographs and records as excavation activity, as restoration activity and as cultivation taking place on the unrented portions of the site during the excavations. The pool itself was excavated in this period (see the previous discussion). Extensive restoration is seen around the quadriporticus. Regarding the pool itself, restoration efforts focused on the southwestern portions of the pool, while less restoration is seen on the northern and eastern portions. Photographs from the Lugli/Price excavations show that the earth removed in 1931 and 1932 was used to groom the slopes between the excavated and unexcavated areas to give the effect seen in Price’s model of 1932. The following discussion addresses only those activities encountered in Sectors VI.1 and VI.2
Activity 13: In Sector VI.1 this activity is represented by cut SU 6009 and the redeposition of possible garden soils SU 6006 and 6007 as one layer, which was later cut again (SU 6004) by the Lugli/Price’s excavation, as seen in the photographic record.

The cut SU 6015 and subsequent fills SU 6014 and 6016 in Sector VI.2 are commonly referred to as a “wall chasing” trench with subsequent fill.

Activity 14: Removal of soil down to the upper surface of SU 6010, the surface level of the 1999 excavation of Sector VI.2, after leaf removal. This fill is loam with occasional pottery fragments.
Activity 15: In Sector VI.1, SU 6004 is the cut made through any eroded debris from the Pasqui excavation into presumably unexcavated fills in the narrow area between the pool and the quadriporticus. In Sector VI.2, SU 6011 is a linear compacted surface on top of SU 6010.

Activity 15 is the Lugli/Price excavation. There are no notes on the material removed in 1931, but the excavation of this cut is seen clearly in progress in a photograph. [27] Sector VI.1 showed that the Lugli/Price excavation cleared the line of the pool wall (SU 6002) along its east and north sides, but did not excavate deeply into the stratigraphy. Careful study of various photographs taken during restoration of the pool over the years suggests that the Pasqui and then the Lugli/Price baulks were trimmed back on other occasions as well.

SU 6011 in Sector VI.2 appears to represent the compaction and deposition of mud on the wheelbarrow paths seen in the photographs of the Lugli/Price excavation.

Activity 16: Activity 16 is represented in Sector VI.1, where SU 6003 is the erosion of the soil (SU 6001) cut by SU 6004 into the “wall chasing” trench of the Lugli/Price excavation.


END DIV SECTION

C.3.4.2. The northern part of the garden (Area 24, Sector VII)
328 Sector VII was laid out as a 4 x 5 m trench in 1998, first by K. Gleason, who was able to excavate only the western half and a small area along the steps. Later in the season, the trench was brought down to bedrock on the eastern side under the supervision of L. Cerri. In 1999, the western side was completed and a backhoe was used to open a 5 x 4 m area, expanding the dig to the south and west. This was excavated as a series of steps, for safety reasons, and was not taken down to bedrock. It remains excavated only to the ancient garden level (Period II), with the southern steps remaining unexcavated entirely. In March 2000, a short excavation season of two weeks completed work on the trench prior to backfilling in June 2000. [28] The trench was expanded by a meter to the east, by a meter to the west, and into the lowest of the terraced baulks to the south (fig. 14).

Figure 14
Schematic plan of the excavation trenches of Sector VII.1 (1998-2000) with excavators initials (K. Gleason).
329 During the excavations we identified six distinct periods in this area of the garden. These are presented on the Harris Matrix (fig. 15), and described as follows.

Figure 15
Harris matrix of Sector VII.1 (J. Schryver).

Period I. The Early Garden (second century B.C. - first century A.D.)

330 This Period (Activities 1-2) can be dated to the late first century B.C. It is characterized by a cultivated soil layer, organically rich, but with few finds or features. Very little of this level has been exposed, but it may be interpreted as the garden associated with Period I of the villa (see Camaiani et al., C.5, and De Simone, D.1.3.7).
Activity 1: SU 7023, 7024, 7028. The earliest activity identified was a north-south cut in the yellow shale, just to the east of the current north-south axis of the central steps to the garden. No diagnostic artifacts or plant remains were recovered.

This activity is the shaping of the shale bedrock for the garden or terrace (see Foss et al., E.1.3.1).

Activity 2: SU 7042. The fill of this cut in the bedrock is a layer of redeposited brown shale-derived soil with characteristics of cultivation, erratic distribution of potsherds, carbonized plant material, and bone fragments. No discolorations or other features were observed in this soil, but the area exposed was limited. No plant remains were found in the soil sample processed (fig. 16). Diagnostic ceramics recovered date to the late Republican period.

The layer was exposed at the base of the trench excavated in 1998 and 1999, but only in the western part of it; to the east is the bedrock, reached in 1998 and in 2000. It continues to the south in the area excavated in 2000. In 1998, we observed that the garden soil appeared to run north under the steps. When we attempted to check the relationship in 1999, however, electrical wiring for new lighting in the archaeological park had been placed under the steps, destroying the stratigraphy and thus preventing confirmation of the continuation of SU 7042.

SU 7043 is a cultivated soil of the late Republican age. It is likely to be a garden of the first phase of the villa, but this cannot be confirmed without the discovery of further features or architectural associations. The cut of the bedrock is man-made, but not enough area is exposed to understand the intention. The line of this cut should be related to the Republican atrium identified beneath the bath complex and to other first century B.C. remains, as the interface between the soil level and the bedrock is along a clean north-south line. No specific relationships of this feature to the adjacent architecture are obvious at present; however, if this garden soil in fact continues for any distance under the steps or under the portico itself, it may suggest the phasing of those architectural features, possibly dating them to the Flavian period. This could be clarified with trenches anywhere along the wall, as the Pasqui excavations did not reach this level.

Period II. The Garden of the Flavian Age

331 Period II (Activities 3-8) represents a time of remodeling or alteration and is characterized by yellow, clayey, shale-derived fill, with inclusions of small quadrangular pieces of brick pavers, stones, and occasional pottery of the first century A.D. This fill was deposited to raise the level of the courtyard to form the feature that dominates this period, i.e. the Flavian garden. The cultivated soil contains pottery, coins, and other artifacts, as well as carbonized plants, bone and mollusc remains. The most exciting discovery was of a flower pot (VH 148, SAL inv. no. 114428, from SU 7040) and an amphora (VH 160, SAL inv. no. 114550, from SU 7040), reused as a flower pot. These, together with remarkably well-preserved pits, stake holes and post holes, indicate the design of the garden. The finer soil features are preserved only under the medieval rubble layer (see Period IV). It is clear from the remains in this small area that the potted plants date to at least the mid- to late first century A.D., but there are hints of alterations to the design during and after this time.
Activity 3: SU 7021, 7022, 7027. This activity represents the burial of the original garden surface SU 7042 with 30 cm of redeposited shale-derived clay soils, perhaps from building activity elsewhere in the garden or villa, mixed with stones and fragments of small quadrangular pieces of brick for paving, found erratically distributed in the matrix of the fill. SU 7027 was sampled for plant remains, and a cereal grain fragment of indeterminate identity was retrieved.

Ceramics from this level contain identifiable types, but their chronology is uncertain (see Angelelli, D.2.3). A single rim fragment from the late second century/early first century B.C. is present, but this may be residual.

The original cultivated surface was buried to raise the level of the garden 30 cm, presumably as part of the Flavian renovation represented in the next activity. The contents of the fill may include elements of an earlier garden (the pavers, for example), but we cannot conclude this from the test trench.

Various small postholes and soil discolorations are evident as inclusions of grey clay or organic soil in the matrix of SU 7021, 7022 and 7027 (see below, and fig. 24). These are postholes and planting pits from the cultivated level above. Preservation conditions in the soil above made it difficult or impossible to see these features in the surface, so they are best recorded at this level. As yet, we cannot assign a chronology to the phasing of each act of setting a posthole or pit.

Activity 4: No SU was assigned—feature not removed. A line of chipped limestone was laid out just west of the north-south central axis. As the feature was uncovered in the southern area of the trench, it began to curve out slightly to the east. No significant pottery is associated with this stratum (figs. 17 and 19).

As this feature was first observed only under the bases of the flower pots, we initially interpreted it as gravel laid to aid in draining the plantings in this clay-rich soil. We were not able to excavate along the sides of this feature to find its bottom. The size and density of the stone chips look similar to the images of the pool walls prior to restoration; this may not be a level of loose gravel, but the disintegrated top of a masonry feature that separated the beds of the lower garden, or a phase of the upper garden, that we have too little evidence to identify. We simply do not know how substantial a feature it is.

Activity 5: SU 7019, 7026, 7029, 7040, 7041, 7043, 7047, 7063, 7070, 7081. This activity involved the deposition of cultivatable soil. Another layer of brown clay loam, richer in artifact content than the lower garden soil, was laid out and cultivated over the yellow clay fill. The horizon between the yellow clay fill and the cultivated soil is typically sharp in the sections. However, along the baulk in the southeast area of the trench dug in 2000, the upper cultivated soil formed a sharp, but furrowed, interface. Not enough evidence of such furrowing was seen in other baulks to allow a full interpretation. Ceramics from this level include residual Republican wares (second-first century B.C.) and fragments dating throughout the first century A.D., with the major finds centering on the Flavian era.

Remains of cultivated crop plants and related weeds were retrieved: an unidentifiable fragment of nut, Pisum sativum (common pea), milk vetch, Lolium sp., crane bill, Allium sp., and bulrush, a plant found in wet conditions. A flotation sample produced a range of cereal, cereal processing debris, and cultivated herbs and weeds (see Ramsay, D.14).

This is a cultivated soil layer from a Flavian era garden. Residual pottery fragments are typical of amended soils, and the soil of this level has clearly been amended, or fertilized with food processing remains, hearth sweepings, and other burnt debris from kitchens thrown in a compost pile. The features of this cultivated area that lead us to conclude it is a garden soil rather than a field are discussed below.

Activity 6: SU 7067. A line of pots is set into the amended soil. These may be separate activities over time (i.e., different seasons, different years), but the dating of the pottery puts all of the vessels into the same time frame, that of the mid- to late first century A.D. (fig. 18). The northernmost feature is the bottom portion of a small, purpose-made olla perforata (flower pot, VH 203, SAL inv. no. 114529) found bottomside up at the margin of the garden level and the layer of debris above. It is not in situ, but was located along the line of the other features and may be very near its original location. Also found at this margin was a large fragment of a well-preserved glass plate (VH 194, SAL inv. no. 114534, from SU 7061). Approximately one meter to the south, a complete perforated olla (VH 148, SAL inv. no. 114428, from SU 7040) was found set into the garden soil, its rim approximately 3 cm below the surface level (fig. 20; see Macaulay, D.3.1).

Soil retrieved from inside the pot (SU 7044) produced remains of horse bean, elderberry, an indeterminate fruit or nut and several plants that grow in wet places: cranebill, sorrell, and sedge. Clearly, the process by which the soil came to be in the pot was a separate and earlier activity that took place away from the garden itself, but it is most appropriate to mention it here.

Emanating from the complete pot is a series of seven small circular holes, 4-7 cm in diameter, appearing as dark soil discolorations on and just below the surface of SU 7040 (fig. 17). These were not excavated and thus have no SU number.

Parallel to the central axis, 0.94 m to the south, a small pit was identified by the looser consistency of the soil. A narrow amphora had been removed from the layer immediately above this location, and it may have caused the pit to form, or it may have been embedded in this location originally.

Finally, 1.1 m further south along the same line, the upper third of a cylindrical-ovoid amphora was found, placed upside down in reuse (VH 160, SAL inv. no. 114550, from SU 7040). It had been shattered, possibly before deposition (fig. 22; see Angelelli, D.2.3). The soil from inside the amphora (SU 7048)—again to be regarded as an earlier, off-site activity—contained a single grain of cultivated barley.

This line of features represents a series of planting pots, embedded in the garden soil of SU 7040 (figs. 17 and 21). The olla perforata is a type of purpose-made planting pot (see Macaulay, D.3.1). The cylindrical-ovoid amphora is almost certainly a planting pot in reuse, a practice commonly seen at Pompeii, Hadrian’s Villa, and other Roman garden sites in Italy. [29] The breaking of pots prior to planting is suggested in the ancient literature. The plant remains found in the fill of these pots are characteristic of the fertilizer rather than plants that may have grown in the pots themselves. The other feature in the line is a planting pit without a pot.

Activity 7: This represents a series of activities indicated by small dark pits and dark circular holes surrounded by cemented stone (fig. 23). It is not possible to determine a sequence or chronology of these features in relationship with those described in activity 6. The features were not excavated, so there are no associated SU numbers. No datable material was recovered.

On the north side of the garden, two small holes (ca. 7 cm in diameter) of brown, organic soil surrounded with mortar and small stones (20 cm in diameter) were found, one on either side of the north-south axis, though not paired (“stake holes,” in fig. 17).

Round postholes, 5-7 cm in diameter, filled with brown soil, were noted during the excavation of the yellow fill of activity 6 in a number of locations. These are noted on the plan and tentatively appear to conform to a pattern symmetrical to that of the west side of the garden’s central axis.

On the east side of the central axis, where the overlying cultivated soil becomes very thin (7-9 cm) in the areas where it overlies higher bedrock, excavation of the fill below revealed various pits, up to 30 cm in diameter (fig. 24). Further exploration is required to determine if the shallowness of the soil is due to erosion or to some feature of the garden requiring little depth to the soil.

The small holes surrounded by mortared stone may be stake holes for a light reed or wooden garden feature, as the diameter of the hole is appropriate. The support provided by the stones and mortar is slight (we did not excavate the features), and the purpose may have been to protect the base of the feature from rot.

The 5- to 7-cm postholes without supports are more difficult to analyze at this point. They are almost perfectly round, which suggests the interpretation of a posthole rather than a plant hole. These posts have been pressed or hammered directly into the ground; there is no evidence of pits dug first then backfilled around the posts. As the posts are found in the layer below the cultivated soil, they appear to be sturdy supports, perhaps for a lightweight fence, such as the type of reed fence seen in garden paintings. They would not provide sufficient support for an architectural feature, such as a trellis.

The larger irregular pits seen in the yellow fill below the garden level are most easily interpreted as pits for small shrubs or plants. They are not carefully made, and it is not possible to ascertain from the pits themselves if the plants grew intentionally or wild; however, preliminary studies of their location suggest a place in a coherent design pattern.

Activity 8: SU 7005. Traces of a plaster surface were identified along the northernmost edge of the trench. It consisted of a layer of lime mortar only partially revealed and not removed. No datable ceramics or artifacts were recovered. This activity represents the poorly preserved remains of a walk, landing or other feature, probably associated with the lowest unrestored step on the central axis (activity 9). [30]
Activity 9: SU 7006. This activity represents a constructed ledge of mortar, corresponding with the dimensions of the reconstructed stairs above, although this step has a higher riser than the restored ones above in the series (fig. 25). Disturbed soil (SU 7002) above this step makes it unclear whether or not the step had been discovered by Pasqui and deliberately left unrestored, or if it was first discovered in 1998. In the center of this feature is an opening framed with brick tile (SU 7007). No significant pottery was identified from the stratigraphic units in this activity.

The most obvious interpretation is that this one step represents the construction of central steps into the garden, more or less as seen restored. It is unclear, however, why the steps were furnished with a channel (SU 7007) set above the lowest step. This feature may be contemporary with or earlier than the activities above, as it is not possible to discern the phasing from the evidence exposed within the sounding. Considering the presence of this drain and the absence of any paving or definitively compacted surface at the base of the stairs, we should keep open the possibility that the reconstructed stairs were incorrectly interpreted. It is worth considering whether the steps were intended to provide access, or were part of a stepped water fountain, popular in the first and second centuries A.D. Further excavation is needed to explore this feature; as noted above, however, after our 1998 season, electricians dug a narrow trench and laid in wiring for lighting at each side of the central stair.

Period III: Decline of the Garden

332 Period III (Activity 10) represents the decline of the garden, and probably of the adjacent quadriporticus.
333 We have poor stratigraphy for this Period, which is broadly dated by coins and artifacts from the third to the fifth century A.D. Any phasing information that might have come from the association with the surrounding architecture was destroyed when Pasqui’s team severed the relationship with the architecture in pursuit of the line of the walls.
Activity 10: SU 7020, 7037, 7038, 7039. The mixed fills of material from this period seal portions of the cultivated layer discussed above. Lenses of wall painting fragments (primarily red, yellow, and white, most without decoration), eroded plaster, patches of debris, irregular surfaces, and finely eroded materials cover the cultivated surfaces between 10-23 cm in the northern part of the trench, closest to the building. In the southern part of the trench, as one moves out into the courtyard, there is hardly any distinction between the Flavian cultivated surface and those above. Plant remains from SU 7038 consisted of wild grasses.

Ceramics from this stratum range in date from residual material of the mid-first century A.D. to more significant material dating from the third century, with types in use until the fifth. Coin evidence also offers a terminus post quem of the fifth century A.D., although the types found were in use from the late third through the fifth (see Buttrey, D.11).

The lowest fills over the cultivated surface of the garden can be interpreted as the decay, collapse and erosion of the plasters of the surrounding porticos onto the garden surface immediately nearby (fig. 18). This process did not apparently extend far out into the courtyard, and if it did, later agricultural processes obliterated the traces. The layer is best preserved where protected by later fills.

Within the limited area of the trench, we did not identify any deliberate destruction in this phase. We need to see more of this layer to interpret the role of the artifacts. If they are residual, this suggests activity in the third to the fifth centuries prior to the deposition of this layer, or activity occurring at the villa during a period of neglect of the stucco decoration of the building exterior around the courtyard.

The preservation of carbonized seeds of wild grasses may be consistent with some burning off of wild grasses growing over the site, or they could have been blown in from burning in the greater vicinity.

Period IV: Medieval Occupation

334 Period IV (Activities 11-12) is characterized by the intentional dumping of debris, probably indicating the medieval occupation of the adjacent building. Some three meters from the building wall into the garden, the debris piles taper off and the ground is marked by cultivated soils that merge with cultivated levels above and below (fig. 18).
335 This Period is distinguished by deliberate human activities taking place after the main occupation phases of the first century B.C. to the second century A.D. Judging from the garden trenches alone, the activities appear to be a clearing of debris from the villa, and probably cultivation of the courtyard beyond the zone of dumping. The Pasqui excavations severed the stratigraphy of these later activities from the stratigraphy of the architecture by trenching along the outer wall of the building, so it is difficult to make specific associations between activities in the building and those seen in the garden. One has the impression from the nature of the materials that the building was cleared out for reoccupation and usable pieces of construction material were removed.
Activity 11: SU 7004, 7010, 7011, 7016, 7025, 7035, 7036, 7052, 7055, 7058, 7059, 7062, 7064, 7074, 7079, 7082. A clear margin distinguished the soils of activity 10, which had little evidence of human effort in the deposition of the fill, from a complex area of apparently intentional deposition above it. This level consists of adjacent deposits of debris, too numerous to define and number individually during the feasibility study (fig. 26). These deposits contained construction material and artifacts from the building: fragments of slate, tegulae, imbrices, bricks, triangular column bricks, marble, painted plaster from the columns and walls; rough volcanic rocks (of the type often employed for grotto effects); blue glass tesserae, black, white, and red tesserae of varying sizes; and a range of artifacts, shells, molluscs, and carbonized plant remains. Among the artifacts were pottery, coins, various metal fragments, and extraordinarily well-preserved fragments of window glass and other glass artifacts. Plant remains retrieved from two separate dumps indicate varied uses: sample 13, for example, contained cultivated wheat, barley, and olive, while sample 16 simply contained wild grasses.

Ceramic remains are largely residual fragments from the late Republican period through the imperial age, with types dating from the fourth to the sixth century A.D. Two coins are datable to the fourth century. The terminus post quem is thus the sixth century A.D., although an earlier date may be more likely.

The size of each rubble unit suggests individual dumping episodes. Two impressions stand out when assessing the artifacts recovered from the deposits. First, among the roof-tiles and bricks, nothing was whole. The composition of the piles strongly indicates that the debris was first sorted, then dumped in the courtyard. Similarly, with the artifact assemblage, we have an impression of sweepings that contained things either not noticeable or not worth collecting, as opposed to a habitation dump or artifacts lost accidentally in an inhabited area. Most of the pottery, glass plates and glasses, metal objects, even coins, are of Roman date, but the occasional fourth to sixth century potsherds provide a terminus post quem.

Overall, we interpret activity 11 as an effort to clear out the building for reuse, dumping the material into the garden. We cannot rule out the possibility that the dumps only represent a kind of sorting through or pillaging of the ruins for building materials, although if so, the pillagers were doing some fine sweeping as they went along. The lay of the dumps, sloping down towards the courtyard, suggests that the debris may have been dumped “out” of a relatively intact building into the courtyard. The debris apron appears primarily on the north and west sides of the courtyard where substantial buildings remained behind the porticoes. It does not appear that anyone made the effort to dump more than 2-3 meters into the courtyard. Beyond the edge of the dump area is cultivated soil, and it is possible that the process of later cultivation disturbed earlier debris, at least at the edges. Pasqui’s excavators cut a trench along the building wall, which prevents us from determining if the material was simply dumped off the retaining wall at the north. The piles taper off on the south side, and there is some directionality to the lay of the fragments in some piles, but not others (fig. 18).

Activity 12: SU 7033, 7034, 7051, 7053, 7054, 7056, 7073. South of the debris piles, the soil is disturbed by cultivation from the surface to levels lower than we were able to reach. Units merged and were assigned new numbers based on the most subtle of features. Essentially, where there were no rubble piles from late antiquity, no clear traces of activities 6 to 8 could be found. From the surface downwards excavators encountered a series of merging layers, all characteristic of cultivated soils, whose distinctions in content were more evident in the sections than in the horizontal surfaces of the trench. In general, we can observe different ceramic content in different broad stratigraphic zones, and the soil is more calcareous in the more recently cultivated soils than in the clayey shale-derived ancient ones. There are no structures or even particularly evident soil features, such as tree pits, although in the upper levels we searched for some indication of the trees evident in the 1911 and 1930 photographs of the site (fig. 27).

Ceramic evidence and soil structure suggest that cultivation took place regularly, if not continuously, from the early through the late medieval period. The level of the cultivated surfaces has built up nearly two meters since the earliest detected cultivated soil of the late Republican period. This can be attributed to the combination of material brought in for soil amendment and alluvial deposition of soils from cultivated slopes east and west of the site.

It is notable, however, that the ceramic content in the cultivated areas of Sector VII is much greater than that seen in Sector VI. This may be due to the proximity of Sector VII to the building complex. Moreover, Sector VII lies in historically different property (parcel 1215, owned by Foschi) than Sector VI.1 (parcel 1214, owned by Angeletti) or VI.2 (parcel 1213, owned by Caponetti). Depending upon the longevity of these holdings, agricultural practices may have varied between properties. It would make an interesting contribution to the cultural landscape history of the area to examine this possibility in the baulks as excavations continue.

It is not possible to judge from these excavations, therefore, at what point any medieval inhabitation of the site ended. A July entry in the Regesto Farfense from 1011 points to local initiatives towards incastellamento. This may be a plausible terminus post quem, as the cultivated levels directly above this rubble layer contained pottery later than the thirteenth century reoccupation of the site. [31] The presence of potsherds in the soil is not in itself an indication of inhabitation on the property, as it remained a customary practice to fertilize soils with kitchen debris, including broken pottery from various periods.

Period V: Surface Levels of the Courtyard

336 Period V (Activity 13) is a continuation of the agricultural phases of Period IV. We identify this level as the agricultural activities that can be seen in the photographs of the Pasqui excavations—orchards and gardens still under cultivation as excavations progressed. The absence of well-formed surfaces in the upper two meters suggests that continuous cultivation begins between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Activity 13: SU 7001. Agriculture appears to have been fairly continuous, with pottery gently gradating from the twentieth century to medieval times as one progresses down through the mixed levels. Horizons are merged, as one might expect in plowed soils. No distinct soil features were seen when these surface levels were manually excavated in 1998 and 2000. In the expansion of the trench, these levels were removed mechanically.

Period VI: The Twentieth Century

337 Period VI (Activities 14-16) is the pre-excavation surface level. It represents the surface seen in the 1911 and 1931 photographs of the Pasqui and Lugli/Price excavations. Cultivation is active in photographs of the Pasqui excavations. During the Lugli/Price excavation, the orchards remain, but without evidence of activity. Rather, the site begins to be groomed for presentation as an archaeological park. The excavators’ trenches within the garden date to this Period as well. This Period represents the excavation, restoration, and planting that created the site as it was encountered at the beginning of the current project.
Activity 14: SU 7002, 7012, 7013, 7017. A trench, ca. 3 m wide, cut along the building wall on the north side of the garden through the ancient levels.

Photographs from the Lugli/Price excavation of the 1930s show the garden side of the trench to be quite irregular (fig. 28), although without comparative photographs from the earlier excavations, it is difficult to tell if this was the weathering of two decades or if vertical baulks were simply never created by the excavators. During the course of Pasqui’s work, cultivation continued above the trench to the south. The cut of the excavation trench was readily identified, as were the later fills of it.

In 1998, we were initially unable to date the garden level and the rubble piles, as both contained small bits of a grey rock that at first sight looked like the bits of Portland Cement used in the restoration of the steps at the time of the Pasqui excavation, but it was soon identified by Foss (see Foss et al., E.1) as a type of local tufa. For the most part, Pasqui’s team had excavated down to the level of activity 3 and not lower. A half-meter of erosion and fill from the later landscaping had added 25 cm to the bottom of the original excavator’s trench, but it was never completely backfilled (fig. 18).

Activity 15: SU 7009, 7032, 7050, 7069. Sloping fills extending from the unexcavated upper surface at the south to the area of the lowest step of the restored stairs.

During the Lugli/Price excavation, the site was altered, and a small archaeological park was created using the excavated earth to groom the slopes. The baulks left standing in the area of the quadriporticus were graded to produce sloping banks leading from the unexcavated surfaces down to the ancient level. Stratigraphically, this appears to have been primarily a process of cut and fill; some material was taken off the top of the baulk and deposited at the base, creating a slope. This would have happened through erosion to a certain degree, but the photographs and Price’s model indicate that the slopes were intentionally regraded (fig. 29). Price shows the sloping banks in his model, which he created either in the winter or late spring of 1932.

Activity 16: Surface activity—no SU were assigned. The surface level of the site reflects the last phase of cultivation, seen today as grass, spirea, rose, and rosemary, removed for the excavation, and cypress and other trees left in place. [32]

The area surrounded by the quadriporticus was also planted with ornamental trees and shrubs, perhaps as the old orchard trees died. The cypress trees were planted around the perimeter, and other trees appear to have been selected in accordance with Lugli and Price’s interpretation of the area as a combination of ornamental and fruit-producing trees and shrubs. [33]



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C.3.5. Evaluation of the garden design
338 Analysis of the features found in the garden area during the feasibility study provide a tantalizing glimpse of a cultivated surface of the first century B.C. We cannot say more about it at this time. The later cultivated surface, however, contains some of the best preserved garden features outside of the area of Vesuvius. The finds from this feasibility study are already sufficient to offer the interpretation of an axially-organized garden of the Flavian period, one that perhaps continued somewhat later into the Hadrianic period.
339 The axiality of the garden design is striking, even from the fragmentary evidence discovered to date (cf. fig. 17). The purpose-made planting pot, the small pit, and the reused amphora lie parallel to the central axis of the garden on the west side. This linearity appears to be supported under the surface in the line of a gravel feature, also running parallel to the central axis, underlying the pots. The possibility of bilateral symmetry guided the excavations in 2000, and the pattern of soil markings offers some evidence for a balanced arrangement between the two sides of the axis, but such bilateral effect—if it is confirmed by further work—appears to be in the layout rather than the materials of the garden. On the east side of the axis, the evidence rests on the arrangement of soil discolorations, some of which are well-defined circular stake holes, while others are more amorphous pits or possibly inclusions in the underlying fill layer. Only further excavation will verify the preliminary outlines of the plan proposed in fig. 17.
340 During the excavations, it was striking how present the hill at Civitella was to those of us working in Sector VII. Any time one looked up the steps on the central axis, the hill formed a backdrop. This view adds additional weight to the visual strength of the axis in the garden. How this view was handled in the design of doorways and windows of the residence, which stood between that view and the garden, is a critical part of the overall architectural scheme.
341 Today, the visual relationships within the garden are blocked by the large raised areas of unexcavated overburden. To facilitate an understanding of the relationship of the architecture to the excavated remains along the axis and the features of the central pool, we created both manually drawn single-point perspectives and computer images in Form Z (figs. 30 and 31). [34] The manual drawings were made in single-point perspective to approximate the kind of perspective employed by Roman designers. Form Z was used to enable one to roam through the architecture and garden and “see” what visual relationships might have escaped the notice of the archaeologists, given the site conditions. These computer renderings are only in sketch form; more elaborate images will be generated as further assessment of the evidence proceeds. What both types of drawing indicate, however, is that doorways and openings in the building would have permitted a framed view of the hill at Civitella from the garden through the residence.

Figure 30
Perspective sketch showing the view from the pool to the residential area. Urns are conjectural (K. Gleason after Clemence's sketch; architectural details from Price 1932).

Figure 31
View of the garden area of the villa, created using Form Z rendering program (Murata Costura).
342 The reconstruction drawings also demonstrate how little we know of the garden. The perspective views looking north along the axis between the pool and the central steps appear inadequate, vacant. Looking south along the axis provides even less information. The focal points are evident, but the layers of framing that are so pronounced and delightful in the gardens around Vesuvius await discovery at “Horace’s Villa.”


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C.3.6. Notes on artifacts

Ollae perforatae

343 The small planting pots found in situ, in the Flavian garden soil and in Pasqui’s excavations, are the most obviously diagnostic elements of the garden; they provide both dating material and a certain identification of the site as a garden. The pots are discussed by Macaulay (D.3.1).

Sundial fragment

344 An intriguing twist on the importance of the central axis was provided by a simple study to determine the possible sites within the gardens for a small fragment of sundial discovered during the Pasqui excavations, now in the SAL storehouse at Santuario di Ercole Vincitore, in Tivoli (on the fragment see Macaulay, D.3.2). The find-spot is unknown and the piece is not mentioned in existing records.
345 To explore possible locations for the sundial, a three dimensional study model was prepared, using Form Z software (fig. 32). [35] This software has a program for determining sun/shade patterns at any specified time of the day, year, and latitude. Plans were prepared that showed the areas of the courtyard that received light all day on each solstice and equinox of the year. Assuming a one-story porticus around the garden, Gleason anticipated that there would be a limited number of sunny locations within the four quadrants of the garden, but did not express her assumptions until the model was completed. The results were surprising. Continuous sun is not available in any of the quadrants, but only along the central axis of the garden, between June and September, the months when one might be most inclined to reside at the villa.
346 Clearly the entire villa was not laid out to provide continuous sun for a small ornamental sundial. In antiquity, prior to the development of magnetic north, gnomons were used by Roman surveyors to establish the initial layout of a building or property line in relation to north. [36] We may be picking up on the evidence for the original establishment of the central axis that guided the design and construction of the architecture as well as the garden. This is an hypothesis that can be tested further on the computer.

Figure 32
Sun and shade study of the villa garden, using Form Z calculations. Only the central axis remains in sun for the full day, suggesting the placement of a sundial on this axis (Murata).

Components of a grotto feature

347 Throughout the rubble level, a number of elements came to light that may indicate the presence of a grotto or rustic fountain feature. These include rough, deeply pitted calcareous stone, tufa, blue and green glass tesserae, and scallop shells with mortar (fig. 33), as well as fine bands and fragments of marble. [37] While no one of these elements, apart from the shell, is particularly indicative of a nymphaeum or a similar feature, taken together, they raise the possibility that the restored central steps into the garden, with the drain at the base, may have been an ornamental water feature, rather than a means of access and regress. Similar features are seen at Hadrian’s Villa and at Pompeii.

Figure 33
Mortared scallop shells found during the Pasqui excavations (Museum of Licenza) and grotto-type stones from Sector VII.1 excavations (photos by K. Gleason).


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C.3.7. Conclusions of the feasibility study and notes for future work at the site
348 The feasibility study has offered an exciting first look at an imperial garden of the mid- to late-first century A.D., as well as a glimpse of a first century B.C. cultivated surface probably associated with the early phases of the villa encountered elsewhere in the excavations. The site clearly warrants further investigation, as the preservation of the imperial garden is among the best in the Roman world outside of the vicinity of Vesuvius. The preservation of planting features appears to be only in specific areas of the garden; it might be, however, that other more substantial architectural features and divisions of the garden are preserved. The current interpretation is of an open garden with a pool in the middle and plantings in the open area. The evidence here—and comparative examples of Flavian gardens—suggests that we should be looking for masonry and other architectural subdivisions of the space. This conclusion offers specific recommendations for future work in the garden that will reveal these features.
349 The feasibility study has already offered enough physical evidence of axes and three-dimensional organization to suggest the importance of vision and views in the architecture of the garden and villa, as indicated at the beginning of this report. [38] We are proceeding with an interpretative article that will set out visual and architectural relationships to help shape future work at the site. The images presented in this section raised more visual issues than they could clarify, and thus they should be taken as study images, not as final interpretations of the garden. [39]

Location of well preserved areas

350 The preservation of fine soil discolorations in the imperial cultivated surface level is only found under the medieval debris (activity 11) and probably only under the earlier deposition of material from the deterioration of the building (activity 10). In our study area, the finest soil discolorations in the garden surface itself were found only under the layer of plaster-rich debris from activity 10. From surface examination and observations made during the coring efforts around the garden as a whole, we believe that the finest preservation will only be on the perimeter, and quite possibly only on the north and west sides.
351 That said, two other types of garden features were successfully located, and these survived in more difficult preservation conditions. The planting pots were found both within and beyond the area of fine preservation, although all were found within the area covered by the medieval debris piles. To the south of the medieval debris piles, we encountered merging layers of cultivated soils. It is difficult to judge the extent of disturbance of the early garden levels caused by agricultural activity in later periods. We were not able to locate any pots, pits or other features in this area. Only the chipped limestone feature (activity 4) continued south beyond the line of protective overlying medieval rubble piles.
352 Below the garden soils of the imperial garden lies the distinctive yellow clay fill of activity 3. This layer records stakeholes and pits dug into it from the garden layer above. Although we did not excavate this lower level out beyond the protected area of the medieval rubble piles, we had preservation of features where none had been seen above. It is quite possible that if this levelling surface continues to the south into the courtyard, it will offer a record of features of the overlying garden area.
353 Given these conditions, future work should proceed as follows. The whole garden and the Castagneto should be studied with ground penetrating radar under the direction of a operator experienced in processing the data to detect garden features. It is unlikely, however, that the site will produce a record of garden surfaces through the use of GPR. Rather, investigation should focus on the location of more substantial remains: 1) any structures or irregularities on the slopes above the villa; 2) within the quadriporticus garden, the limestone chip feature found in Sector VII; 3) the location of internal garden walls seen entering the garden area on the east side of the portico; 4) the location of more of the brick footings detected in Sector VI.1, as well as water channels and pipes associated with the pools, fountains, and features of the little explored southern part of the garden.
354 The results of the geophysical survey can assist in prioritizing further excavation. With promising results, a full open area excavation may prove to be the most exciting way to reveal this garden. A more conservation-oriented approach, however, is also possible: use nondestructive methods to detect remains around the portico, then focus on small trenches to confirm the finds and to answer additional questions about the pool and the portico in already excavated areas. The parts of the garden under the medieval rubble piles will yield the most detail on the nature of the plantings and may most fruitfully be fully excavated once the geophysical survey is complete.
355 Specifically, future strategy for excavation should give high priority to those particular areas protected by the early deterioration of the surrounding architecture, followed by protection of that surface by later piles of medieval rubble. These conditions are clearly observable on the north and west sides of the quadriporticus, and the ancient surfaces appear to lie at or below the base of the trenches of the early excavators. These protected areas should be excavated, rather than studied with geophysical equipment, due to the rubble component, although GPR may be used to excellent effect for detecting subsurface infrastructures, such as pipes and walls above the layer of yellow clay (which may disturb the GPR readings).
356 The results of excavation also suggest using GPR to locate planting pots along the axes established in Sector VII, and wherever a pattern of small disturbances might be detected elsewhere in the garden. We would only note that the planting pots in Sector VII were located directly above the chipped limestone features, and if this is a construction technique used elsewhere, pots may be difficult to locate geophysically.
357 In sum, future excavation strategy should begin with full GPR survey of the garden area, laying out a closely spaced series of transects to detect patterns of small features, such as planting pots, as well as walls. For unexcavated surfaces, the length of the waves should be calibrated to detect features more than two meters below, while in excavated surfaces the calibration should be within a meter. Other types of geophysical survey may need to be considered for small features within centimeters of the excavated surfaces. Excavations should then be strategized to reveal elements seen in the nondestructive survey, to explore already excavated features (the pool, steps, edges of the porticoes), and to excavate below the rubble apron to check preservation conditions. Excellent results from this phase of work may well lead to the decision to conduct a full open-area excavation of half or all of the garden. We would suggest the northern half, as there are fewer trees, and the relationships between the architecture and the garden would be much clarified by removing the unexcavated area of the garden. All preliminary indications are that, while the upper garden is Flavian, and clearly not Horace’s, it is a rare example of a Roman garden and a worthy complement to the display of the villa architecture.
358 Destruction of this garden to reach the cultivated surface of the first-century-B.C. garden needs to be considered carefully and only after thorough documentation of the imperial garden. From our feasibility study, it is clear that the lower level is in a limited area, not under the entire portico courtyard. Study of this lower level, therefore, should begin with test trenches to locate preserved areas. Coring through the revealed imperial levels may be the most effective and least destructive method of locating this early surface. If the lower surface is promising as a garden, it should be revealed according to a strategy interwoven with the excavation of the upper levels. That is, if the upper garden surface contains no features, the subsoil of that garden—the yellow clay fill of Sector VII, for example—should be checked for features. If coring reveals a cultivated level beneath the fill, excavation may be appropriate.
359 This garden is structurally more complicated than we have been able to reveal in this project to date. Excavators need to be wary of expecting simple lines of plants in neat beds of fertilized soil, but here we have all the hints of garden features popular at the time—nymphaea, masonry features, trellises, pools, statue bases, planting vessels of all sorts, and sundials. In their fragmentary state, these features will present an interpretative challenge to future archaeologists.

Contextual studies

360 Environmental retrieval at the site was labor-intensive due to the clay content of the soils, but the results are well worth the effort. The preservation of molluscs is notable, and study of the molluscs, such as that conducted by M. Pinto-Guillaume Ezequiel at the Villa of Livia at Prima Porta, is clearly possible. [40] We were not able to assess the preservation of insects. Carbonized plant remains and faunal remains speak to the surrounding landscape, rather than to the plants or animals of the garden, but given Horace’s writings about that landscape, it is fascinating to see the relationship between the archaeological finds and Horace’s commentary. We have already found plants and uses he mentions (see Ramsay, D.14).
361 This brings us to the importance of field survey of the surrounding landscape, as initially planned for the project. The villa’s architecture clearly engages the views of this landscape in intentional and meaningful ways. The economy of the villa has a complex relationship with the landscape, illuminating matters of local production versus luxury for the residents of this villa over time. State-of-the-art garden archaeology places field survey ahead of excavation as the means of addressing these questions, and no other site warrants this attention more than Horace’s Sabine slopes and valleys.


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C.4. Quadriporticus

By Monica De Simone, Silvia Nerucci, Luca Passalacqua

C.4.1. Introduction
362 Unifying and distinguishing the plan of the complex is the large quadriporticus, whose northern side, the so-called porch (veranda) of the residence, is set at a higher level with respect to the other three arms. From the northern side one approached the two long sides to the east and west by means of two side staircases, while a central staircase led to the open area, which was in antiquity presumably maintained as a garden (see Gleason et al, C.3). The two long sides follow the natural slope from north to south. At the present time, the elevations of the walls have a facing in opus reticulatum, but these structures, in their upper sections, are the result of extensive reconstructive restorations carried out in the course of Pasqui’s excavations (see De Simone, D.1). In the southern part of the eastern and western arms and for the entire length of the southern side, the structures are presumably preserved only at the foundation level, sealed by a restoration cap. [1] The reconstruction of the elevation, albeit not completely certain, [2] appears indirectly confirmed by the various interventions of 1911-1914 and of the 1930s, which have affected the internal perimeter wall of the quadriporticus.
363 In the first phase of restoration, both the photographic documentation and the interpretation proposed by Lugli [3] present a continuous wall (fig. 1), probably reconstructed on the basis of the evidence of the foundation remains. [4] Regarding the articulation of the internal wall of the quadriporticus, the excavation of Price and Lugli in the 1930s led to a new interpretation; consequently, portions of masonry that Pasqui had reconstructed were demolished (fig. 2). This resulted in the current spacing of openings toward the central open area. In the photographic documentation of the first interventions, we can see that the facing of the wall—both in the portions still presently in situ and in the tracts later demolished in the 1930s—does not present openings, showing instead a homogeneous and uniform surface. Hence we may suspect that the first reconstruction was practically total, especially since it is impossible to identify a setback of the edge of the wall that would reveal the point of separation between the original structure and the restoration.

Figure 1
Western arm of the quadriporticus after the earliest restoration (Archive SAL, F 338).

Figure 2
Price's plan after excavation 1930-31 (Price 1932).
364 Outside of the western and southern arms of the quadriporticus is a series of small buttresses made of rectangular blocks of limestone arranged at regular intervals. On the western wall, the buttresses are preserved for some courses of the elevation (at least in the northern part), abutting the western face of the perimeter wall. In the southern part they are preserved only at the foundation level, as is the southern wall itself. The fact that the parts of the buttresses that are definitely ancient never reach a quota higher than the level of the opus reticulatum considered original suggests that much of the elevation in opus reticulatum is the result of reconstructive restoration. Moreover, the ancient buttresses seem to stop at the same quota as the top of the structure in opus incertum, from which the wall in opus reticulatum rises (fig. 3). This poses the problem of whether this quota should be associated with an ancient leveling or with the level of preservation when the structures were first discovered. If the second hypothesis is correct, we must conclude that the upper part of the structure in opus reticulatum is the result of reconstructive restoration.

Figure 3
1970s restoration on the outside of the western perimeter wall (Archive SAL, I 1627).
365 The quota of preservation of the small buttresses diminishes as one goes away from the wall that they join. This is apparently due to the construction of the covering for the sewer, which either reduced their height or partially incorporated them.
366 The original wall in opus reticulatum near the stairs (Sector IV.1) is, exceptionally, preserved because of the nature of the massive structures standing behind and protecting it (i.e., MSU 10048, 10049, and 10051 of rooms 33 and 34).
367 The eastern arm, which deviates slightly toward the southwest, also presents a series of interpretative problems, which are partly connected to the previous restorations and are complicated by the presence of other structures in the same area.


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C.4.2. Sector II.1, Area 54
368 The excavation of Area 54 was undertaken in order to understand the published plans of the villa, which show a break in the wall delimiting its southern end. This break has been interpreted as signaling the entrance to the villa. [5]
369 The removal of the surface humus (SU 2000) immediately revealed a wall (MSU 2004) preserved to its foundation and running east-west. This wall continued the southern back wall of the quadriporticus and provided closure to the supposed opening recorded on the earlier published plans. Because the wall was covered only by humus, it must have been seen by earlier excavators but for some reason not recorded, at least in the published plans.
370 In a personal communication, Bernard Frischer notes that in fact the wall is recorded in some unpublished drawings from the Pasqui excavations, now located in the archive of the Archaeological Superintendency of Rome in Palazzo Altemps (see Frischer, G.2.4).
371 Perpendicular to wall MSU 2004 were found three small walls oriented north-south (MSU 2005, 2006, 2007), which may be interpreted as buttresses (figs. 4 and 5). They are very similar to the buttresses located on the exterior wall of the western arm of the quadriporticus.

Figure 4
Plan of Sector II.1 (Area 54). Drawing by L. Passalacqua, modified by M. De Simone.

Figure 5
Sector II.1 at the end of the excavation 1997, from the east (Area 54).
372 Evidence of activity was found immediately to the south of wall MSU 2004, but the interventions concerned were quite limited. Bricks and stones (SU 2003) were found piled up in the central part of the trench. These most likely derive from a small structure whose purpose and design can no longer be determined, given its location immediately below the level of the modern surface, which was probably disturbed during Pasqui’s excavations. Completely absent are the strata pertaining to the walls MSU 2004, 2005, 2006, and 2007. This absence probably results from their removal during previous archaeological interventions or during stripping of the site prior to the twentieth century.
373 Definitive conclusions about Area 54 are difficult to draw at this time. We cannot exclude an entrance here, but we can exclude the possibility that this was the main way into the villa: the buttresses are spaced only 1.2 m apart, leaving too little space in between them for a monumental entrance. A more likely hypothesis is that there was a modest doorway here, intended simply to permit communication between the garden and the area south of the quadriporticus. The location of the main entrance to the villa remains an issue for future investigations to clarify.


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C.4.3. Sector IV.1, Area 23
374 The sounding was conducted during late August and the first three weeks of September 1998 (figs. 6 and 7). The area is located in the northern part of the western arm of the quadriporticus, close to the staircase leading to the residence, which is at a higher level. The trench originally measured 4.0 m x 1.85 m and was subsequently widened to 3.15 m (east-west). The principal aim of the investigation was to identify the pavement level or, eventually, the various surface levels associated with the quadriporticus. The area was affected by the presence of a sewer in masonry, which was known before the sounding was begun, thanks to the photographic documentation of the 1911-1914 excavations.

Figure 6
Sector IV.1 (Area 23). Drawing by S. Nerucci, modified by M. De Simone.

Figure 7
Sector IV.1 from the south-west (Area 23) in 1998.
375 Because of Pasqui’s interventions, the stratigraphy in the area was considerably disturbed and consequently is compromised. In fact, a large modern ditch (SU 4001; fill 4002) occupies about half the space in a north-south direction, probably created to identify the sewer (MSU 4015), whose eastern side it grazes. Visible for the entire length of the sounding, the sewer runs along the perimeter wall of the quadriporticus; it is constructed of mortar, blocks of cardellino, and fragments of roof-tiles. The vaulted structure of the sewer took advantage of the foundation of the wall in opus incertum (MSU 4007) on the west side of the quadriporticus. The foundation served as an embrasure for the sewer, whereas the eastern side of the sewer was built against earth (controterra). Atop the vault a fracture running east-west is clearly visible. It probably represents the point at which a temporary support structure for building one section of the sewer vault caused damage because it did not join perfectly with its neighbor. Particularly interesting is the stratigraphic relationship between the sewer and the wall in opus incertum, which was in turn used as the foundation of a wall in opus reticulatum (MSU 4005). This circumstance attests a sequence of phases not otherwise known on the site. MSU 4005 was heavily restored, but this is one of the few places in the quadriporticus where the ancient structure can still be clearly seen. Another important observation can be made in this connection: at this point of MSU 4007 we can see three small fragments of painted wall plaster still in situ. [6] They revet the eastern surface of the wall.
376 In widening the excavation trench toward the east, our primary motivation was to verify the structure that comprises the perimeter wall on the interior of the quadriporticus. The elevation of the wall in limestone opus reticulatum (MSU 4026) proved to have been completely built during the restoration phase. Its foundation (MSU 4027) was made of a fairly incoherent conglomerate of very thick mortar and fragments of limestone. The impossibility of analyzing the elevation of the structure increases the difficulty of reading the various phases that are firmly attested in this area. Although the first course of the wall that was erected atop foundation MSU 4027 cannot be identified with certainty, it is clear that, in any case, it lay at a higher quota than the level of the first course of the incertum structure in front of it. If the foundation MSU 4027 truly belonged to a wall in opus reticulatum, we would have to attribute the presently visible quadriporticus to a phase that followed the construction in opus incertum.
377 As the excavation trench was deepened to a quota of -3.00 m, a structure emerged that is difficult to interpret (SU 4032); to build it, more ancient strata had been cut by SU 4038. This structure is oriented north-south and can be seen for a length of 2.16 m. It is 0.50 m wide, and it is made of stones that have not been squared, which are smaller at the top and bigger in the core. One peculiarity associated with it was the fill of two recticulate facing blocks inside SU 4032, which ran toward the north, cutting the foundation MSU 4027. It was possible to clarify the stratigraphic relationship after the partial removal of MSU 4032, which permitted us to confirm that MSU 4027 continued to a depth lower than MSU 4032.
378 The stone structure has a different orientation from that of the other features on the site. It probably served as a drainage structure for the garden, although other hypotheses are possible.


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C.4.4. Sector IV.2, Area 23
379 This excavation was conducted in August, 1999 in the western arm of the quadriporticus, about 13 m to the south of the staircase leading to the residence of the villa (figs. 8 and 9). The zone was selected for investigation for two reasons. In the course of the preceding campaign a small sounding had been conducted behind the eastern side of the perimeter wall; this brought to light part of a wall, with facing in opus incertum that definitely had finished mortar joints. This wall probably belonged to a more ancient phase than the structure in opus reticulatum that rests on top of it. At the same time, in Sector IV.1 we found not only the wall facing in opus incertum but also its revetment with red plaster. This meant that we had to completely exclude the possibility that it could have been a foundation structure built with a facing, but the presence of the sewer in Sector IV.1 impeded the investigation of its foundation. Moreover, the small sounding had also identified a stratum composed of stones and a very degraded mortar attached to the wall. Additionally, to the south of the area identified as Sector IV.2, the perimeter wall of the villa, as Pasqui reconstructed it, is abruptly interrupted exactly at the same point where the structures immediately to the west seem to stop. The course of the wall is maintained by a kind of foundation trace, whose thickness increases toward the internal arm of the quadriporticus; this gives the impression that it is a “double wall” similar to that encountered in the eastern arm. Pasqui’s restoration, as elsewhere in the villa, has completely obscured this situation, so that it is no longer possible to verify at this point what structures existed and what were their stratigraphic relationships. The restoration cap, which emerges for several centimeters above the present surface level, suggests that this was a single, thick foundation structure. But in fact we have to do with two different structures. Where the earlier excavations reached a lower level in revealing the course of the sewer running just outside and parallel to the perimeter wall, we can see the part in opus incertum on the western side of the perimeter wall.

Figure 8
Sector IV.2 (Area 23). Drawing by M. De Simone.

Figure 9
Sector IV.2 from the east (Area 23).
380 To clarify these matters we decided to open a small excavation trench (ca. 3.10 m x 3.00 m) [7] where the course of the facing in opus incertum was no longer visible at the present surface level. The wall turned out to be preserved just a few centimeters beneath the surface.
381 First, the surface stratum (SU 4201) was removed and a very recent cut was identified running along its eastern side (SU 4205) carrying an electric cable. The course of the eastern side of the perimeter wall of the quadriporticus was quickly found. Its facing was in opus incertum (MSU 4202), which is visible for a few centimeters because a structure (MSU 4203) abuts it. This structure was built with limestone rocks that were not worked and a very thin mortar. Probably after an activity of leveling (SU 4204) to regularize its top, the wall in opus incertum was next exploited as the foundation of the wall in opus reticulatum (MSU 4211). The original structure of the latter is recognizable only from the western wall, while the eastern wall, which comprises the limit of the trench, was completely obliterated by Pasqui’s restorations.
382 In the northern portion of the trench, a stratum of rubble (SU 4204) appears that is characterized by the presence of mortar, also very poor and degraded, bricks (fragments of roof-tiles and cover-tiles, i.e. tegulae and imbrices), stones, and fragments of plaster. This stratum does not cover MSU 4203, but rather seems to abut it. In view of the thinness of the stratum, however, one has the impression that this unit was cut into during Pasqui’s excavations, which seem to have removed its upper part. This stratum was absent in the southern part of the trench, having been affected by a cut (SU 4207) associated with the activity of digging in 1911-1914. [8]
383 The identification of one relatively coherent stratum of plaster rubble (SU 4208), [9] located on a horizontal plane and with the painted face almost always turned downward, led us to believe that once this stratum had been removed, we could recognize the ancient floor. This hope was unfulfilled, and we are unable to explain the absence of a floor surface, even if, as seems likely, we postulate a beaten-earth floor in the quadriporticus. Equally puzzling is the fact that SU 4208 is at a quota somewhat lower than the top of MSU 4203, which presumably must have been a foundation structure and therefore below the pavement level.
384 A stratum (SU 4209), which was poor in material, was identified below SU 4208; it may be interpreted as an activity of raising the surface level. The construction of the foundation structures MSU 4203 and 4212, which were certainly built against earth, ought to have necessarily affected this stratum. The two foundations seem to be very similar, probably created in the same phase or one shortly after the other, with fragments of local limestone and a very thin mortar that is practically pure sand and has very little binding power. Structure 4203, which abuts the eastern side of the wall in opus incertum (4202), rests on the foundation (4215) of the latter, perfectly maintaining its course. Deepening the trench and partially demolishing structure 4203 brought to light the surface of the wall in opus incertum, as well as its foundation, for its entire depth (1.70 m). Excavation continued with the removal of several strata until virgin soil was reached. The foundation 4215, constructed with good mortar and limestone rocks, protrudes from the course of the incertum wall by about 0.35 m, thereby offering a solid footing for the structure. The foundation, built against the baulks of the contruction trench, cuts strata 4213, 4217, and 4222, generally datable to the first century B.C. (with the presence of residual materials going back at least to the third century B.C.), and reaches the virgin stratum 4223 as well. The structure was certainly created following the direction of the natural slope, as it shows a north-south inclination. The offset of the foundation is highlighted by a finish that has a subtle stratum of lime, which seals the limestone fragments lodged in the horizontal plane.
385 SU 4222 is noteworthy, even though it was investigated only in a small part and somewhat mechanically. But it yielded a great deal of ceramic material that attests, through residual finds, early human habitation of this area, at least from the third century B.C.
386 The excavation data presented thus far lead us to conclude that after an initial period of habitation of the site, wall 4202 was built in opus incertum [10] and later—but perhaps only slightly later—was the quadriporticus in opus reticulatum built. At this time, the surface level was raised with a stratum of fill, the internal wall (MSU 4220 and 4221 on foundation 4212) was constructed ex novo, and the wall in opus incertum was used as the foundation of structure 4211. To this phase we can also ascribe the construction of foundation 4203, the structural function of which remains unclear. In regard to this we may offer two hypotheses. The first reads this intervention as leading to the creation of a no-longer extant structural reinforcement of the wall in opus reticulatum. The second interprets it as the widening of the foot of the foundation for the creation of a wall with a greater section than that which is currently seen, whose eastern surface is a complete restoration.
387 Completely lacking occupation strata, the phase of destruction in this area follows with the collapse of the plaster and of the wall structures (SU 4208 and 4204). The plaster strata pertaining to this activity must be associated with the collapse of the walls, with the plaster still adhering, or of the ceiling.
388 The identification of the pavement levels remains a major unsolved problem. We did not find any surface level associated with the quadriporticus (phase MSU 4211, 4220, and 4221) and what is even more surprising is the fact that none was found associated with the first phase of wall 4202. Moreover, the scarcity of pottery finds requires us to be cautious about assigning a precise chronology to the various building phases.


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C.4.5. Sector VIII.1-6, Area 55
389 During the 1998 and 1999 seasons, some time was spent cleaning in the central zone in the east wing of the quadriporticus (fig. 10). The structures in this part were first brought to light by Price. [11] Today, the walls, much restored, form elongated spaces (caissons or basins?), aligned along the east perimeter wall. This wall, in opus reticulatum, is interrupted at the point where there is a little ovoid structure. The cleaning revealed two features: the remaining part of the perimeter wall, razed in antiquity in order to build these structures that partially intruded into east wing of the quadriporticus, about halfway down its length; and brick walls, presumably part of a structure with oval and rectangular niches, which in part occupied the area immediately to the east of the perimeter wall, “opening” the arm of the quadriporticus toward the outside.

Figure 10
Sector VIII, detail of the probable fountain, from the north (Area 55).
390 Based on the probable plan, the brick structure ought to be interpreted as a fountain, but we must note that during the cleaning, no traces of any water system were found. The little wall of this fountain (or perhaps a kind of flower bed?), with one side in opus testaceum, might have been used to provide an architectonic feature to conceal a functional element. These long and narrow spaces, in fact, may be identified as retaining structures, to counteract the pressure of the earth of the hillside, rather than as decorative fountain basins. To understand the complex in this phase, one must note that these structures blocked, at least in this part, the ambulatory of this wing. We may also emphasize that the east-west central axis of this feature coincides with that of the piscina.
391 The overburden, very heavy on this side, prevented the expansion of the excavation to the east, where the ancient stratigraphy ought to be preserved.


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C.4.6. Sector VIII.7, Area 55
392 In the eastern arm of the quadriporticus we cleaned and investigated an area that had already been excavated during the interventions of the first half of the twentieth century and again in 1981 (fig. 11) [12] Today this area is not easy to study, and so it had to be cleaned in order to verify the presence of structures and to ascertain their interrelationships. The area is located in the northern zone, immediately to the south of the wall that obstructs the quadriporticus, at the point where the eastern perimeter wall in opus reticulatum is interrupted.

Figure 11
Sector VIII.7, from the west (Area 55).
393 The intervention entailed the removal of the humus and of the pozzolana laid following the earlier excavations. The structures were cleaned and the strata were identified and documented both graphically and photographically. No records of the stratigraphic units were compiled because no archaeological strata were removed and the structures identified did not, in any case, permit a perfect reading. The data that resulted are the following.
394 The structure with an east-west orientation (first visible only in the tract protected by the restoration cap) continues toward the east, penetrating into the area of the garden. Apparently constructed of recycled materials (tesserae of opus reticulatum, limestone blocks, bricks, roof-tiles), it rests directly on the foundation of the internal perimeter wall of the eastern arm of the quadriporticus. The continuation of this foundation toward the south was found; it was made of a very thin, yellow mortar and of fragments and rocks of limestone. Beneath the western section of the excavation, we identified a rubble layer south of the east-west wall. This stratum, made of bricks and stones, was certainly cut by the previous excavations. On the two sides of the east-west wall we identified a layer that was probably associated with an ancient floor level, found at a quota located between -1.74 m and -1.90 m.
395 The reading of the eastern part of the area was more complex. Here the recent installation of an electric cable has made it impossible, at this quota, to read the stratigraphic relationships between the structures. Nevertheless, a discovery was made that is relevant for the analysis of the complex in its entirety and which also verified the continuation of the foundation of the external perimeter wall in opus reticulatum toward the south. This is shown by the fact that the wall, where it is preserved, abuts a foundation that is completely analogous to that of the opposite wall in opus reticulatum. Therefore, we do not find here the situation that was seen in the western arm of the quadriporticus (Sectors IV.1 and IV.2), where the entire length of the perimeter wall stands on a structure in opus incertum.


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C.4.7. Conclusions
396 Even if, in the absence of abundant dating materials, the chronology of the quadriporticus remains uncertain, we may emphasize the fact that a number of distinct building phases have been recognized, which suggests different designs and functions of the area at various points in time. This new observation [13] results from the discovery of the wall in opus incertum identified in both our excavations in the western arm of the quadriporticus, whose western face is visible for its entire length. After our recent excavations, this structure cannot be considered as simply a foundation faced with incertum built above ground. The eastern side was carefully finished and at one point still preserves painted plaster in situ (fig. 12). This revetment does not seem to be dated to the occupation phase of the quadriporticus because the quota associated with the plaster is incompatible with that of the opposite wall in opus reticulatum. Even if its function and its relationships with other buildings that may have existed within the complex remain unclear, the structure in opus incertum presents evidence of a phase prior to the construction of the quadriporticus in the form we currently observe on the site. However, the problem of the surface level(s) and the use of the area in this phase remain unsolved.

Figure 12
Sector IV.1 (Area 23): detail of the palster on opus incertum wall (4007) and detail of the sewer abutting the foundation of the same wall.
397 Even though it was restricted, the investigation in the eastern arm of the quadriporticus, when taken in conjunction with the data that emerged from the excavation of Sector VIII, excludes an analogous pre-reticulate phase in the eastern zone of the complex.

Editor’s Note: Monica De Simone and Silvia Nerucci contributed to sections C.4.1 and C.4.7; Luca Passalacqua wrote section C.4.2; Silvia Nerucci wrote section C.4.3; Monica De Simone wrote sections C.4.4-6.



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C.5. The Bath Complex

By Stefano Camaiani, Laura Cerri, Luca Passalacqua

[text]
398 The bath complex in the western part of the so-called Villa of Horace was subject to archaeological investigation in three separate campaigns in 1997, 1998, and 1999, and is denoted as Sector I. [1]
399 It had been largely explored in a non-stratigraphic excavation from 1911 to 1914 conducted by Angelo Pasqui. [2] Our excavations focused on the central and northern part of the complex in the Areas denoted on the plan as 35, 38, 39, 40, 50, and 51 (fig. 1). Evidence came to light that permitted us to understand more fully several building and occupation phases extending from the late Republic to late antiquity and the early Middle Ages.

Figure 1
Aerial view of the bath complex (1999); dark line indicates the excavation areas (photo by VE.DO).
400 The decision to focus great attention and resources on the bath complex was dictated by two considerations. First, it was necessary to understand the function of the northern zone (previously interpreted as later additions to the buildings of the imperial period). [3] Second, the stratigraphy in this part of the complex was better preserved and more substantial than in other areas, since significant portions of it had not been touched by the earlier excavations. A final motivation was to understand the western boundary of the bath complex and the relationship of the bath complex to the modern terrace adjacent to the west.
401 For these reasons, in August and September of 1997 rooms 37, 50, and 51 were partially excavated. In 1998, the excavation was enlarged to include rooms 38 and 40; in 1999, Areas 35 and 39 were included as well.
402 As expected, in practically all the areas that we investigated, the Pasqui excavations were found to have caused great disturbance to the late antique and early medieval contexts in the top meter or so. But the situation was much better below this level, where our stratigraphic excavations brought to light a great deal of new information pertaining to the late Republican and imperial periods.
403 The excavation has permitted us to identify six distinct building phases (Table 1):

Table 1
Harris Matrix of the Bath Complex.
Period I can be dated to the late Republic and saw the construction of an atrium with an impluvium during the first phase of the villa (fig. 2).

Figure 2
Bath Complex Matrix.
Period II corresponds to a remodeling of the entire villa sometime in the period of ca. 80-150 A.D., and included the addition of the bath complex and of related service areas (fig. 3).

Figure 3
Period II: The Bath Complex, second half of the first century A.D. to the second century A.D.
Period III probably dates to the fourth or fifth century A.D. and represents the first stage in the abandonment of the bath complex, with the partial collapse of some walls in room 50 and of the frigidarium (the room consisting of Areas 37, 38, 39, and 40). Also dating to this period is the reuse of Area 40 as a burial ground in the fourth century, and the construction of the new walls that created rooms there, sometime during the fifth century (fig. 4).

Figure 4
Period III: fourth-fifth century A.D. (?)
Period IV can be dated to the sixth through ninth centuries. During this time, the thermal complex lost its original function entirely, undergoing substantial reorganization including, for example, the creation of new rooms and the raising of the floor levels. We also see numerous examples of theft and plundering for building material, perhaps motivated by the construction of a monastic community whose existence has been hypothesized, but not proven, since the eighteenth century. [4] To this period also perhaps belong some other burials found in the complex (fig. 5).

Figure 5
Period IV: fifth-ninth century A.D.
Periods V (fig. 6) and VI cover the very long period between the Middle Ages and the present and, among other activities, include the modern excavations and restorations.

Figure 6
Period V: Late Middle Ages.
404 To facilitate the consultation of the following sections, in which the data and individual activities that emerged from the new stratigraphic investigations are presented in detail, [5] we briefly introduce each part in order to clarify the occupation sequence of the bath complex.


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C.5.1. Period I (Second Century B.C. to First Century A.D.)
[text]
405 The earliest construction that we discovered here occurred between the second half of the second century B.C. and the first half of the first century B.C. The area was transformed by the creation of a large quadrangular space (10.40 m x 10.40 m, corresponding to 35 Roman feet), in the center of which was found a square impluvium surrounded by four columns (figs. 7-10).
406 The only stratigraphic sequence pertaining to this period came to light during the excavation of the interior of room 38. Here the natural clay had been cut by the insertion of a drain or channel (activity 3) that had already been identified during the excavations of Pasqui. [6] The drain was made of two small walls in stone, a bed formed of tegulae and a pitched cover of roof-tiles. The structure was sealed by stones bonded by a yellowish-gray mortar. A very compact stratum of clay rich in carbon covered the drain. Then the walls of the room were built in opus incertum with the first course composed of uniformly shaped cubilia (activity 2). The floor of the room consisted of stones mixed with earth (activity 4), on which was created a square impluvium connected to the sewer below by means of a conduit covered by mortar. Four piers, which probably carried the compluvium roof, were raised directly on the stone surface, at the four corners of the impluvium. The complete absence in the room of a proper floor, as well as the absence of an internal revetment of the impluvium, leads to the conclusion that the room was never completed and that its structures were completely obliterated and reused as foundations in a later building phase. Given the poor state of preservation of the room it can be very cautiously hypothesized that it was an atrium (Corinthian?) perhaps associated with the opus incertum wall that would later become part of the quadriporticus (see De Simone, D.1.3.7).


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C.5.1.1. Activities 1-4: The Republican Atrium
407
Activity 1: Deposit of late Republican strata inside room 38 (SU 874, 875, 877)

In the zone excavated inside room 38—and probably also in the other areas not investigated to this depth in the location of the future frigidarium—the space was filled by three firm strata of clayey earth that raised the original level of the terrain in order to fill in the difference in level existing between the plateau of the villa and the hill above. The composition of the various strata (rocks, bricks, and charcoal), mixed with a few potsherds, is analogous, and their temporal relation is very close: the division into three separate stratigraphic units is only intended to highlight the different levels of the fill.

Activity 2: Construction of the square room (SU 291, 292, 310, 311, 420, 464, 465, 612, 614, 620, 637, 644, 652, 653, 802, 810, 833, 837, 838, 845, 871, 876, 879, 880, 1001, 1014)

In the western zone of the villa a large square room was built. The perimeter walls of the space have foundations set against earth (controterra) and composed of chips of limestone mixed with earth; the walls show a first course of cubilia laid horizontally and an elevation in opus incertum. At the center of the room four plinths or piers were built, composed of stones and tile fragments laid in horizontal courses.

The eastern pier of room 40 (MSU 653) was covered by a squared stone of good workmanship (MSU 612), on which perhaps was supported the base of a column. The western pier (MSU 614) was preserved only to a low level, as was also the case for the pier inside room 39 (MSU 1001), of which only two courses remain.

In contrast, the pier now inside room 38 (MSU 810) is much better preserved. In it the building technique is clearly visible, characterized by a first horizontal course in bricks on which are laid courses of small blocks of the local limestone, known as cardellino (fig. 11). The core of the wall was comprised of brick fragments and small stones. The very impressive foundation of this pier (MSU 876, related trench SU 879) is made of chips of stone arranged without pattern and mortared together.


Figure 11
Pier now inside room 38 (MSU 810=10042).

In the space between the piers was built the impluvium, of which remains only a floor paved in stones laid horizontally. Only in the later room 39 does the floor tend to rise in proximity to the pier. A central opening led directly to the drain below (cf. activity 3).

Activity 3: Construction of a drain (SU 808, 809, 817, 824, 825, 826, 827, 872, 1017)

At the same time that the square room was built, a drain with an east-west orientation was constructed along the main axis of the room. The drain was covered by roof-tiles (78 x 42 cm), pitched and resting on two simple walls built against earth, with a thin layer of mortar on the lower part. Two meters below the ancient surface was the bottom of the drain, on which the waste water ran. It was made of tiles laid out flat and set close together. Only a small section of the original channel remains, so it is impossible to determine where the drain discharged its water. It cannot be excluded that it had a relationship to the principal sewer of the villa, which runs parallel to the quadriporticus.

Activity 4: Installation of the surface level of the atrium (SU 632, 651, 869, 873, 1015)

Over the entire surface of the new room a uniform stratum was laid down, consisting of stones of small and medium size mixed with a little earth (SU 651, 873, 1015). Above this was placed a further layer of earth with a sandy and very compact matrix, evidently laid down to even out the irregularities of the surface below, which was characterized by many dips and subsidences. No traces of a proper pavement were found. It seems quite probable that, until the reconstruction of Period II (see the following discussion), this earthen floor served as the surface level for the entire room.



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C.5.2. Period II (Second Half of the First Century A.D. to the Second Century A.D.)
[text]
408 As a result of the construction of the bath complex, which significantly modified the aspect of the western part of the villa, the entire area underwent a dramatic transformation in a period that can be dated to ca. 80-150 A.D.
409 Stratigraphic data concerning the construction of these rooms come from all the areas investigated and have permitted us to clarify the chronology and the building sequence of the new structures.
410 The floor of the square room (Period I) was raised by dumping earth (activity 5) containing very little pottery but a great quantity of fresco fragments datable to the second half of the first century A.D. (see Mols, D.9). This intervention saw the destruction of the four piers of the atrium and the obliteration of the impluvium. On these strata a uniform surface of rocks was later laid, which functioned as a loose stone foundation, and then a concrete layer was added. Atop this was placed a very simple black ground mosaic with a double frame along the sides and decorated internally, at least in the part that is preserved, by triangular crustae of marble (activity 6; see Werner, D.8).
411 To the west of this room was built a new space with a semicircular shape (room 37; activity 9). It was designed with a central niche having three steps, and two other niches, smaller in size, which allowed access to the square room (fig. 12). The floor, set about one meter lower than that of the adjacent room, was covered with a mosaic made of white tesserae in the parts preserved (see Werner, D.8). The walls were reveted with slabs of white marble set on a thick layer of cocciopesto. At the same time, a narrow trench was dug in the western zone of room 37 on line with the central niche. It was cut out of the natural clay and was intended as the bedding for a lead fistula to bring water into the space (activity 11). The presence of the layer of cocciopesto, of the fistula, and of a bench covered with marble along the perimeter of the room allows us to identify the use to which the space was put. It was a plunge pool connected directly to what appears to have been the great frigidarium of villa’s new thermal complex.

Figure 12
Room 37, from the west.
412 To the south of the pool a series of strata (activity 7) that is related to the construction activities in the area was intentionally laid down. Above these were superimposed, at a slightly later time, some strata of dumping (activity 8), which raised the level of the surface by about 50 cm. The terminus post quem for this action is set by several pottery fragments assignable to the Flavian period. A lead fistula was set into a cut made into this fill (activity 12). The pipe, connected to that of the frigidarium, carried water into room 43. The presence of the stamp of the manufacturer, C. Iulius Priscus, does not help to establish a date, since the name is quite common (see Bruun, D.13). Above the pipe was built a new room that was rectangular in shape (room 50; activity 13) abutting the frigidarium, with walls made of small blocks of cardellino with soil used as a binder. The room had a beaten earth floor—very compact and uniform—consisting of irregularly shaped small stones and tile fragments (activity 15). It is difficult to interpret the purpose of this space, but the presence of an earthen floor makes it likely that it was a service area.
413 In this phase, on the upper plateau of the villa, a series of very compact clayey strata (activity 16) was laid down, on which was created a floor in beaten rubble. On this surface a colonnade in limestone was erected, of which only one column remains. The colonnade probably ran along the western side of the villa in the area of the bath complex (activity 17).
414 To the south of room 50 a new space (room 51) was built, with two shallow apses opposite each other, whose walls were made of cardellino (fig. 13). Partially excavated, the room may be topographically related to the southern zone of the baths and may have functioned in tandem with Areas 43-49.

Figure 13
Northern apse of room 51 (MSU 214, 215, 216=MSU 10009), from the north.
415 At the same time, to the north of the frigidarium, seven columns were erected with a north-south alignment. They were probably elements of a colonnade overlooking a garden (Area 35). In the same zone a new room with a rectangular shape was built in the bath complex (room 34); it was completely explored and heavily restored by Pasqui. The recent excavations brought to light the foundations of the western wall of this room, which abutted the northern wall of the late Republican square room (atrium). Below the floor level of the colonnade ran a channel, oriented east-west, which carried water into room 34.


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C.5.2.1. Activities 5-21: Construction of the Bath Complex (ca. 80-150 A.D.)
416
Activity 5: Fill strata of the rectangular room (SU 613, 615, 629, 630, 631, 645, 819, 854, 858, 860, 865, 868, 870, 1006, 1013)

In this period, the surface level of the square room was raised quite substantially (on average 50 cm) through the accumulation of a series of strata of clayey earth that definitely eliminated the loose stone floor, the impluvium, and, probably, the four piers. Some of these strata are characterized by the presence of numerous fragments of plaster, datable to the second half of the first century A.D.

Activity 6: Creation of the mosaic of the frigidarium (SU 602, 603, 604, 621, 624, 626, 813, 823, 830, 840, 857, 1002)

The complete remodelling of the northern area of the baths is attested by the building of a new mosaic pavement in the zone previously occupied by the atrium and impluvium.

A uniform layer of stones (SU 604, 830, 1002), ca. 30 cm thick, was laid out directly upon the strata of clay accumulated above the Republican floor (activity 5). Atop this was set a nicely leveled layer of conglomerate made of lime and tile fragments, ca. 3 cm thick (SU 603, 621, 823, 840, 857). Above this a top bed of mortar was laid to support a pavement mosaic of black tesserae framed by two white bands and decorated with triangular marble inserts (SU 602, 624). The decoration of the room was completed with the revetment of the walls with white marble slabs (SU 626).

The function of the room is not completely certain, although in view of the plan of the baths and the room’s connection to the adjacent pool for cold plunges (cf. activity 9), one may speculate that it served as a frigidarium.

Activity 7: Construction activity inside room 50 (SU 339, 340, 341, 342)

Evidence of construction work in room 50 connected to the building of the frigidarium consists of two rectangular trenches oriented northwest-southeast (SU 339 and 341). The respective fills (SU 340 and 342) are composed of clayey earth of compact consistency with an admixture of charcoal and small tile fragments.

Activity 8: Raising of the surface level of room 50 (SU 288, 316, 319, 326, 327, 328, 334, 336, 337)

This activity relates to a series of strata that indicate a raising of the entire area occupied by room 50. It is of a piece with what is observed elsewhere in the baths at the same time (activity 21). The rise in quota of the surface level of the room was achieved by spreading a layer of stones (SU 334, 336), which served as a loose foundation and lifted the level of the floor by ca. 50 cm above the previous floor. The analysis of the pottery in these strata indicates a date late in the Flavian period or just afterward, a dating confirmed by the analysis of the stratigraphic sequence.

Activity 9: Construction of the pool (SU 248, 280, 296, 343, 344, 409, 423, 432, 437, 438, 439, 441, 445, 446, 456, 459, 460, 462, 463, 803, 849)

A new room (37) was built behind the western walls of the late Republican atrium. It consisted of a semicircular pool with three niches (a central niche on the axis of the room and two side niches), furnished with a bench (50 cm wide) along the walls. The central niche, 1.80 m wide with three steps at the base, was used for the flow of water carried by a lead fistula (activity 16) that was identified behind the west wall of the pool. The lateral stairs, which also had three steps that were smaller in size, provided a passage from the pool to the frigidarium (fig. 14). The pool abutted the frigidarium on its western wall (MSU 420=802). The elevation of the inner core of the perimeter walls was made of brick, while the exterior face was opus mixtum with regular bands of cubilia alternating with cardellino blocks. On the basis of the existing remains and design, it is possible to hypothesize that this room was covered by a groin vault open toward the east.


Figure 14
Room 37, northern lateral steps.

Activity 10: Construction of the apse of room 51 (SU 214, 215, 216, 281, 299, 300, 301, 302, 308, 312, 313)

In the course of this activity room 51 was built. During the excavation of room 50, however, it was possible to reveal only the northern apsidal wall of room 51. This structure (MSU 214=299, 215=300, 216=301, 302=MSU 10009) consists of horizontal bands of cardellino alternating with brick courses. Room 51 was excavated only superficially, but on the basis of its plan and owing to the presence of a praefurnium located in the eastern wall of the room, it was probably one of the heated rooms in the bath complex. The foundation of the apsidal wall (MSU 308=281) is composed of small blocks of cardellino and is characterized by a change in level from west to east following the natural surface, which in this part of the villa appears to have a slight slope. With the foundation trench of the wall (SU 312), the fill layer (SU 313) contains ceramic material dating to the Flavian period, which permits us to date the construction of the wall and hence the entire room 51 to a period stretching from ca. 80 A.D. to the middle of the second century. Regarding the function of room 50, we may deduce that it was a service area connected to the use of thermal rooms 51 and 37 located to its sides. Access was most probably from the east, although the complete restoration of wall MSU 298, undertaken in modern times, prevents verification of this hypothesis. It also seems barely possible that there was an entrance on the south side; moreover, one cannot completely reject the hypothesis that there was also access available from the terrace above, situated to the west of room 50.

Activity 11: Installation of a fistula inside room 37 (SU 410, 411, 457, 458)

A channel (SU 410) was dug immediately behind the western wall of room 37. It runs in a north-south direction and is the bed for a lead fistula (SU 457). The pipe was almost certainly intended to carry water into the pool of the frigidarium. A preparatory layer (SU 458), related to the housing of the fistula, was laid on the bottom of the ditch. It was composed of mortar, marble chips, and fragments of roof-tiles and bricks.

The poor state of conservation of the fistula, of which only a short section (ca. 30 cm long) remains, does not allow us to understand its relationship with the ridge of the hill immediately behind. It is nevertheless likely that this pipe was connected to the fistula found in room 50 (cf. activity 12; on the hydraulic system in this part of the villa, see De Simone, D.1.3.6).

Activity 12: Placement of a lead fistula in room 50 (SU 232, 240, 243, 317, 318, 331, 333, 335)

In the center of room 50 a cut (SU 232 and 317) was made in order to set a lead pipe (SU 331) running northwest to southeast on a diagonal through the room (fig. 15). The pipe was found covered by a stratum of earth (SU 243 and 318), which also filled in the empty areas of the cut made for the fistula after it had been installed. The water pipe—which probably belongs to the same system of plumbing as the pipe fragment found in the western area of the excavation (SU 240)—was protected by two side walls made of brick and stone (SU 333), found beneath wall MSU 266. To facilitate the passage of the pipe through the wall toward the square room 43, situated to the southwest of room 50, a small square opening was created in wall MSU 302. The pipe was inscribed with the name of the manufacturer, C. Iulius Priscus (see Bruun, D.13).


Figure 15
Lead pipe 331 in Area 50, from the north-west.

The pottery found in the fill of the channel dates this activity to the second half of the first century A.D. Thus, although the name of C. Iulius Priscus is too common to serve as a dating element, the activity can be dated to the end of the first century A.D. or somewhat later on the basis of the ceramic finds.

Activity 13: Construction of the walls of cardellino in room 50 (SU 245, 246, 266, 307, 314, 315)

The walls MSU 246=245, 266, and 307 were built during this activity. They delimit a room with an irregular shape abutting the southern wall of room 37. The walls were made of small blocks of cardellino disposed in horizontal courses and mortared with earth. At the time of their discovery, the walls were in a very poor state of conservation. The cut (SU 314) made for the foundation of these walls was filled with a layer of soil that did not produce any ceramic material. Nevertheless, the dating of these structures can be hypothesized on the basis of stratigraphic data alone, which appear to indicate a relative chronology in the late Flavian period or afterward; this can be deduced from the close relationship of these walls to the fistula described in the preceding activity. The space delimited by the construction of these walls can be interpreted as a service area connected to the use of the pool (room 37).

Activity 14: Laying of the mosaic and revetment of the walls of the pool of the frigidarium (SU 412, 413, 419, 421, 442, 443, 453, 454, 455, 814, 815, 816, 828, 834, 835)

The whole space used as the pool of the frigidarium was waterproofed by means of a thick layer of cocciopesto (SU 413, 419, 421, 814), which was covered by a marble revetment with slabs of regular dimensions (SU 412, 455, 828). These plaques were attached to the walls by means of “L”-shaped bronze cramps (fig. 16; on the cramps, see Martin, D.12.5). The cramps had square housings from 2 to 4 cm on a side and were secured by means of mortar and small marble shims. In the hollow space between the slabs and the wall, a mortar composed of a pozzolana base mixed with brick chips (SU 442, 443) was spread to bind the entire surface of the plaques to the wall. The pavement of the pool was covered with a mosaic of white tesserae (SU 453, 835) set on a very thick layer of sandy mortar mixed with rubble and brick fragments (SU 454, 823).


Figure 16
Detail of the marble revetment in room 37: slab and bronze clip.

Activity 15: Paving the surface of room 50 (SU 261, 274, 276, 321, 322)

After being filled with two preparatory layers of soil (SU 276, 321), the room was completely covered with a pavement of rather second-rate cocciopesto (SU 261, 274, 322), which is not very well preserved. The pottery remains date this pavement to sometime between ca. 80-150 A.D., that is, contemporaneous with the walls described in activities 12 and 13. The find of a coin of Hadrian in the layer SU 261 (on the coin, see Buttrey, D.11) may serve to narrow the dating parameters, but its context needs further discussion.

Activity 16: Rise in the level of room 50 (SU 211, 229)

The surface level of the area situated in the plateau to the west of room 50 was raised by the dumping of clayey strata mixed with brick and stone fragments. Such characteristics permit us to relate them to the strata described in activity 8, where the chronology has already been discussed.

Activity 17: Pavement levels atop the upper surface of room 50 (SU 218, 221, 230)

Soon after activity 16, a series of strata of very compact soil was laid down in room 50 to serve as floor levels in this area. This intervention, contemporaneous with the remodelling of room 50 (activity 15), also included the installation of a limestone column with a diameter of 34 cm (SU 230), of which a fragment 50 cm long is preserved.

Activity 18: Construction floors in the northern zone of the baths (SU 1219, 1227, 1229, 1230, 1232, 1239, 1242)

In the northern zone of the bath complex, behind the large square space of the late Republican period, a series of strata of various compositions and matrices was laid in order to raise the surface level. The intervention, contemporaneous with the activities of levelling identified in the other rooms of the bath complex (activities 5, 7, 8, 16) is datable, on the basis of pottery finds, to a period after the last quarter of the first century A.D. Noteworthy is the presence within SU 1229, 1230, 1239, and 1242 of numerous marble chips and mosaic tesserae, some of which were not completely worked. It is likely that this material results from the working in situ of the numerous marble slabs that decorated the walls and, perhaps, some of the pavements of the thermal rooms.

In addition to this material, the excavation brought to light some fragments of terracotta architectonic plaques that probably belonged to the first decorative phase of the villa (see Strazzulla, D.5).

Activity 19: Construction of a channel in the central zone of Area 35 (SU 1236, 1237, 1238, 1250)

A channel for water drainage, oriented east-west and connected to room 34, was built directly atop the strata of soil laid down to level the surface of Area 35 (activity 18; fig. 17). The side walls of the drainage channel, built against earth, were made of tufa cubilia, probably reused from an earlier structure, and of roughly worked blocks of small and medium size. The bottom of the channel, sloping downward toward the east, consisted of roof-tiles laid horizontally and close together. The use of this channel can be related to the lead pipes found inside rooms 37 and 50. The drainage channel was probably connected at its western end to a fistula that was part of the general hydraulic system of the villa (cf. activities 11 and 12).


Figure 17
Channel for the drainage of water in Area 35, from the east.

Activity 20: Construction of the perimeter wall of rooms 32 and 34 (SU 1226, 1243, 1246, 1248, 1249)

In order to construct rooms 32, 33, and 34, a wall running north-south along the eastern side of Area 35 was built. The foundation was made of irregularly shaped stones and pebbles of small and medium size, not worked, which were arranged in fairly regular courses and bound with a sandy, rough mortar. The elevation of the structure, preserved in part only in the southeast corner, was built in opus reticulatum with cubilia of tufa and limestone. Only the relative chronology of the structure can be determined; it is later than the walls of the square room, which gives us a terminus post quem.

Activity 21: Construction of a colonnade inside Area 35 (SU 1233, 1235, 1244, 1245, 1251, 1252)

Seven columns were erected at regular intervals in the central space of Area 35. These were aligned north-south and perhaps formed part of a porticus outside the bath complex. The colonnade, which connected the residential part of the villa with the baths, was probably delimited by a perimeter wall situated in the part of the western hill still not excavated, while the entrance was perhaps situated on the eastern side. The columns were made of bricks that were cut to have the shape of a quarter circle (see below, activity 28).

In contrast to the piers belonging to the atrium and impluvium (Period I, activity 2), these were made entirely of bricks of regular dimensions, bonded by a friable mortar, rather similar to the mortar used in the construction of room 37.



END DIV SECTION

C.5.3. Period III (Fourth-Fifth Centuries A.D. [?])
[text]
417 In the bath complex in this period are attested the first activities of destruction and spoliation or, at any rate, some significant transformations in use. The mosaic floor of the square room was partly dismantled and replaced by a simple floor of beaten earth. Inside room 50 several strata of debris accumulated, partly resulting from the collapse of the perimeter walls (activities 25 and 26). An analogous situation is encountered within the pool (room 37), where strata consisting mainly of building materials were found near the walls. At the same time, in the central zone of room 40, a trench tomb was dug (figs. 18-19). It was oriented northwest-southeast and had a pitched covering of roof-tiles (a cappuccina). On the basis of C14 dating of the bones, this burial can be dated to the fourth century A.D. In the same period, but perhaps somewhat later than the previously described activities, the plan of this sector began to be partially modified through the building of some walls in the large square room. These walls defined a new space within the old frigidarium (activity 23).

Figure 18
Tomb a cappuccina, in room 40.

Figure 19
Tomb a cappuccina, in room 40.
418 The northern zone of the baths was affected by a demolition activity, which is attested by a series of rubble strata originating from the destruction and/or spoliation of the porticus (activity 28). To this activity can also be added the excavation of a large trench, oriented east-west, which was filled up with building material (activity 27).


END DIV SECTION

C.5.3.1. Activities 22-29: Abandonment in Late Antiquity
419
Activity 22: Spoliation of the wall structures and pavement of the frigidarium (SU 622, 820, 861)

The partial abandonment of this part of the villa is stratigraphically attested by the destruction and cutting back, practically to the foundations, of some wall structures. The northern end of the western perimeter wall of the square room was completely destroyed (SU 820), probably to recover building material. A similar situation was found inside the pool, where the walls were partially demolished and where all the marbles, the pavement, and also the statues decorating it (if there were any) were completely removed. To be added to these actions of stripping is the systematic removal of the mosaic of the square room, which for this reason is preserved only in small areas along the southern wall of the space.

Unfortunately, there are no dating elements that can provide an absolute chronology for these activities, but it is quite plausible that they occurred shortly before the excavation of a trench tomb identified in the center of room 40 and assignable to the fourth century A.D. (see below, activity 24).

Activity 23: Construction of a series of walls inside room 40 (SU 634, 642, 643, 647, 648)

Three walls were built inside this room. Their poor state of preservation does not permit us to understand their function nor to define the spaces that they delimited. The foundations of these structures, which have heavily cut into the earlier pavement levels, were made of medium-size stones bonded with clay and sand.

Activity 24: Tomb a cappuccina in room 40 (SU 635, 636, 649, 650)

Near the northwest corner of room 40 a rectangular ditch (SU 635) with a northwest-southeast orientation was dug; its purpose was to house a burial a cappuccina. This presents the characteristic pitched cover made of roof-tiles with cover-tiles arranged above the upturned rims of the roof-tiles (SU 649). The top of the cover consists of imbrices. Two roof-tiles set on their sides and abutting the sloping tiles were arranged along the short sides of the burial (on the east and west); this arrangement constituted the closure of the short sides of the tomb. On the western side, a reused marble slab (25 cm x 55 cm) was placed in contact with the roof-tile of closure and in contact with the cranium of the skeleton. Inside the trench the inhumed corpse (SU 650) was deposited, orientated east-west, with the cranium toward the east. The bones of the upper part of the skeleton, down to the pelvis, were in complete disarray, owing to the collapse of the tomb cover (SU 649). In contrast, the lower half (legs and feet) was better preserved, especially the feet, thanks to the resistence of the tomb cover at this point. The tomb itself was in good condition, especially on the west, but the eastern section had collapsed inward.

The radiocarbon dating of the bones of the skeleton (performed by the NSF-Arizona AMS Laboratory) permits a dating of this burial to 1,682 years BP (i.e., ca. 318 A.D.) with a standard deviation of +/- 58 years.

Activity 25: Strata of rubble inside room 50 (SU 255, 262, 271, 273, 275, 283, 285)

The numerous strata identified inside room 50 relate to a single intervention. As already noted, this event was the dumping of soils, pottery, and building and organic materials in an area long since abandoned. The distinct contexts noted during excavation did not correspond to any chronological sequence in terms of the different deposits, which produced pottery that was largely residual (mostly dating to the mid-imperial period). There was a small amount of pottery found that dated to the fifth century. This provides a terminus post quem for dating this activity.

Activity 26: Abandonment of the upper surface of Area 50 (SU 209, 229)

The entire upper surface of Area 50, occupied in the imperial period by a porticus that faced the baths, was raised in level by the accumulation of several strata rich in building materials, in large part originating from the collapse of adjacent structures. The deposit of these strata signified the definitive obliteration of the porticus and of the floor belonging to it at a time subsequent to its destruction (see below, activity 29).

Activity 27: Excavation and fill of a ditch in the central zone of Area 35 (SU 1228, 1231)

The various dumps of soil presumably laid during the course of the first half of the second century (Period II) to raise the surface level of the northern colonnade of the baths were cut by a ditch (SU 1228), roughly rectangular in shape (1.70 m x 0.70 m), oriented east-west.

The fill (SU 1231) consists primarily of soil mixed with fragments of marble and pottery, as well as building materials. Nothing in the fill allows us to date the intervention with precision or to shed light on the purpose of the cut.

Activity 28: Abandonment of Area 35 (SU 1222)

The center part of the southern zone of Area 35 was partially occupied by a stratum rich in building materials that mainly originated from the collapse of adjacent structures. In particular, conspicuous among the elements making up the stratum were regularly shaped bricks still adhering to the core of the wall, as well as bricks in the shape of a quarter circle. The latter were elements of columns and can be assigned with certainty to the demolished colonnade.

Activity 29: Construction of late-antique walls in room 50 (SU 237, 250, 251, 289, 290, 303, 305)

In a phase shortly after the first abandonment of the bath complex and after the formation of rubble strata in all its rooms, several small walls with uncertain function were built within room 50. Wall 289 was built in the central part of the space, completely closing the room on its west side. This wall, whose construction necessitated the partial destruction of the northern wall of room 51 (MSU 248) was crudely constructed of small and medium sized stones arranged in an irregular way. The foundation of the wall (SU 237, 290, 303) was also made of irregularly placed rough-hewn stones. At the point at which the wall abuts MSU 246-266, a cornice fragment (SU 250) was added, reused as a buttress to support the corner of the wall. It was not possible to establish the construction date of the wall with any precision, but on the basis of its building technique and an analysis of the stratigraphic sequence, we can hypothesize a late-antique date.



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C.5.4. Period IV (Fifth-Ninth Centuries A.D.)
[text]
420 In the northern zone of the baths, a new flurry of building activity can be detected in the early medieval period. The resumed activity was certainly due to the visible presence of a considerable portion of the ancient structures. The buildings must have been preserved to some height, at least in the western and northern zones, and it was indeed precisely in this area that three new rooms were constructed. To the south, a large room with a rectangular shape (room 40) was created when a wall was built in an east-west direction. The pre-existing opus incertum walls of the frigidarium to the south, east, and west were reused in order to form the other three sides of the room. In the northwest part, a new space was made (room 38) whose west wall was built on the pavement of the pool of the frigidarium; this necessitated the partial destruction of the earlier imperial structure. To the northeast, another room was built, smaller than the others, which reused the Republican walls still in existence to the east and north (room 39).
421 The southwestern part was not affected by substantial modifications, if one excepts the reuse of a lead pipe, which brought water into the new room 40 (activity 34).


END DIV SECTION

C.5.4.1. Activities 30-40: The Medieval Reoccupation
422
Activity 30: Excavation and fill of a ditch in room 39 (SU 1004, 1005)

A trench oriented north-south was dug just behind wall SU 843. The fill of the ditch, added soon after, consisted of earth with a clayey matrix, blackish in color and including building material relating to imperial structures. It also contained numerous pottery fragments that permitted a dating of the activity to a time later than the seventh to eighth century A.D.

Activity 31: Spoliation ditch in the center of Area 35 (SU 1220, 1221)

Another deep cut, oriented north-south, was made in the central zone of Area 35. The pit was located behind the second column and the fill consists almost exclusively of building material (stones, bricks, and blocks of cardellino) that probably derived from the imperial colonnade. Noteworthy among the material found are bricks cut in a quarter circle; these are associated with the demolished colonnade (cf. activity 28). Similar bricks were found in the garden (see Gleason, C.3.4.2, activity 11).

The function of the pit could not be determined, although it is probably related to the stripping of the bath complex. Thanks to the presence of numerous pottery fragments found in the fill, the date can clearly be assigned to the eighth and ninth centuries A.D.

Activity 32: Circular cut in Area 35 (SU 1240, 1241)

Beside the perimeter wall of rooms 32, 33, and 34 (activity 20) a small circular pit was dug, the walls of which were covered with stones and brick fragments. The interpretation of this intervention is uncertain; it may be connected to the construction activities of this period.

Activity 33: Construction of rooms 38, 39, and 40 (SU 422, 435, 461, 466, 467, 633, 804, 807, 829, 831, 832, 843, 846, 847, 850, 864, 1003, 1016)

The remodeling of this zone in the early medieval period resulted in the laying out of three new rooms inside the old frigidarium of the imperial age. The walls of late date that had invaded the ancient area (activity 29) and the wall in opus incertum 420=802 were razed to their foundations; three new walls were built in their place. Stones, brick fragments and earth composed the inner core. The facings were made of rough-hewn stones of various sizes, which were laid in horizontal courses with staggered joints. In the elevation of the walls, limestone, blocks of cardellino, and brick fragments were used indiscriminately. One wall (SU 435-846-847-850), which runs in an east-west direction, is partly seated on one of the previous structures (MSU 634) and partly on the preparatory layer (statumen) of the mosaic, destroying part of the wall in opus incertum that delimited the earlier room on its west side. A second wall (461), oriented north-south and bonded to the preceding wall, was built inside the pool of the frigidarium. Its deep foundation partially destroyed the mosaic and the northern niche, implying thereby that this room was no longer in use as part of a bath complex. A third wall (843), of small dimensions, was erected approximately in the middle of the square room in order to divide it into two separate rooms (38 and 39).

Activity 34: Reuse and modification of the ancient drainage system (SU 293, 294, 295, 297)

The creation of three new rooms was accompanied by equally significant changes to the hydraulic system of the area, which underwent radical modification. A cut (SU 293) was made under the central area of the opus incertum wall 291 in order to allow the passage of a waterpipe (SU 241; the waterpipe had been uncovered during earlier excavations, see activity 48) situated along the northern wall of room 50. A stratum of mortar (SU 294) was laid down inside the opening of the passageway for securing the pipe, while the embankment that supported the channel was created by reusing a fragment of pavement in cocciopesto (SU 295). The recent archaeological interventions and restorations by the Superintendency made it impossible to completely understand the development and course of the new channel. Nevertheless, it is worth noting that the ancient plumbing system, with repairs and modifications, was still operational in the early Middle Ages.

Activity 35: Collapse of the walls of the pool of the frigidarium (SU 403, 433, 444)

During the early medieval period several perimeter walls of the frigidarium collapsed, causing the accumulation of a substantial quantity of rubble (bricks, mortar, and marble chips) near the western wall of the basin (SU 403), on the central step (SU 444), and above the southern step (SU 433).

Activity 36: Abandonment layer in Area 35 (SU 1213)

While the central part of the bath complex was reused as a habitation, the entire surface of room 35 was covered with a stratum of uniform soil that definitively obliterated the remains of the imperial colonnade. The layer, composed of a very compact soil mixed with fragments of building material, has yielded a notable quantity of residual material from the early and middle imperial ages, while later periods are barely represented. Noteworthy, among the latter, is a fragment of white majolica datable to the seventeenth or eighteenth century, probably the result of agricultural activity in modern times.

Activity 37: Interventions of spoliation and destruction (SU 258, 259, 265, 268, 277, 278, 279, 286, 287, 309, 414, 434, 447, 448, 449, 450, 451, 452, 821, 822)

Toward the end of the early medieval period the entire northern area of the imperial baths was affected by a series of interventions of destruction and spoliation. In room 50, a series of irregularly shaped holes were dug (SU 258, 259, 265, 268, 277, 278, 279, 286, 287, 309), which were later filled with rubble derived from the demolition of the walls and mixed with clayey soil. The material contained in the trenches was of modest quantity and mainly represents residual pottery fragments of the classical and late antique periods.

Inside the pool of the frigidarium a large circular pit (452) was dug. The excavation work probably lasted for a relatively long period of time, as is attested by the superimposition of cuts, perhaps due to later adjustments and levelings. The pit was most likely created to search for reusable building material. During this activity, part of the mosaic on the floor of the pool and all the marble slabs from the walls of the pool were stripped away. The recent excavation revealed that the filling of the ditch occurred in distinct phases, each linkable to a specific stratum (SU 414, 434, 447, 448, 450, 451, 822) but as part of a single general dumping activity. The fill contained a great deal of residual material, mainly of imperial date. Noteworthy in this fill were three fragmentary marble statuettes (see Lattimore, D.10). Also found was material contemporaneous with this activity, including a great deal of unpainted (achromatic) pottery with a wave decoration, pottery with heavy glaze, and African red slip “D” ware (see Angelelli, D.2.1.4). Analysis of this ceramic material suggests a date of ca. 700-800 A.D., or perhaps a little later, for this activity.

Activity 38: Burial west of room 50 (SU 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 228)

A rectangular ditch was dug on the plateau west of room 50, ca. 60 cm deep and oriented east-west. Its purpose was to receive an inhumation burial (fig. 20). The ditch (SU 223) was reinforced on its sides by two banked walls (226, 227) made of limestone and brick fragments bonded with soil. Because the burial was discovered during a cleaning operation on a steep slope just below the edge of the plateau, only the eastern end of the tomb was explored. The bones of the legs (femurs, tibias, and fibulas, SU 225) were found in their original position. On the basis of stratigraphic data, this burial can be related to the two burials found in Area 35, which were given radiocarbon dates of ca. 1,194 and 1,118 years BP (see below, activities 39 and 40).


Figure 20
Tomb on plateau west of room 5.

Activity 39: Burial in the western zone of Area 35 (SU 1214, 1215, 1216)

To the east of the pier SU 1207, a ditch (1214), more or less rectangular and oriented east-west, was dug for an inhumation burial. Inside the ditch, the skeleton was buried with the cranium turned to the west and resting on a sort of raised earthen level. This factor determined the position of the shoulders as well as the head, which was found angled forward and resting on the right shoulder. The arms were arranged with the elbows resting on the sides of the ditch, while the hands were placed over the pelvis. The spinal column was perfectly straight, and the legs were extended. The right foot abutted a stone placed at the bottom of the ditch. The burial had no grave gift, so an absolute date was sought by means of C14 analysis of a bone sample. The results indicated a date of 1,118 BP (i.e., ca. 882 A.D.) with a standard deviation of +/- 40 years.

Activity 40: Tomb in the western zone of Area 35 (SU 1201, 1202, 1203)

In the central western zone of Area 35, near the burial just described, a second ditch (1201) was dug for an inhumation burial (fig. 21). It, too, had an east-west orientation. All of the upper part of the ditch had been destroyed by modern interventions in the area; only the lower part remained. The skeleton was buried with its cranium turned toward the west. Unfortunately, the bones were found in a poor state of preservation. The cranium was caved in, the right arm was folded above the thoracic cavity, and the wrist was placed near the right scapula. No grave goods were found, so once again an absolute date was sought through radiocarbon dating. The results indicated a date that is 1,194 BP (i.e., ca. 806 A.D.) with a standard deviation of +/- 40 years.


Figure 21
Tomb in the western zone of Area 35.



END DIV SECTION

C.5.5. Period V (Late Middle Ages)
[text]
423 In this period, the structures of the bath complex of “Horace’s Villa” were demolished and definitively despoiled. In the various areas investigated we found that strata of earth had accumulated, which obliterated whatever still remained of the imperial and early medieval structures. Only in the southern zone of the upper plateau of the villa was a new structure erected. It was composed of a large wall running north-south, plastered along its western face. The purpose of this structure remains uncertain.
424 In the southern part of room 40 a small circular ditch was dug (activity 41) for the burial of two skeletons found in a secondary deposit and perhaps to be connected to the two burials of the preceding period (see activities 39 and 40).


END DIV SECTION

C.5.5.1. Activities 41-46: The Last Interventions of the Medieval Period
425
Activity 41: Pit for the deposit of two skeletons in room 40 (SU 611, 639=610, 640, 641)

In the southern part of room 40, beside the wall in opus incertum (SU 620) a pit (639=610) was dug, roughly circular in shape, to a depth of ca. 30 cm. Into this pit numerous fragments of human bones belonging to two individuals were placed; this was clearly a secondary deposit (fig. 22). The burials are probably to be linked to the small late-antique cemetery attested by the tomb a cappuccina identified in room 40. It is probable that the skeletons were removed from their original place of burial as a result of later activities of building or spoliation.


Figure 22
Room 40: circular pit (SU 639=610) with human bones belonging to two individuals.

Activity 42: Strata of the rubble of Roman and early medieval structures (SU 428, 440, 818)

The abandonment of the early medieval rooms as well as those dating from the Roman period resulted in the creation of a series of small strata consisting of stones, bricks, and mortar, located within the pool of the frigidarium and in room 38. The presence in these strata of marble fragments—including some of large size—leads us to conclude that part of the rubble relates to Roman imperial structures reused down to the abandonment of the site.

Activity 43: Medieval wall in room 50 (SU 212, 217, 238)

In the southwest zone of room 50 a large wall (SU 212) was built, which encroached on part of room 51. The wall was only partially investigated and only its western face was exposed. It was built of irregularly shaped stones and reused building materials (including various cubilia) and was covered with a layer of plaster (SU 238). The structure SU 217 abutted the wall. It was made with the same building technique and served as a buttress of the wall.

Activity 44: Strata from the collapse of the medieval structure in room 50 (SU 244, 247, 269)

At an undefined time, the medieval structure just described (activity 43) collapsed. This was probably connected to the abandonment of the entire thermal zone. The strata formed by this activity were entirely composed of stones and fragments of brick and mortar. There was a complete absence of post-classical ceramic material.

Activity 45: Ditch on the upper plateau of Area 50 (SU 235, 236)

A deep ditch (SU 235) was dug beside the medieval wall built along the southern limit of Area 50. Oriented east-west, it was about 1 meter deep. The fill in the trench yielded a small amount of finds, all of which relate to the classical period. Thus it is impossible to establish an absolute chronology for this intervention, which clearly must have happened after the definitive collapse of the large medieval wall.

Activity 46: Strata of abandonment and collapse on the plateau of Area 50 (SU 202, 206, 213, 219)

On the plateau west of Area 50, the complete abandonment of the site led to the accumulation of a series of strata attributable in part to the collapse of the medieval structure (activity 43) and in part to the natural erosion of the hillside above. The materials found indicate a chronological time frame extending from the medieval to the modern period.



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C.5.6. Period VI (Twentieth Century A.D.)
[text]
426 After the abandonment of the buildings, most of the remains were completely covered by earth; only bits of them were still partially preserved above ground. The modern interventions to the site made from 1911 to 1914 by Angelo Pasqui and later in the twentieth century by the Archaeological Superintendency for Lazio represent the last activities that we identified. Our excavation allowed us to bring to light numerous excavation trenches, particularly along the walls of the bath complex, the purpose of which was to permit the earlier excavators to reconstruct the plan of the complex in order to understand the function of its various parts. In addition to these activities, there were numerous interventions of conservation and restoration (in whole or in part) of the walls and pavements beginning in the time of Pasqui and extending throughout the twentieth century.


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C.5.6.1. Activities 47-49: Twentieth-century archaeological soundings
427
Activity 47: Modern restorations (SU 203, 204, 401, 402, 404, 405, 406, 601, 605, 623, 625, 627, 811, 812)

This activity relates to a series of restorations that were begun on the site with Pasqui’s excavations in 1911-1914. This activity affected the tops of the visible walls, which were protected by a layer of cement. The restorations also affected the external faces of the walls, sometimes making it difficult to distinguish the ancient from the modern (see De Simone, D.1). Other conservation interventions concerned one of the two mosaic fragments located in room 40, which appears to have been removed, restored, and reinstalled in its original position.

Activity 48: Modern archaeological interventions (SU 205, 207, 208, 210, 231, 233, 234, 241, 249, 252, 254, 256, 257, 263, 264, 267, 270, 282, 320, 323, 324, 415, 416, 417, 418, 424, 425, 426, 427, 429, 430, 431, 436, 605, 606, 607, 608, 609, 616, 617, 618, 619, 638, 805, 806, 836, 841, 842, 848, 852, 853, 855, 856, 862, 863, 866, 867, 1007, 1008, 1009, 1010, 1011, 1012, 1218)

The excavation interventions executed during the last century affected a great part of the bath complex, causing serious damage to the ancient stratigraphy and significantly compromising our ability to understand the relationships between the various structures and the strata around them.

As can be reconstructed from the course of the trenches dug prior to our campaigns of 1997-1999, the principal objective of the earlier excavations was to identify the plan of the site, including the course of the walls and the location of related floors. The principal method used was wall chasing. Particularly noteworthy are the deep ditch (SU 256), which was dug along the eastern wall of room 40 in order to restore the wall and the pavement of room 42, and the deep trench (SU 415 and 417) that follows exactly the apsidal structure of room 35, onto the bottom of which was set a crude channel composed of bricks and used to carry the runoff of water from the hillside toward room 34.

Activity 49: Formation of strata of humus (SU 200, 254, 400, 600, 800, 1000, 1200)

A rather thick layer of humus with dense vegetation formed atop the structures identified as a result of the extensive excavations and restorations undertaken in the twentieth century.



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C.5.7. Appendix: Recent Work in Sector I.2, Area 50 [7]
428 In June 2000 a small rescue excavation was undertaken prior to the building of the “green wall” that was to retain the slope along the western side of Area 50 (figs. 23 and 24). The archaeological stratigraphy was inevitably affected by the construction of the wall, but all the evidence was documented (SU 345-366).

Figure 23
Western side of room 50, excavation 2000.

Figure 24
"Green wall," built for retaining the slope along the west side of Area 50.
429 The area, already partially excavated, was difficult to handle because of the steepness of the slope, but noteworthy data emerged.
430 The natural clay bank (SU 346) seems to have been regulated in antiquity by means of one or two vertical cuts (SU 358 and 359), oriented north-south. The cut 358 was filled with a structure of earth and stone, which functioned both as a foundation and protection for the niched apse of room 37. Cut 359 was filled by various stratigraphical units; these were not excavated, however, because they were located to the east of the area affected by the building of the green wall. The ancient regularization seems to have had two principal goals: to expand the buildable area to the west and to provide space for the water supply system. This was accomplished by cutting the clay bank almost vertically, and the excavated material may have been used to raise the level of the Republican atrium (see activities 5 and 8 above) in order to create the floor of the frigidarium.
431 At the same time, this work was useful for the construction of the water supply system that became necessary for the new buildings there, which clearly needed a lot of water. During the excavation two different conduits were brought to light (SU 347 and 355). The lead pipe 355 (fig. 25) is the western part of the conduit 331 (activity 12), situated at a point where the ground level shifts abruptly because of the deep ancient cut of the clay bank (SU 358). Furthermore, at the western end of SU 355, a junction of pipes for water distribution, although fragmentary, may be recognized. From this junction, at least one other branch went off. As did the fistula 331, this stretch of the pipe (SU 355) also preserved the inscription C IVLIVS PRISCVS F, repeated on both sides (see Bruun, D.13).

Figure 25
Lead pipe 355 in Area 50, from the north.
432 An activity related to a later arrangement of this area seems to have been the positioning of the big molded architrave (SU 250), reused as a pier; consequently, both SU 363 (the cut in which the pier is placed) and SU 364 (shims that fill the cut 363) must be connected to activity 29.
433 This rescue excavation, althought limited, reinforced the hypothesis that the slope had been regularized in antiquity. If the villa at some point had been extended to the west, we would expect to find the associated structures at a higher level. If this were the case the problem of the connecting of the different levels would still have remained.


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D. Analysis of Structures and Materials
D.1. The Masonry Structures

By Monica De Simone

D.1.1. Introduction
434 When faced with a complex archaeological site such as the so-called “Villa of Horace” at Licenza, it is tempting to forego new fieldwork, relying instead on data previously acquired and accepted on the basis of ostensibly reliable authority. In doing so, we would blindly follow the opinio communis, which holds that the villa is mainly of Augustan date, the opus reticulatum is of a certain character, and so on. On the other hand, if we do not take this shortcut to understanding the site, we can experience the excitement that comes from accepting the challenge of deciphering the traces still to be found of the various building phases and activities that have occurred on the site. Only by taking this untrodden path can we re-read the site with new eyes.
435 This chapter presents the results of a fieldwork project undertaken from 1998 to 2001 aimed at providing this new reading of the evidence. A new comprehensive study was deemed necessary by the following realization: first, even a cursory inspection showed that the site was heavily restored, and a glance at the secondary literature quickly revealed that the first excavator—Angelo Pasqui—was indeed criticized for being too liberal in his reconstructions; second, in several striking cases one had to wonder whether the modern walls were as much reconstructions as fanciful re-creations. These and other considerations led to the decision that a full-scale study of the walls was a desideratum. As will be seen, the effort, though time consuming, turned out to be worthwhile.
436 One must begin by analyzing the masonry structures that, in the case of the Villa of Horace at Licenza, have undergone various restorations. In doing this, we soon find that there are almost total reconstructions, new elevations, refacings and insertions of modern mortar or cement that complicate and often compromise the legibility of useful interpretative traces. Furthermore, the original walls are often preserved only to the level of the first courses or, in some cases, only as foundations. It is clear that the earliest restorations under Angelo Pasqui (1911-1914) were intended to be a substantial reconstruction of these faint remains. This was partly motivated by the spirit of the times (one might compare, sic parvis componere magna, the reconstructions of Evans at Knossos), and partly by a desire to make the remains more comprehensible. [1] Criticism was aimed at Pasqui regarding the massive reconstructions that were undertaken, as recorded by Lugli [2] and Blake. [3] The latter, following Van Deman, who attributed the opus reticulatum of “Horace’s Villa” to a period later than that of the poet, highlighted this by noting that, “although the tesserae are all ancient, most of the walls now visible were re-laid by the modern excavator in order to make a monument more satisfactory to the casual visitor.”
437 In fact, the monument is undeniably fascinating. A large, long rectangle (ca. 43 x 113 m) includes a residential area on a higher level to the north and, to the south, a garden area, surrounded by a quadriporticus, which is joined to the residence on its northern side by the so-called veranda. Today, nearly all of the remains within the rectangle consist of limestone opus reticulatum. The complex is situated on the saddle between two hills and only partly conforms to the natural gradient, which falls away to the south; the residence is situated on a partially artificial terrace that levels out the grade. Outside this rectangle, along its western side, is a series of other structures built in different construction techniques and traditionally interpreted as later than the first complex. Today, because of Pasqui’s restorations, the villa appears to terminate on the north with an east-west wall running across the northern part of the residence.
438 This study is primarily intended to establish what is actually ancient, identifying the restorations and creating a precise documentation of the structures, in order to be able to base the interpretation of the phases and the functions of the rooms on reliable data. What might at first glance appear to be a relatively simple task has proved not always to be so; in visiting the villa today, one cannot easily perceive the difference between what is ancient and what is modern. Our analysis has led to the development of a new site plan, which makes clear the sometimes-fanciful reconstructions that have altered the appearance of the complex and its layout. In fact, sometimes the restorations make it impossible to understand precisely the functions of the various rooms, since the only way that we can do this is to identify structural traces within the skeleton of the building, such as holes, imprints, plugging of holes, cracks, and so forth. Building technique, too, even if not sufficient to give a precise chronology per se, can help in understanding the various phases of enlargement of the building. This is why it is imperative to identify the modern restorations. This project, therefore, has concerned itself with documenting every single masonry structure and identifying the work that has been carried out since 1911, from which a complete re-reading of the phases, functions and circulation routes can be obtained.
439 Furthermore, a typology of masonry techniques attested at the site has been created in order to verify or disconfirm specific functions and construction phases. This work also included the sampling of mortar because the ancient material is not always easily distinguishable from the modern, and is often made with exactly the same techniques. The study was further complicated by the fact that the early restorers used ancient materials. This practice has been verified both directly, by analysis of the structure itself, and indirectly through documents found by Bernard Frischer in the archive of the Archaeological Superintendency of Lazio (see below and Frischer, G.1.10-12).


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D.1.2. The Restorations
[text]
440 The first step was to distinguish the restorations from the original structures, through non-destructive direct observation and by comparison with archival photographs illustrating the various phases of excavation and other interventions (cleaning, restoration, etc.), beginning with those of 1911-1914 and including those in 1930-1931 [4] and in the 1970s. [5] Besides Lugli’s fundamental publication, we have also had at our disposal some of Pasqui’s documents, which mainly consist of an inventory of finds, as well as the excavation diaries written by De Rossi, the site foreman. In addition, Bernard Frischer also found the correspondence between De Rossi and Pasqui, along with some letters from the restorer, Verduchi, to Pasqui, which were intended to keep Pasqui apprised of work at the villa. These letters have also been taken into account in what follows, and have furnished a great deal of surprising information. [6]


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D.1.2.1. Analysis of the archival documents
441 In general, the letters are administrative in nature (numbers of workers in attendance, weather, storage arrangements for the finds, etc.), but information pertinent to our purposes can be found regarding management of the work on the site, purchases made and procedures followed (fig. 1). The passages below have been selected because they refer to the masonry structures. They document the phases of excavation, including some structures that are no longer visible, and the phases of restoration. These passages, which have been translated into English (for the original Italian version see Frischer, G.1.12), are quoted in extenso, except in those places where italics indicate that a summary is given. In several instances, the telegraphic style has been supplemented to facilitate the reader’s understanding, with the additions put inside square brackets ([ ]). A brief commentary follows in italics, explaining the importance of a passage, or group of related passages, for the present investigation.
442
1. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 28 March 1912

In the cryptoporticus, [7] work on the right-hand side has brought to light about two meters of plaster to a height of about 25 cm, red in color like that found before.

2. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 30 March 1912

The excavation proceeds well. The cryptoporticus will be completed by Monday evening up to the boundary with Rocco Foschi[’s property = parcel 1215; see Frischer B.3 and cadastral map, fig. 17]. The reticulate walls follow on both sides, where plaster painted red was found to a height of about 25 cm.

It seems correct to interpret the right-hand side as the western wing. The plaster must necessarily have covered a still intact wall surface. Unfortunately, no unequivocal indication is given about the construction technique of the wall in question (opus reticulatum or opus incertum?). A section of red plaster is still preserved, a facing on the wall (in opus incertum) next to the stairs that lead to the residential area (see De Simone et al., C.4). The boundary with Rocco Foschi’s property, in fact, ran through the flight of stairs (see Frischer, B.1.9, fig. 4, where the modern plan is superimposed over the property lines, and E.4, table 2).
3. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 27 April 1912

The excavation on Foschi’s land is almost entirely completed; only foundations were found.

The area in question is located in the southern part of the residential area. The observation that only foundations had been discovered is interesting, since the reconstructed walls were apparently built on these.
4. Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, 29 May 1912

The reticulate wall adjacent to the stairs has been completed for a length of about 7 m. The work continues well, both the excavation work and the wall building.

From this passage it is not clear if the completion refers to excavation or restoration work; since the person in charge of the restoration/reconstruction of the masonry (“lavoro di muratura”) was in fact Signor Verduchi, it is likely that he means the latter.
5. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 1 June 1912

Transport of bricks and 1860 kg of lime from Roccagiovine to Licenza, because the limekiln owner has no more of lime to sell. On Monday we will get another shipment of lime.

6. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 4 June 1912

Expense note for lime: 20 quintals. The masonry work continues as planned since Signor Verduchi is not worried by the sun. The investigation ordered by Your Most Illustrious Lordship in the center of the pool has been carried out by Signor Verduchi, but without any sign of a source being found, only a lining of stones and pozzolana. […] [The small room] shows the end [top?] of the wall facing, because the wall is terminated and is made of reticulate with edges of roof-tiles. […] transport of gesso [plaster?].

The masonry activity, as is evident from the expense note, required a constant and abundant supply of building materials, which were immediately put to use by the industrious Verduchi. The “pool” he is referring to is, in reality, room 33 (interpreted, evidently together with room 32, first by Pasqui and then by Lugli, as a swimming pool). However, it is impossible to identify the precise location of the test-pit. For the south wall of room 33, the northern face of which is of terracotta opus reticulatum , see the section on construction typologies (appendix I, D.1.4, type 5.3.3).
7. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 8 June 1912

Expense note for sand and 1000 bricks. The masonry work continues on the reticulate wall adjacent to the stairs; more than half is now done. In the digging, new walls are being continuously discovered. Just today a reticulate wall was found with fine red-colored cocciopesto plaster, 3.2 m in length, with two stairs at the top and two at the foot (of guide also covered by plaster), [which have] a length of 1.00 m and a height of 30 cm.

In this case the (reconstructive) restoration can be identified with certainty, even if the precise location of the work remains to be determined. The new area mentioned is the northern part of room 34. Two points are of interest here: the indications of the waterproof coating of cocciopesto and the note about the stairs “of guide also covered by plaster.” I will return to the meaning of the term “guide” below (cf. the letter from Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 27 December 1912 = no. 20). The reference to the “two stairs at the top and two at the foot” actually indicates the two steps discovered at that time for each of the two staircases; consequently, the height must refer to a single step.
8. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 15 June 1912

Purchase of pozzolana and sand. The basin is completely cleaned and glued, even on the bottom. It has a drainage hole that must lead into the main sewer.

The room in question is number 34. By “glued” (Italian: incollata) De Rossi doubtless means “coated throughout with cocciopesto.”
9. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 21 June 1912

Investigating the perimeter wall on the Onorati’s land, it was found to be truncated by a lime pit.

10. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 29 June 1912

On the land of the Onorati heirs, work proceeds with some laborers to expose the perimeter wall. The wall is cut off by a lime pit, but it comes up close to a large foundation that continues toward the waterfall.

The area in question is north of the gravel road that crosses the remains of the villa (see Frischer, B.3 , fig. 17), i.e. the area north and northeast of the excavated residential section. The perimeter wall is the northern wall, interpreted then as the limit of the villa. The foundation structure noted as going toward the waterfall (i.e. toward the west) is probably outside the rectangle of the residence block visible today. This hypothesis is supported by evidence gathered from the testimony of various custodians at the site. The lime pit indirectly attests to a later spoliation and reuse of building materials. Bernard Frischer, in a personal communication, notes that such activity is definitely known in connection with the construction of the local church in the 1840s and 1850s (see Frischer B.1.9 ).
11. Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, undated

The masonry work in the cryptoporticus is almost finished. On Monday I will begin work on the masonry of the stairs in the garden.

12. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 10 August 1912
Expense note for the stonemason’s working days (De Rossi says “for eight linear meters”) and for the transport of sand.
13. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 24 August 1912
Expense note for pozzolana; the masonry work continues.
14. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 28 August 1912

The stones that were in the vicinity of the cryptoporticus have been transported away from the excavation. The others serve for the construction of the restored walls. A good part of the walls has been aligned; if he wishes, Signor Gatti may come.

The substantial masonry reconstructions are clearly attested by this letter. It is obvious that these are not only repairs, but also actual constructions. The draftsman, Signor Gatti, was invited to carry out the survey for the plan after the walls had been “aligned.”
15. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 31 August 1912

New order for sand. A [mosaic] 2 m x 90 [cm], nearby, fragments of another one without any surrounding wall [have been found]. Suspension of excavation and De Rossi asks if the masonry work will continue.

The restoration work continued non-stop. Sometimes parts of mosaics were found in situ, but the walls of the rooms in which they were located had been reduced to nothing. The note here concerns room 11, as may be deduced from the schematic drawing of the mosaic that De Rossi attached to the letter. It is not possible to identify the second room.
16. Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, 16 September 1912

The masonry work continues very well; about the work on the basin of the bath, the arch and the wall facing, what was left from last year was finished. The cryptoporticus was finished equally on both sides, and now I am working on the heating system on Ricciotti’s land, to restore the small pillars […]; small repairs with cement around the mosaics on the land of the Onorati.

17. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 28 September 1912

There are 12 quintals of lime still to slake […]. Various materials are still to be removed from the cemetery corridor of the bath basin, precisely where the masonry has been done and the hole has been closed, which leads to the sewer. […] The old stock of lime is quite diminished; it would be useful if Your Most Illustrious Lordship could make a larger acquisition of that, because it is lime of good quality and well baked, and not too far to transport, because there are still many walls to restore and they take a lot of material, especially the wall of the cryptoporticus near the gate, which must be urgently done. The mosaics have had all the broken parts repaired (with cement) by Signor Verduchi. The masonry work has proceeded in good order, so that when you arrive on site you will be satisfied.

It is impossible to identify with certainty the room that is referred to as the “bath.” [8] It could refer either to the large apsidal hall (room 33) or to the so-called vivarium (room 53). The fact that De Rossi, in the letter of 17 September 1912, mentions a single arch and refers to the remainder of work from the year before points to the latter hypothesis. The excavation seems to have started from the building that had the most substantial remains left above ground. The reference to a “cemetery corridor of the bath” could create a misunderstanding. We know with certainty that the so-called vivarium was used at some point as a burial place, but one cannot exclude an analogous use for the apsidal hall 33, especially since the 1997-2001 excavations have found burials in nearby Areas 40 and 35. The reference to “the hole which leads to the sewer” is the decisive point. Lugli records at least two holes (one for a water jet and one for an outflow) in the floor (in reality, the sub-floor) of the so-called vivarium. These holes are no longer visible.

The use of cement, in place of the usual mortar, is also remarkable in a period in which there was still a cautious attitude toward the use of this material. This detail, however, testifies to a differentiation in the use of the various materials: cement only for the mosaics, mortar and traditional inert materials, necessary in large amounts, for the walls.

18. Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, 10 November 1912

Regarding the work that I oversee, I have taken the greatest care to find the first course of the doors [“spiccato,” i.e., the level from which the wall starts atop the foundations] and, indeed, in the rooms of the mosaics, excavating below the level of the mosaics, I have found the spiccati for three doors, one in the direction of the stairs of the cryptoporticus, and two passageways, one from the first room and another from the second room (that is, the [room with the] mosaic that has always been known). […] Signor Gatti can come at his convenience, for we will attempt, as far as possible, to have it all organized for him.

The rooms discussed seem to be 1, 2 and 4. It is interesting to note that for the first time, after almost two years of excavations, there is sudden talk about finding doorways; no mention of them had been made in the previous series of letters. This is probably in response to an explicit request by Pasqui, who, while not present during most of the excavations, had perhaps just visited the villa and noted this illogical absence from the record (cf. the next letter). Of course, it is hard to find a doorway when the wall is not standing at all. At best, De Rossi could be on the lookout for an area in which a doorway-sized opening of the bare foundation was flanked by at least one course of elevation of the wall (i.e., spiccato [singular], spiccati [plural]), which could be interpreted as the remains of the doorjambs delimiting a threshold.
19. Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, 23 November 1912

The masonry work continues to proceed well with further spiccati for doorways. While working last Monday, De Rossi found spiccati of two other doorways near the mosaic on the land of the Onorati heirs. He is now carrying out the work on the aforementioned spiccati and on the extension of the reticulate walls. It is an important job. At the moment there seem to be six doors. I will do my utmost to see to it that when Your Most Illustrious Lordship visits the excavations, you will be pleased.

See the comment on the preceding letter (also for the meaning of spiccati).
20. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 27 December 1912

I will do as Your Most Illustrious Lordship has ordered, that is, to put the chiodi and guide around the Ricciotti mosaic. Or rather, I propose that since there are not any chiodi and guide in the area of the villa, if Signor Verduchi is late, I can choose from the spoil heap near the bath basin; those [chiodi and guide] are mixed, good and bad, and stones. Then I can move them to the area of the villa and keep them ready for when the restorations are being done. The other extremely important work is that of covering both the restored walls and those still to be restored with earth, especially in that part of the cryptoporticus near the gate that was cleaned for restoration in September, but which was not done. The same should be done for the most recently restored walls, which are still covered with planks, since every clear night brings a lighter or heavier frost, and the walls are being damaged.

The Ricciotti mosaic is probably to be identified with the floor in room 16. Most interesting here is the meaning that can be attributed to the words guide (cf. the letter from Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 8 June 1912 = no. 7) and chiodi (cf. the letter from Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, 17 November 1913 = no. 24). We may deduce from these passages that the discussion concerns construction materials. Chiodi, in my opinion, are the opus reticulatum building blocks, which may be informally defined that way because of their long and narrow form, reminiscent of a nail (even if the shape more closely resembles a truncated pyramid). Guide, on the other hand, may be the little rectangular parallelepiped blocks that are used for the edging of walls in opus reticulatum. The stairs of room 34 were, in fact, made of guide and chiodi, and the guide to be reused must have been chosen from the heap of stones near the “bath basin.” As we have seen, this must be identified with the so-called vivarium (room 53; on the characteristics and actual function of this building see D.1.3.5). [9] Building materials must have been present in great abundance, although we do not know the percentage of chiodi with respect to “stones that were not good” (evidently the stones might well have come from opus incertum structures). This confirms once again that falsifications could easily have occurred when walls were restored in opus reticulatum when only foundations were preserved.
21. Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, 12 December 1912

The masonry work continues in the vicinity of the mosaics.

22. Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, 27 August 1913

The two olive trees, one on the Onorati land and the other on the Foschi land, have been felled. The latter was the tree that is close to the stairs that are to be restored. The sand is being extracted and tomorrow the transportation of it will begin. […] The stonemason has started the arrangement of the corners that will be used for the small piers of the stairs. […] The masonry work continues very well, mainly concentrating on the doors and the perimeter wall.

23. Giuseppe Verduchi to Pasqui, 25 September 1913

As soon as I arrived at Licenza I went to the excavations at the Villa of Horace, where I found the masonry work proceeding regularly […]. Meanwhile, in my absence, I will leave work for the coming week; this is work on the foundations that can be done easily. In addition there is the work of shaping the bricks.

24. Nicola De Rossi to Pasqui, 17 November 1913

The shaping of the small bricks, 500 in number, was finished by the tenth of this month. Also, a stretch of reticulate wall has been completed that runs from the room of the rough mosaic and joins the boundary wall of the villa [...]. This section being finished, work has started on another small stretch of the perimeter wall that joins the remaining corner that is still to be done. Today, work was also carried out on the above-mentioned wall because the lime was ready; tomorrow we will begin to gather the chiodi scattered throughout the excavation and to reduce them to the size of those already put back into use, as Your Most Illustrious Lordship has ordered me. I would like to know, please, if the chiodi now at the end of the Caponnetti cryptoporticus, that is, at the entrance to the garden of the villa, are to be taken back and reduced as well.

The passages in question testify to the intense activity of reconstruction, even at the level of the foundations. The building materials, whether modern (bricks) or ancient (chiodi = building blocks of reticulate facing; cf. comment on no. 20) were shaped (“reduced”) as needed.


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D.1.2.2. Analysis of the photographs
443 A database of photographs was assembled from items in the photographic archive of the Archaeological Superintendency of Lazio, the Fototeca Unione housed in the American Academy in Rome, and the personal archive of Thomas D. Price, now in the possession of his sister. The photos were mainly found by Bernard Frischer, while Kathryn Gleason found the Price archive. The photographs of the Superintendency and of Price lack captions, dates and other details; like the other photos, they are casual and panoramic in nature. But even if they were not taken with the intent to provide scientific documentation, they nonetheless testify to the various phases of work and allow us a glimpse of the conditions prior to restoration interventions. They have been taken into account in compilation of the individual masonry stratigraphic units (MSU, for which see D.1.3.1); the information on these gathered from the photographs has been annotated there. A selection of the most representative photographs is given here, listed in approximate chronological order and accompanied by brief comments. [10]

1. SAL E 661 – SAL E 662 (figs. 2 and 3)

444 Taken in 1911-1914. Room 53. The so-called vivarium is almost unrecognizable (for the function of this room, cf. D.1.3.5). The photograph shows a series of walls, no longer visible today. These walls, which had been made of reused materials, were demolished at the time of the excavation because they were ascribed to the medieval period. The demolition, besides having abolished a phase in the life of the building (thus making it impossible to formulate hypotheses for its later use), has also undoubtedly altered the evidence for its original functions. In this case, the reconstruction work was particularly invasive, as may be inferred from the state of the monument at the time of the excavation, as well as by direct analysis of the remains on the site. Extremely interesting is the relief of a flower with a central button that was inserted into the later masonry. The demolished dividing walls are only indicated by broken lines on the plan published by Lugli. Neither Lugli’s plan nor his text, however, indicates the presence of stairs (visible in the photograph), nor do they clearly describe the structure in its last phase (i.e., the actual state of the hypogeum space, which exploited the vaulted passage).

2. SAL E 729 (fig. 4)

445 Taken in 1911-1914. Views of many rooms, including 34 (foreground) and 21 (mid-ground), from the south. The condition of the site at the time of discovery, also affirmed by the letters addressed to Pasqui and by Lugli’s publication, is easily recognizable. Room 34 is entirely covered by a layer of cocciopesto, which is now preserved only on the floor, with a cordolo (i.e., a rounded base molding). Traces of the cocciopesto can still be observed on the reticulate stones (but never on the mortar, which is completely modern). The visible section of opus reticulatum (wall MSU 10001) is a modern restoration, except for four or five blocks near the second step on the east. The iron nails mentioned by Lugli are not identifiable in the photograph, but are still present on site, in wall 10048. This wall has, however, undergone substantial restoration. The photograph also shows evidence of an opening in the (reconstructed) southern wall of room 21, which was later restored as a continuous stretch, as indicated by Lugli on the plan and still seen today.

3. SAL E 730 (fig. 5)

446 Taken in 1911-1914. We see the residential block, from the west, with workers during the construction of the walls. Clearly visible are the planks keeping the strings taut. Many of the rooms have already been restored. In the foreground, the ancient section of wall 10056 in opus reticulatum and apse 10055 can be seen; the exterior of apse 10054 appears almost completely without facing. In room 21 the small piers of the suspensurae are evident. Some stretches of walls that are present today do not appear at all. Judging from the darker color of the surface of the edging (the mortar not yet being dry), the passage between rooms 14 and 15 seems to be a “correction” in progress, [11] as is the unhappy compromise for the door of room 20. In the background the small sections of opus reticulatum in the eastern perimeter wall are recognizable, as are the huge piles of building material to be reused in the restoration.

4. SAL F 368 (fig. 6)

447 Taken in 1911-1914. The residential block is seen from the east, showing phases of excavation and restoration. The absence of currently existing walls is rather clear from the picture, as is the regularity of the restorations already completed at the time of the photograph. Furthermore, two mounds—probably divided according to the shape of the stones—may be distinguished at the edge of the excavation area for use in the restorations (cf. the letter of 27 December 1912 = no. 20). For the situation of room 12, cf. De Simone, C.2.1.

5. SAL F 372 (fig. 7)

448 Taken in 1911-1914. Western rooms, from the south. The presence of masonry remains in opus reticulatum in Area 36 (west of the quadriporticus) is noteworthy. The antiquity of this material cannot be ascertained, and it is difficult to imagine it as the collapse of a section of the wall of the quadriporticus, but perhaps it may be identified as the wall indicated in Lugli’s plan as opus vittatum mixtum. In any case, the presence of this wall, which is no longer visible, further complicates matters. In the quadriporticus the internal wall still appears continuous in the photograph; later, as a result of Price’s excavation, it was re-restored with windows and doors. This detail clearly illustrates the scanty remains from which the walls were reconstructed. We can also see the relationship of the modern level to the ancient, and how the trees planted have disturbed the ancient strata and structures. Moreover, the deep trench that has been dug into the garden to a width of about 2 to 3 meters along the eastern side of the western arm of the quadriporticus has completely destroyed the ancient stratigraphy.

6. SAL A 96 – 1070 (fig. 8)

449 Taken in 1911-1914. Rooms 36, 52 and 53, from the east. In this photograph we can easily identify the first restoration work on structure 53, which was delineated by the removal of later walls. Most of the brick facing is shown to be an addition; this is verifiable on the monument itself. Successive work further changed the profile of the structure to its appearance today. The view of the two projecting walls (MSU 10035 and 10038) is equally interesting. They are located near the southeast corner of the western rooms, between these and the external wall of the quadriporticus (Area 36). From the photograph, it appears that one was empty, while the other could have housed stairs (the profile suggests two steps). One cannot but note how substantial the reconstructions are for all the visible structures and not just the wall facings.

7. Price Family Archive (fig. 9)

450 Taken in 1931. The eastern wing of the quadriporticus, Area 55, during the excavation. Three niches, two oval and one rectangular, are perfectly visible. These were made in antiquity by cutting back the eastern perimeter wall of the quadriporticus. Now almost completely obliterated by restoration, these suggest the presence of a fountain structure, as has been demonstrated by recent excavation (cf. De Simone et al., C.4.5).

8. AAR 2721 (fig. 10)

451 Taken in 1955. Room 33 from the southwest. An arched lintel inside wall MSU 10056 can be seen, which is no longer visible. It cannot be established if wall 10002, which abuts wall 10056, had a similar passage at that point, or if the construction of the wall obliterated it. Depending on the hypothesis, it can be connected either to a hypocaust system that will have existed between rooms 21 and 33 or (and this is more probable) to the passage of the sewer, which will later have been redirected with the construction of room 33). The arched lintel seems to be constructed in brick or roof-tiles. Moreover, we cannot tell from the photograph whether it was made at the same time as wall 10056 or by cutting through the wall during a later phase. Above and on both sides of the arched lintel the original stretch of wall in opus reticulatum is easily identifiable. The eastern side of the arch is visible in photograph SAL L2 30659, but the walls seem to have undergone considerable restoration, a fact that prevents further speculations on this subject.

9. SAL L 20650 (fig. 11)

452 Taken in the 1960s or 1970s. The state of decay of the walls in room 34 is evident from the reticulate facing that has fallen. The surviving section is almost certainly attributable to the restorations of 1911-1914. We are therefore faced with the paradoxical situation that the wall had been restored twice, once in the period 1911-1914 and again in the 1960s or 1970s. The wall facing of the second intervention is offset with respect to the first restoration, as if it were the ancient original.

10. SAL I 1625 (fig. 12)

453 Taken in the 1960s or 1970s. Restoration work in Area 36, from the north. The previously reconstructed sections of masonry are easily distinguishable. First and foremost, it is important to note the remnants of structure MSU 10046. These include a tract of wall made of complete bricks for the first two courses and fragments of bricks (or roof-tiles?) for the remainder of the section. Despite the poor state of conservation, no limestone blocks can be distinguished, but these are seen today and were evidently inserted during subsequent restorations. However, the most noteworthy fact is that this tract of wall rests on another, which is now no longer visible on the site; it has been covered by the stone floor being laid at the time the photograph was taken. The demolished structure may be associated with the northern side of the drainage conduit leading into the main drainage channel. While it is impossible to determine whether the facing of this wall was opus incertum or reticulatum, the fact that it had a facing, according to this photograph, is noteworthy considering its level. Wall 10017, which delimits the west rooms, has a facing, albeit ruined, of opus incertum.
454 The small buttresses that abut the outside of the western wall of the quadriporticus (MSU 10056/10068), which are still visible at the site, have never been preserved above the level of the opus incertum section (10068). Furthermore, their original profile suggests that they are to be associated with the cover of the main drainage conduit, subsequently ruined and collapsed. Such indications may support the hypothesis that the buttresses were intended to be buried.


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D.1.2.3. Conclusions
455 The extent of the reconstruction work carried out on the site from 1911 to 1914 and later in the twentieth century is now well documented. To some extent these early efforts were forgotten or were accepted at face value as a reconstruction that was faithful to the original.
456 These restorations aimed not only at reconstructing some walls, but also at the demolition or obliteration of others, particularly those thought to be of the medieval period. [12] Because the work was carried out without first having come to an adequate understanding of the structures and without having made a thorough documentation of the original remains, it has caused irreversible damage. The sudden interruption of work in 1914 (see Frischer, B.4.1) created a further unevenness in the complex. In Area 17, for example, the structures partially preserved at the level of the foundations were not rebuilt, as they were in other areas, and, as a result, we obtain an image of the monument that has been falsified yet again—this time precisely by a reconstruction that is inconsistent and hence (in the total absence of a sign on the site or at least a scientific publication explaining what was done, not done, and why) confusing and misleading. The most recent restorations, sometimes employing modern materials, have in turn created further ambiguity, because the vertical line of the facing was set back in relation to the 1911-1914 restoration, carried out primarily using ancient materials. The unfortunate result is that, at first glance, the 1911-1914 restorations appear to be original walls.
457 The various superimpositions and demolitions of stratigraphic relationships make the interpretation of very partially preserved structures even more complicated and have consequently given rise to a series of new questions that have not all been resolved.


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D.1.3. Direct Analysis
[text]
458 Parallel to the collection and analysis of archival documents and photographs, the arduous task of analyzing the wall structures on site was undertaken. This work included measured drawings, creation of a database of wall features, and a sampling of mortars (cf. Appendix II, D.1.5). The collection and collation of data was not enough on its own, but it was a convenient way to approach the study, and it provided the starting-point for the reflections that follow.


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D.1.3.1. The cataloguing
459 To document the individual structures, a Masonry Stratigraphic Unit (MSU; see also Frischer et al. C.1.7.1) catalogue form was used. It was modeled on the MSU form recommended by the University of Siena. [13]
460 Granted that it is impossible to create a form that could contain all the terms and fields useful for the study of the monument and that a database alone is not sufficient for understanding it, the creation of a catalogue is still a useful procedure, since it helps to keep our critical faculties constantly alert as we confront the monument. [14] The study must therefore be based upon direct knowledge of the structure, whose data can be only partially captured on a catalogue form, which for this reason is only a means, not an end. These kinds of documentation are not exhaustive by themselves and a greater effort needs to be focused on precisely the personal choice of the data that ought to be entered. But the documentation phase has its undeniable importance, especially with respect to the lack of understanding that can arise from excessively fanciful restorations. Of course, every intervention on an ancient monument ought to be rigorously documented, within the limits imposed by subjectivity, in order to avoid misunderstanding or loss of information. This is a policy to which assent is very readily given and that can also be considered completely obvious, yet it has often not been applied and—what is worse—is even today not always observed.
461 As noted, some of the data we have gathered were drawn from materials not originally intended to furnish exact documentation, such as letters, notes about expenses, and casual photographs. In the present case, we have attempted to proceed in the opposite direction, reconstructing the modern interventions that have affected the walls, isolating the parts that are clearly original and seeking, insofar as is still possible, to identify remains that are helpful to the interpretation of the phases and function of the various rooms and spaces of the villa.
462 In the residence (rooms 1-21), the walls that have been restored or entirely reconstructed have been examined, but only a sample of them has been catalogued, whereas in the rest of the monument we have documented not only the walls identified in the new excavations but also the walls that were excavated earlier and subsequently restored.
463 Another limitation of this study should be mentioned. We have restricted our investigations, in the areas previously excavated, to the features presently visible on the surface. We have not been able to undertake new excavations or cleaning beneath the currently visible remains. It is thus probable that portions of a wall indicated in the catalogue as “completely restored” still preserve an original course below the surface. On the other hand, we also know that some structures have certainly been completely reconstructed atop the foundations or even from the foundations up.
464 Because it was merely the means of the study (not the end), the catalogue form has been used with a certain flexibility, which admittedly runs the risk of subjectivity. [15] Where it has been impossible to decide if we are confronted with one or more masonry stratigraphic units, a single form has been filled out treating the wall as it currently appears (e.g., MSU 10004) and putting the various issues into a note. Where there are various ancient wall segments that can be clearly identified as belonging to a single structure, only one catalogue form has been used (e.g., MSU 10061, fountain). For the building with an internal oval plan furnished with niches (building 53) no catalogue entry was made since it would have been impossible to do justice to its complexity in a short entry. The structure has been treated in a separate paragraph (D.1.3.5). This activity of “wall census” has been identified by its own operational sector (Sector X) and the pertinent MSU belong to group 10000 (see fig. 13 for MSU numbers). [16] Given the fact that so many stratigraphic relationships are no longer legible, the construction of a stratigraphic matrix for the wall structures unfortunately has not been possible.
465 The direct analysis of the monument, corroborated by archival documentation, enables us to establish some fixed points from which a new reading of the complex could proceed. On the basis of various observations, we have therefore created a plan showing those features, currently visible on the site, that have at least one genuinely ancient course of elevation. A two-dimensional plan could not, of course, handle the situation in which walls are preserved one atop the other, when the upper wall is entirely or partially restored.
466 It appears clear that, at the Licenza villa, the portions of ancient masonry that can be analyzed are quite small, sometimes limited to just one course. As noted, however, there may be additional ancient masonry preserved under the surface (including, as the 1997-2001 excavations showed, entirely new building phases hidden beneath the levels where the previous excavations stopped and where restorations were consequently made). It should not be forgotten, furthermore, that the medieval period is under-represented because the excavations of 1911-1914 intentionally removed much of what remained from this period in order to reach the classical levels. Sometimes what seemed to the previous excavators to be medieval could also have belonged to other phases, thereby further complicating any precise reading of the site.
467 The information derived from the plan should be combined with the MSU catalogue entries. The numeration of the rooms or areas is, of course, purely arbitrary and was made for the sake of convenience. It was often not possible to take account of distinct units nor, obviously, of distinct phases in the life of the villa.


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D.1.3.2. The Residence
468 It is evident that the walls in opus reticulatum in the residential part of the villa (rooms 1-21) were heavily restored and sometimes even completely rebuilt. A country road passed through this area (cf. Frischer, B.3, fig. 17) and the structures were preserved for only a few courses or simply at the foundation level. Moreover, some walls were re-erected that probably had already been razed to the ground in antiquity. The reconstruction of many of the structures down to the foundation level reduces everything to a single phase, while it is quite possible that in several places earlier structures affected, or were in part exploited for, the terracing of the residence. These pre-existing structures have been verified in at least one case (see De Simone, C.2.1).
469 Some of the problems encountered concern the whole area in general, while others refer to individual loci. Among the general problems the following may be noted: the masonry work; the true dimensions of the complex; the doorways and the complete absence of evidence that the doorways were walled up; the floor levels; the circulation routes; and the main entrance. Among the specific problems one can list: the organization of Areas 8, 12, and 17; the opening in the foundation between rooms 24 and 33; and the access to room 33. Many of the definitely original tracts of walls in opus reticulatum present tufa facing-blocks, while the reconstruction exclusively used limestone. This situation does not necessarily offer a dating criterion or an indication of phase, but can simply reflect the use of a mixture of materials readily available in the area.
470 The pars urbana must undoubtedly have been more extensive. Evidence of this, at least with reference to later phases, is the strange situation of Area 8 and the relationship between the structure identifiable as a fountain and the northern wall, which has always been interpreted as the limit of the building. In particular, the northern wall, of which only the foundation level was found for nearly its entire length, now appears as continuous, but it probably had openings that connected it to the zone farther north. In Area 8, it is likely that part of that wall was cut and razed to the ground when the fountain was built in order to permit the fountain to be used. [17]
471 The square structure of the brick fountain was inserted into an area that was presumably not covered at the time, but which must have had a completely different arrangement. The fact that the intervention was later has not been proved by a difference in wall type, but is based on other considerations. Traces of a wall in opus reticulatum, certainly razed in antiquity, are still visible in the southwest corner of Area 8. The wall, which cannot be considered a foundation, is disposed at a 90-degree angle with respect to the south wall, and is interrupted at the point where there is a manhole giving access to the drain below. In a first phase the wall might have delimited a small room—perhaps a cubiculum—and there might have been an analogous wall on the north side (now occupied by the fountain), of which no visible trace remains. Later, the open area—perhaps originally furnished with a small peristyle—had been enlarged, by way of leveling off the structures of the west side. It was paved with limestone slabs. Traces of this arrangement survive in the southwest corner, where we also find, cut into a big slab, a small drain that leads to the sewer below. [18] These changes were probably undertaken to make space for the insertion of the monumental fountain. Its present arrangement seems somewhat anomalous because it does not occupy the geometric center of the area, and it is difficult to recognize any axial relationship that may have existed within the space as restored. Moreover, to the north it pierces through the perimeter wall, thereby being surrounded on its other three sides by an irregular U-shaped space.
472 There are hardly any legible remains of the structure of the fountain, which has also been greatly affected by modern restorations, and no hypothesis can be made about the revetment that protected the walls. Almost square in shape, the fountain is equipped with an outer channel as well as a smaller inner one, which is essentially a hollow space (intercapedo). The latter communicates with four semicircular niches, each set in the center of one side. In creating the two channels, the builders of the fountain dug down to a level lower than that of the pavement, except for the center of the fountain, which was left at the original height. The exterior side of the outer wall of the fountain was built directly against the baulk of the construction trench. One side of the interior wall with its niches lined the center of the fountain, which means that it was built against the opposite side of the construction trench. The center of the fountain does not present evidence of basins, and, in the absence of a small pond, we have to imagine that it was kept as a garden, perhaps with one or two ornamental statues. Water gushed from the niches, probably emerging from protomes. [19] The water flowed within the narrow intercapedo, thereby forming waterworks of the “cascading” type, flowing finally into the external channel. [20]
473 It has already been noted that the addition of the fountain changed the original layout of the first phase of this zone. The most striking aspect of this modification was precisely the demolition of the north wall, a feature that presupposes the opening on that side. The form of the structure, furnished with niches on all four sides, identifies it precisely as a fountain to be centered (da centro), and this brings up yet again the problem of how it could have been enjoyed from the north. In this connection one should recall what Lavagne said about analogous structures: “The crucial phase in which the fountain begins to be treated as an autonomous subject, to be placed in the middle of a room or a courtyard, and no longer as a decorative motif within a niche, seems to be in the first years of the second century A.D.” [21] It should be emphasized that in reality there are already precursors of this trend attested in the late first century A.D. (cf., for example, the “pelta-shield” fountain on the Palatine from the late Flavian period).
474 The wall that functions as a partition and comprises the north side of corridor 5 ought, most likely, to have had an opening that permitted Area 8, where the fountain was inserted, to communicate with it and thus with room 12 as well. Because of these walls, as reinterpreted by restoration, we lose the ability to see the circulation routes and the various phases. In discussing the documents, we have already noted how the doorways have been sometimes ignored, rethought, or arbitrarily reconstructed, not to mention the fact that there is no recorded evidence that doorways were ever walled up, generally a fairly frequent occurrence in any building complex. In several cases the openings, in their present condition, do not show any original features. One will have to take into account these observations before hazarding a formal appraisal of the residence that emphasizes its symmetry, functionality, and the axiality of circulation routes visible today.
475 It has been practically impossible to identify the ancient pavement levels. For the most part, the foundations were rebuilt to a uniform level, as were the first courses of a large part of the reconstructed walls. After the removal of the mosaics, carried out in the 1970s, the pavements were reset at a different level. Moreover, no data are known about the subfloors of the mosaics, which could also belong to a different phase with respect to the surrounding walls. Some walls appear arbitrarily aligned at the edge of one of the two sides of the foundation, while others are set (as is usually the case in Roman architecture) on the middle of the foundations; consequently, the reconstructions falsify the original wall thickness.
476 The arrangement of Areas 12 and 17, for different reasons, betrays the subjectivity of the first excavators. Area 12, generally identified as an atrium, today consists of a rectangular space ca. 9.75 m x 8.20 m, with a small square brick basin, [22] which, however, is not located in the geometric center of the room. The excavation has shown that not all the foundation remains were taken into account equally at the time of the restorations, and other structures were identified that attest to different phases and different arrangements of the space (see De Simone, C.2.1). Accepting for the sake of argument that the space was used as an atrium, at least at a specific moment in the life of the building, then such a space, the purpose of which is so intimately connected to the circulation of people, light, and air, ought to have been equipped with further openings, but the current state of the evidence shows no trace of them.
477 In Area 17, tracts of walls also have been identified that were not taken into account at the time of the modern restorations. [23] Together with the neighboring rooms 18, 26, and 27, for which no ancient segments of wall have been recognized, it constitutes an area that is difficult to understand. Some walls now appear to be made of small blocks of limestone and cardellino (cf. D.1.4 for the definition of cardellino) and respect the surviving mosaic flooring. The latter disrupts the continuity of the wall in opus reticulatum traditionally considered as the west limit of the villa in its original design. [24]
478 Although in the case of rooms 19-21 the portions of ancient masonry are also very scarce, it is clear that this zone underwent an ancient intervention intended to change its function. The insertion of the small piers of a suspensurae system left the foundation of the pre-existing wall uncovered. The new use necessitated a different arrangement of the spaces, with the creation of two walls to bound room 20, which was also furnished with an apse. The latter feature seems to be in phase with room 33 behind, while the two partition walls do not provide dating elements, except inasmuch as they are later than the so-called perimeter wall (west side). The partial closing of the apse—this also restored—may be associated with the division into rooms at a later date. What is most interesting in this area, however, is the existence of an arch in that part of the foundation of the so-called perimeter wall which corresponds to room 21, an arch that is now no longer visible (cf. the commentary on photograph AAR 2721, D.1.2.2, no. 8, and see also the discussion of the sewer system, D.1.3.6).
479 It seems plausible that at the time room 33 was built there could have been access to it on the east side, even though there is no trace of any opening, in that the so-called perimeter wall in opus reticulatum has been completely restored and follows the course of the foundation without a break.


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D.1.3.3. The quadriporticus and the garden
480 At present, most of the archaeological site is occupied by the area of the garden and the quadriporticus that surrounds it (ca. 42 m x 85 m). Since it is at the same level as the residence, the northern side of the quadriporticus serves as a joining structure with it and produces a sort of veranda. This, in turn, gives onto the garden and must have had windows to provide the rooms with light and air. The connection between the different levels was provided by three ramps, two lateral ones for the long porticoed wings and a central one for the uncovered area. Except for the veranda, which rises on a small terrace, the other sides of the quadriporticus were constructed following the natural slope.
481 As we have seen, in this zone the massive restorations have also resulted in situations that are difficult to understand. [25] The masonry remains must have been minimal. In fact, at first, an almost complete reconstruction of the raised part of the walls in opus reticulatum (at least in the northern half of the quadriporticus) was proposed by the restorers, thus creating a continuous internal wall. [26] The subsequent excavation of Price, however, showed that at least at one point in the internal wall there were openings that communicated with the garden. [27] Therefore, a new restoration was undertaken, which fixed the arrangement visible today.
482 If such a question has found a reasonable solution, the same cannot be said of the problems posed by the external walls, particularly on the west wing, nor of the structures that impinge on the east wing.
483 On the west wing, the structure in opus incertum faced with plaster, brought to light in the recent excavations, attests to a distinct phase; at present, this structure is visible for the whole of the western face of the perimeter wall and in part on the outside of the south wing (fig. 14). It was previously interpreted as being a simple foundation offset for the support of the plastering on the opus reticulatum wall. [28] In the documents, there is never any mention of a structure in opus incertum, although stretches of plastering are noted (cf. D.1.2.1, nos. 1 and 2). [29] The wall in opus reticulatum therefore belongs to a later phase, when the quadriporticus was constructed, after the ground level was raised. The erection of structure 4203, which lines the portion of the wall in opus incertum on its eastern face, must be connected to this work. The correct interpretation of this activity cannot be separated from the question of the modern reconstructive restorations. The external perimeter wall of the quadriporticus (MSU 10056=4211=4005) has on its west side a long stretch of a structure in opus reticulatum that is undoubtedly original. There remains reasonable doubt concerning the antiquity of the uppermost part, however, because it seems that the first excavations reached the very level indicated by that portion of opus reticulatum that is certainly original. Did they dig until they uncovered the top of the remaining structure, stop excavating at that level, and then reconstruct the wall to its present height? Or had they already found the wall at the current height and therefore it is only the upper part that is sealed with modern mortar set onto the surface of the facing? In the 1970s the excavators went deeper, bringing to light the portion of opus reticulatum that was certainly original. They did not reconstruct it at all for the rest of its length and instead uncovered the wall in opus incertum beneath it.
484 We have three elements, of varying importance, which lead us to hypothesize the almost complete reconstruction of the upper part. First, in Sector IV.1, the original wall in opus reticulatum juts out in relation to the line of the southward continuation, which is set back and evidently restored. Second, the external buttresses survive to a height that never reaches the level of the structure in opus reticulatum that we believe was completely reconstructed in the process of restoration. Third, the internal wall of the quadriporticus is also poorly preserved, and after the first reconstruction there was a subsequent restoration, which altered the arrangement of the full and empty spaces. This modification would not have been possible if it had been necessary to demolish the original wall. The practice followed by the excavators of 1911-1914 seems to have been consistent: identification of the top of the wall and the reconstruction of it, set back in relation to the line of the facing. It is also possible that the excavators identified the structure simply as a more or less coherent nucleus, which was preserved up to a greater height than that hypothesized here as being original. They therefore unified it by means of refacing, as seems to have happened in other parts of the villa. It is thus shown that the east side of the external wall is wholly the result of reconstruction in the early 1900s, except for the undoubtedly original portion of Sector IV.1. But what was the purpose of structure 4203? I maintain that, together with the structure in opus incertum, it constituted the foundation of the wall in opus reticulatum, which was almost twice as thick as that proposed in the restoration (ca. 45 cm). [30] If we accept, on the other hand, the restored wall of 45 cm, it is necessary to hypothesize a structure, now completely lost, which was founded on 4203, evidently with the purpose of reinforcing the perimeter wall. An analogous situation presents itself on the east wing, which has either two parallel walls built up next to each other (according to the restorations), or conversely a single thick wall; it is impossible to identify, however, those parts that are certainly original.
485 The perimeter wall of the quadriporticus, on the south and west sides, is furnished with a series of limestone opus vittatum buttresses set at right angles (a pettine) and backing onto the wall. [31] The structural reasons for this intervention are multiple. First, the buttresses countered the pressure of the soil caused by the difference in ground level. Second, they served to evenly distribute the forces pushing against the continuous wall, which, because it is so long, is exposed both to a high risk of rotating, due to its own weight and that of the roof, and to cracks caused by thermal fluctuations. In addition, the conduit of the principal drain runs parallel to the outside face of the wall of the quadriporticus; this further indicates that the lowest point of the original ground level must have been precisely in this area, that is, the meeting-point (compluvium) of two slopes on the east-west axis, which created a natural channel. This originally gathered and drained away the surface water naturally, and then later was reorganized, regulated and used as the sewer system. We must still consider the original height of the buttresses, which could not have been very high, even at the moment of construction, given their limited length. [32] The height of the wall of the quadriporticus can be partially worked out, albeit indirectly, from the spacing of the buttresses on the west side; in fact, this type of buttressing performs its static function only if the distance between each element is less than the height of the wall. Since the distance between the buttresses is ca. 2.96 m (= 10 Roman feet), we can deduce that the wall supported by them was certainly higher than that. On the outside of the south wing, the buttresses found at the level of the foundations are spaced more closely together, evidently on account of the natural slope of the site, which slants from north to south.
486 The east wing, which bends slightly to the southwest, includes a series of structures that modify its original appearance and function (cf. De Simone et al., C.4.5and C.4.6). These works partly eliminated the wall in opus reticulatum and modified both the circulation routes and the visual axes. It is possible that these were necessitated by a partial structural failure of the perimeter wall; caissons would then have been built, filled with earth and stones, to counter the pressure from uphill. [33] Perhaps in order to mask these structures and to render the rest of the portico usable, a construction with oval and rectangular niches was added, presumably a fountain [34] ; since the portico at this point was no longer usable, it is possible that a sort of detour was created through the garden in order to bypass the obstacle (cf. Gleason, C.3, fig. 13). In this part of the quadriporticus, then, they had to destroy the original roof, which was almost certainly one with an inward slope. Neither a flat roof nor one sloping outward is possible here. A flat roof, which is not particularly common in this type of structure, would have been avoided in this geographical area due to the amount of snow and heavy rainfall. An outward-sloping roof was not normally used for covering a quadriporticus, because it makes the joining of the slopes of the roof for the compluvium difficult. Furthermore, the roof of the veranda certainly sloped outward toward the garden. In order to cover a span of only 3.00 to 3.20 m, there was no need for a pitched roof, which in this case would have created problems for the watershed.
487 A problem unresolved on account of the scarcity of remains concerns the openings that must have linked the quadriporticus with the area to the west. Nor can we be certain, although it is plausible, that there was access from the outside to the south wing, as Lugli hypothesized (col. 541), but it certainly cannot have been the only entrance to the villa, nor even the main one.
488 The area of the garden has only partially been examined and the sole structure found is a large pool in limestone opus signinum. This should be considered as an open-air water reservoir, which occupies a large space (24.50 m x 12.90 m), almost at the center of the garden. [35] The fact that the villa received water from a small aqueduct coming from the west and that no traces of any piping leading from the reservoir have been discovered, lead us to believe that this is not a real cistern. The only link with the water system of the villa seems to have been the outflow conduit, which starts from about the middle of the west side and flows into the main drain; it follows an oblique course, in order to take advantage of the natural slope. The outflow is regulated by a small sump with footholds consisting of two cover-tiles (imbrices). The sump abuts the west wall of the pool, and serves as a manhole for regulating the level of the water. The excavations carried out in the first half of the twentieth century followed the line of the walls and removed the earth only from the inside of the tank, creating a situation similar to that of antiquity, but compromising the static equilibrium of the structure; in fact, with no water on the inside, there is no counterthrust for the earth, which puts greater pressure on the long sides. The same problem existed in antiquity, when the structure no longer held water and began to be buried. In fact, the north side has a tranche, which is broken and has slipped southward, while the south side is missing in the middle, and on the west has been forced out of plane, with damage at the corner. The structure has two external bodies on each of the long sides. A calculation of a depth of about 2 m gives a volume of more than 600 cubic meters (more than 600 tons of water). To understand the forces working on the masonry, it is necessary on one hand to calculate the weight of the water and the incidental load (due, for example, to wind) and on the other hand, the weight of the earth; in addition, the difference in level between north and south as visible from the longitudinal section of the whole villa should also be considered.
489 Price [36] had already questioned whether the four avant-corps served a static function as buttresses, or as foundation-bases for other superstructures, perhaps of an ornamental nature (such as statuary groups). In considering this issue, we must remember that the two pairs of buttresses are of different sizes. Those to the south are built to counter the lack of static equilibrium of the pool when it is full; they are bigger, because the slope necessitates more support on this side. Furthermore, it is probable that this area was partially levelled with less compacted soil brought from elsewhere and thus requiring more powerful and deeply sunk structures in order to achieve the maximum anchorage possible. In order to understand correctly the function of the structure, we must remember that the southwest buttress, the only one today not completely buried, has a cavity opening towards the inside of the piscina. This is not enough to support a hypothesis that the whole buttress was hollow; if it had been, it could not have performed its static purpose. It is possible that such a recess may have been a refuge for fish; although the documentation provides no information for the other three buttresses, we cannot exclude the same function for them as well. We can, therefore, visualize the piscina as a fish-pond. Unfortunately, this structure, which is entirely attributed to the same building phase as the quadriporticus, does not have the elements for a certain and absolute dating.


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D.1.3.4. The thermal zone
490 The constructions on the west side of the site consist of a series of rooms that can be generally attributed as the baths of the villa. [37] The excavations of 1911-1914 did not completely uncover these buildings, but they did compromise any interpretation, in that, in addition to the restorations previously discussed, some walls were demolished (cf. figs. 2-8), while others were reconstructed on minimal evidence. The last intervention, in the 1980s, affected the upper strata of rooms 37-40 and 50-51. Based on the documentation and what is still visible on the site, it is possible to deduce the primary characteristics of the complex.
491 In this area, too, which was previously occupied by other structures, work was carried out to counter the incline of the natural slope (at this point slanting from west to east). Thus, the floor levels are more or less at the same level as those of the dwelling area, thereby creating a kind of terrace in relation to the quadriporticus.
492 The space occupied by the thermal rooms gives the impression of being excessively large in relation to the size of the residential block. [38] This disproportion diminishes if we remember that the living quarters must undoubtedly have been more extensive, stretching to the north and probably to the northwest. The thermal buildings are the result of two distinct construction phases, the second of which affects the southern part, with the addition of a series of heated rooms and the construction of a building of considerable architectural importance, the laconicum (room 53). The two different construction phases can be deduced not only from the different building techniques, but also from an apparent irrationality in the layout of the service rooms, which denotes two completely distinct heated areas. [39] Having ascertained the difference in the building phases, we cannot exclude the possibility that all the rooms functioned at the same time. Another equally plausible hypothesis, however, is that the earlier buildings were modified wholly or partially and adapted to different uses.
493 The first thermal rooms to be built were undoubtedly rooms 32-34, which abut both the west perimeter wall of the villa and the north wall of the Republican atrium (a space subsequently subdivided into rooms 38, 39, 40) and which were modified through the incorporation of later structures. [40] Lugli saw in these constructions a variety of phases, which cannot be detected in the masonry; his reading is not convincing from the point of view of their presumed functions. [41] We have in fact a homogeneous group of rooms, composed of a large hall with an apse (33), flanked by a service corridor (32) and linked to a single room that contained a stairway (34) (figs. 15 and 16). In order to construct this complex it must have been necessary to go far below the floor level of the residential block in order to have a height sufficient for the functioning of the hypocaust system. Room 32 consists of a long, narrow corridor (ca. 13 m x 1.30 m) in opus reticulatum and coigning in limestone blocks, at present accessible from room 31 by way of a series of steps which are most likely products of the restoration. The presumed floor level is at ca. 2.80 m below ground level. The west wall (MSU 10053) and the south wall (MSU 10062) are wholly constructed against the regularized slope, with only the exposed side provided with facing; about halfway along, the west wall turns into a very shallow apse, with a span of ca. 4.40 m. In the east wall (MSU 10057) there are two small arches for the praefurnia, with similar characteristics (height at the keystone 1.70 m, width 0.80 m, radius of the arch 0.35 m), at the level of the apse. The praefurnia connect the corridor with room 33, which is a large rectangular hall, with an apse on the north side (ca. 12 m x 5 m, excluding the apse; the span of the apse is 4.36 m, the radius 2.10 m). The hall, which survives only at the subfloor level, has internal wall facings in cotto (cf. MSU 10001, 10002, 10051, 10052, 10053, 10054). Rather than bricks, broken and trimmed roof-tiles are used, which sometimes are put in courses with the unbroken rim showing (creating a string-course, e.g., for the installation of the suspended floor, cf. D.1.4, types 4.1, 5.3.1, and 5.3.2). The partially preserved subfloor level consists of roof-tiles and is raised in relation to the service corridor. No trace remains of the suspended floor, but its level is indirectly discernable from the line of the string-course roof-tiles and the height of the arches of the praefurnia. [42] An offset along the east wall most probably served to support a fistula (cf. D.1.3.6). The south end, unique for its construction technique (MSU 10001; cf. D.1.4, type 5.3.3), is articulated by two quadrangular brick avant-corps (MSU 10051 and 10052), which form a small recessed area. The passages to room 34 should be identified as corresponding with the two avant-corps. This room (ca. 3.80 m x 6 m) is not an ordinary space. Against the north wall is built a narrow platform-like structure, approached by two small lateral ramps next to the avant-corps of room 33; the floor level of the room, which is accessed by way of another ramp situated against the east wall, is essentially at the same level as that of corridor 32, while the top of the platform is about 1.50 m higher. A small rectangular avant-corps is located between the stairway and the south wall. At the time of Pasqui’s excavations, the walls in opus reticulatum and the steps in limestone blocks were found to be completely coated with a layer of cocciopesto, of which only some small patches, belonging to the watertight edging of the floor, are now visible. [43] A hole with a lead outflow fistula is visible. The west wall is constructed against the regularized slope (controterra) only up to ground level, and has a small specus linked to a small channel; part of the south wall partially abuts the north wall (MSU 10045) of the Republican atrium. [44] The room has an outflow hole, with the related fistula and lead protection sheet. Lugli also mentions another outflow (or overflow?) at the level of the platform (col. 537), of which no trace has been found.
494 These rooms formed the first thermal nucleus of the villa. Room 33 is certainly to be identified as a calidarium, but it is difficult to locate where its tanks may have been, in that there are no traces of furnaces or water pipes. Due to lack of space, it would have been nearly impossible to place the tanks close to the praefurnia, as usual practice would dictate. We could hypothesize the existence of a basin in the rectangular niche of Room 33, although this would have resulted in considerable heat loss. Lugli mentions a fountain, of which there is no trace, in the apse of the same room. It is probable, however, that within the apse there was a labrum attached to a water supply. The calidarium, which was certainly of notable proportions for a private complex, was accessed from the east, probably from room 21, which served as a changing room. It is impossible, however, to specify the chronological sequence of rooms 19-21, which occupy the southwest corner of the rectangle of the living quarters; this part was evidently remodeled in order to be used as thermae. It is fairly clear that the apse of room 20 (MSU 10055), which was created by cutting an opening in the perimeter wall of the villa, is perfectly in phase with the apse of the calidarium lying behind. Little can be said, however, about the internal arrangement and the purpose of rooms 19-21 at that time. Inasmuch as it is visible today, room 20 was subsequently turned into a heated room; in the course of this work the foundation of the perimeter wall was uncovered to give enough space for the hypocaust. This was probably heated independently of calidarium 33, by way of a furnace in room 19. It is probable, however, that this last room was in direct communication with service corridor 32, if we hypothesize a continuation of the oblique wall.
495 Room 33 also allowed passage to the south, into room 34, and to the west directly to the porticoed area (35). Corridor 32 in fact was completely hypogean, [45] and the portico was constructed with a series of masonry columns, aligned parallel to wall 10003/10057 (the west side of rooms 33 and 34), upon which rested the ridge of the roof slope. The covering of the corridor may have consisted of simple planking or of a proper concrete ceiling laid on a wooden framework. No trace remains of these structures. The shallow apse that characterizes the corridor certainly did not have an aesthetic purpose. Rather, it served a structural need, countering the thrust of the earth behind, and at the same time it fulfilled a functional requirement by providing as much space as possible for working at the mouths of the praefurnia. It is not possible to verify the existence of supports for hot-water tanks on the inside of the corridor, which appears too narrow, but we may hypothesize that the blind end of the corridor, south of the furnaces, was used to store wood.
496 The interpretation of room 34 is more difficult. Evidently, this room was intended to hold water, but it is not possible that its level reached the top of the platform, which must have been used as a narrow passage, while the central stairs led down to the immersion pool. The south avant-corps, which skirts the stairs, must have served as a passage to the area even further south, previously occupied by the quadrangular room of the so-called Republican atrium (rooms 38-40). Both for functional reasons and because of the difference in level, I maintain that there was no communication between the quadriporticus and room 34. This room may be identified as a small frigidarium/natatio, rather unusual for its layout as well as for its size. [46] This small thermal complex (calidarium 33, frigidarium/natatio 34, service corridor 32, group of rooms 19-21) was protected on the west side by a portico (Area 35). The remains of this portico consist of the foundations and, sometimes, the first course of six brick columns and one brick pilaster. [47] As we have noted, the portico was partly placed over the hypogean corridor (32) and made use of the west wall of rooms 33 and 34; it was therefore ca. 3.80 m wide (ca. 13 Roman feet, calculating from the center of the column). The interaxis between the columns, approximated by reconstruction, is about 10 Roman feet, except for the last one on the south, between the column and the pilaster (ca. 11 Roman feet). It is difficult to establish when this work was carried out. The fact is that the portico is perfectly aligned with the two west piers of the Republican atrium; this can hardly be by chance. It is possible, therefore, that the colonnade was constructed with the intention of harmonizing the new structures with the earlier ones, by providing an element of continuity. Nothing is known about the arrangement of the area to the west of the portico, which may have been used as a palaestra.
497 The incorporation of these structures may have partly altered the disposition of the roofs of the residential block. The sloped roof of the residence must have been at a higher level than the roof of the small thermal complex. The conjectured covering for room 33 is a barrel vault, rectangular in plan, protected by a single-sloped roof, inclined to the west, and overhanging the slope of the roof of the portico.
498 Immediately to the south of these first thermal buildings an extension was built. An apsidal basin (room 37) was constructed, with a platform and lateral steps, and arranged with rectangular niches (two lateral ones, for access to the basin, and a wider, central one). The structure was built next to the west wall (MSU 10016) of rooms 38-40, and, in order to reach the depth necessary for the basin, the foundations of the earlier wall 10016 were partially exposed. In this way the Republican atrium was adapted into a frigidarium. The floor level of 38-40 was raised and a mosaic floor with triangular marble inlay was laid. [48] In order that the apsidal basin (MSU 10010) might be used, the west wall of the old atrium (MSU 10016) was demolished; it is possible, however, that the upper part was retained, or rather remodeled, in such a way as to create an arch over the entrance opening toward the basin. In this case, if the four central piers continued to be in use, it would not have been necessary to alter the layout of the roof, and the compluvium structure could have been retained. Obviously, the basin must have had its own cover, with an apsidal semi-dome, itself protected by a semicircular roof.
499 Unfortunately, the excavation data are not sufficient to resolve this question, both on account of the earlier work and because of the poor state of preservation of the remains, which were subsequently transformed over the centuries. In fact, we do not know with certainty whether the piers were in use at the same time as the mosaic floor. Indirect support of such a hypothesis, however, can be detected by the intentional alignment of portico 35, which as noted harmonized the pre-existing structures in view of their renewed use. [49] Further indication for the process of homogenization is provided by the very dimensions of the basin, whose apsidal platform has nearly the same radius as the apse of calidarium 33.
500 Access to the frigidarium could have been from the east, perhaps directly from the quadriporticus, by way of several steps that linked the different levels. [50] Traces of a small ramp may perhaps be seen in the two masonry fragments that are equidistant from the median axis of the frigidarium and which might indicate a possible access to the room. South of the stairs, at a level slightly lower than the terracing on which the frigidarium lies, the latrine would have been built in an unused space. Its walls have in part disappeared but are recorded in Lugli’s plan and in an archival photograph (SAL F 372, fig. 7). At the moment, the typically shaped slabs have been repositioned, perhaps at an arbitrary level, but the drain conduits underneath guarantee their planimetric layout.
501 If we analyze the rooms to the south of the frigidarium 37-40, it is immediately evident how a new thermal complex, which was completely distinct from the original nucleus 32-34, was created. It is not possible to establish whether this work was carried out simultaneously with the new frigidarium or later. The building technique provides no clues, as it is linked in this case to purely functional requirements. [51] The south buildings (43-49, 51, 53) are all heated [52] and separated from the frigidarium 37-40 by a screen of rooms (41-42). Room 41, from its narrow and elongated shape, seems to have been part of the circulation plan of the thermae, and/or a changing room separating the heated areas from the others. Its connection with the small rectangular basin 42 is not entirely clear, as there are some anomalous steps set at its corner. Moreover, for this phase, we do not know the arrangement of the area immediately east of room 41. The floor levels of the heated rooms are similar to those of the frigidarium 37-40. Indirect evidence for reconstructing floor levels is provided by the identification of the door that gives access between room 49 and building 53.
502 The corridor that served these rooms is to be found to the east of room 47, which, on account of its proximity to the furnace, should be interpreted as a calidarium. To the west is a series of spaces, heated indirectly, whose arrangement into distinct rooms is difficult to determine, with the sole exception of room 51. This room, even though it is not completely visible today, presents a rectangular plan, with very shallow apses on the short sides; it is equipped with an arch for the passage of hot air. The disposition of the rooms and the actual levels that can be seen imply that the domestic staff would not have had direct access to this praefurnium. It is unlikely, too, that a system of praefurnia existed to the west, since on that side the slope rises steeply. It is possible to hypothesize an extension of the complex to the west, but only at a higher level. [53]
503 Room 52 may possibly have been a staircase, but there is no data enabling us to relate its construction directly to the use of the thermal buildings. The scant remains available do not allow us to hazard hypotheses about the roofing in this area.
504 Directly linked to this group of heated rooms, but with an extremely unusual appearance, is the most famous building of the site, which Lugli had identified as an ornamental fishpond.


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D.1.3.5. The laconicum of the Villa of Horace: is it an unicum?
505 Building 53 is without doubt the most attractive and monumental structure of the entire archaeological site; this is partly due to its relatively well-preserved state, [54] at least when compared to the other surviving masonry structures, and partly to Lugli’s fascinating interpretation of it, in which he visualized a nymphaeum that was subsequently converted into a vivarium (col. 559).
506 The building is elliptical in plan, incorporated into a trapezoidal form (fig. 17). The ellipse is further arranged into four semicircular niches that correspond to the four corners of the trapezoid. Apart from the alterations, which reflect the addition of masonry now partly demolished, and the construction of a longitudinal trench at the bottom, three different internal levels are visible today. These can be described as follows, from top to bottom: a) corresponding to the elliptical ring that is joined to the niches—residues of brick flooring; b) level of the floor bed that marks out the smaller ellipse––residues of brick flooring; and c) floor level of the hypogean corridor—brick flooring. The structure itself is entirely built of brick, with the exception of some peripheral parts, which are faced in cardellino blocks. In the wall that marks the change in level between the present upper and lower ellipses, there are some small rectangular niches (51 cm x 49 cm, ca. 79 cm in height), with a slope at the bottom and covered a cappuccina (fig. 18). Each of these communicates with the floor of the ellipse above by way of a chimney-like feature. There are four niches on the east side, into which the arch of the hypogean corridor opens, and five on the west side. The distance between them is not consistent. In addition, next to the elliptical internal wall to the north and south, there are two solid avant-corps that jut out toward the center of the building. In the northern one, it is still possible to see a hint of a curved wall. In the southern one there is a small conduit, triangular in cross-section and connected to the outflow system. [55] The building still has two openings, which are at different levels; the higher one is in the northwest niche, and the lower one is in the curved section between the two northern niches. In addition to these openings, there is, as previously noted, a hypogean corridor that goes off at an angle, penetrating the building from the east through an arch faced with bricks sesquipedales. Just by the arch, at the level of the lower ellipse (level b), there are two small walls in brick, which extend the lines of this corridor into the building.
507 Upon analyzing the various data, we see that there is no shortage of evidence that contradicts Lugli’s hypothesis, and which can be summarized as follows: location, orientation and functional characteristics. [56]
508 The first is the simplest and may also be the least binding of the three arguments; nonetheless its implications must be carefully considered. The building, which belongs to the same construction phase as those immediately to the north, is an essential component of them. Building 53 was accessed by means of a door communicating with room 49, which was probably a room for passage. This door has been interpreted by some observers as a window because of its current level, which is effectively above the present floor. This misunderstanding has been caused by the fact that in all the heated rooms the suspended floors no longer survive, as mentioned earlier. Therefore, the present floor level corresponds to the subfloor upon which stood the small piers that supported the use-level floor. The users of the thermae would walk on this level, which coincides with the floor of the north opening of building 53 and is therefore undoubtedly a door. In this way, the first of Lugli’s arguments is refuted, as he did not recognize any access other than through the hypogean corridor.
509 Furthermore, we should consider why the builder would have created such an intentional difficulty in the construction of this building by rotating it slightly and thereby putting it out of alignment with the rest of the complex. If he did not do it by mistake (which is the only logical conclusion), the orientation must have been of critical importance. This is comprehensible only in connection with the purpose of the building. We can immediately deduce from the plan that the axis of the building is aligned to the north and that it was constructed in relation to the cardinal points. It is protected to the north (the coldest side) by the presence of other buildings, but completely open on the other three sides, in order to exploit the maximum exposure to the sun. To the fish the orientation of the building certainly would have been inconsequential, but to an architect intent on obtaining the optimal results from a special construction, this aspect would have been paramount.
510 The functional element is the most evident, however, and it is truly surprising that it was not recognized earlier. [57] First of all, the hypogean corridor, which goes directly into the center of the room, is nothing other than the service area for heating the building itself, in accordance with the usual hypocaust system. The extant levels indicated by a and b (fig. 19) correspond respectively to the subfloors, paved in brick, on which stood the small piers for the suspended floors. These are at two separate levels because inside the building there was a high step of the type commonly found in both laconica and frigidaria of circular plan. [58] The internal elliptical wall supported the upper floor, positioned at the same level as the north door. The rectangular niches, with their sloping floors and their flues, served to circulate the hot air at the upper level, and to transmit it into the walls, which were probably originally equipped with a hollow space (intercapedo). The niches were the unifying part of the system, which otherwise could not have functioned. The two projecting avant-corps, placed to the north and south, supported the steps that gave easy access to the lower level; at the same time, the southern avant-corps contained conduits, as it is likely for the northern one, although no decisive evidence is visible at present (see D.1.3.6). The two small walls flanking the portion of the corridor that entered the building had the double function of supporting the floor more solidly than the small piers could have done at that point, and of preventing the loss of heat. The only remaining question is why an oblique corridor was created. It is possible that this, too, was a device designed to maximize heat retention as much as possible, since the temperature within the building had to be maintained at a constant level, avoiding unexpected drafts and sharp changes in temperature.
511 It is now clear why such a building required a completely autonomous service system, although this does not mean that we must postulate different phases in relation to the rooms immediately to the north. The semicircular niches, of which the northwest one certainly had a window, were covered by an apsidal semi-dome. This semi-dome did not form an extrados, but was buried inside the masonry of the corner. [59] The geometrical unity of the original ellipse, on which an elliptical vault rested, was thus reconstituted at the upper level. The vault, in turn, could have supported a false dome, which allowed the hot air to rise to the top. The vault itself may have been sunk inside a compact block, protected by a pitched roof, but a lighter and cleaner solution would have been a vault with extrados, reinforced up to a certain point with a stepped feature and possibly equipped with a central oculus. This second hypothesis would affect the dating, however, putting it back to at least the time of Hadrian. [60]
512 The room was undoubtedly very well heated and possibly supplied with water, although not furnished with a true alveus. [61] The lower level may have constituted a pool, presumably lined with marble panels, as was the upper step. In fact, an outflow hole has been identified in the south avant-corps, but since no fragment of this floor has survived, it is absolutely impossible to make a definitive statement. It is probable that the building’s primary purpose was for sudationes, but it is also possible that the lower floor was flooded occasionally to create a heated swimming pool. In this case, however, we have no traces of the possible methods used for direct heating of the water. Usually, in fact, these intensely heated buildings were supplied with cold water in very small quantities, as it was only used to produce steam.
513 Although such buildings are fairly common in the Roman architecture of the imperial period, the originality of the planning in the Licenza example is extraordinary. The only comparanda, based on geometrical shapes similar to the ellipse or the oval, are the laconicum in the Forum Baths at Ostia, also sited for the best possible exposure to the sun’s rays, but without the corner niches, and the irregular room, almost octagonal and also supplied with a high-temperature heating system, in the so-called Heliocaminus Baths at Hadrian’s Villa. On quite a different scale, but vaguely similar in their basic schemes, are the twin rooms that have also been identified as laconica in the Baths of Caracalla and the Baths of Diocletian in Rome. One might object that among these three are public buildings and one of them is part of the villa of the emperor Hadrian, who is known for his experimental architecture. Furthermore, the earliest of the four examples cited dates to the period of Hadrian. Although it may seem anomalous, the building at Licenza has every right to be included in this innovative series, and its inclusion could have an impact on the question of the identity of the owner of this villa at the time when building 53 was constructed.
514 In the complete absence of accurate dating, it must be remembered that circular buildings of this type were quite common from the first century A.D. on, and that they continued to be widely used, with ever-changing variations, through the third and fourth centuries, although they were different in size and purpose. We would not be far from the truth in proposing a date between the end of the first century and the middle of the second century A.D., with a preference, however, for the later limit, that is to say, the age of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, for the reasons previously stated.
515 The building was subsequently reused, with the creation of walls at various levels; a hypogean room that was accessible from the former service corridor was also built, in which were found many human bones.


END DIV SECTION

D.1.3.6. Systems for the supply and drainage of water
516 The whole complex must have received water from a small aqueduct coming from the west, of which no trace has been found. [62]
517 During the recent excavation, it was discovered that several lead conduits reached the building near Area 50. Together with those still in situ and with others that were found and removed during the 1911-1914 excavations, it is possible to reconstruct the principal outline of the water system. The drainage system is better preserved, for reasons linked chiefly to questions of level. In figure 20, the two systems are shown in different colors. When there is uncertainty about to which system a conduit belongs, it is marked in a third color, while a dotted line indicates a conjecture.
518 The natural topography of the site conditioned the positioning of the original drain. Its principal axis (i) runs north-south on the outside of the west side of the quadriporticus, precisely at the point where the two slopes naturally meet. Clearly, the existing topography was exploited and regularized, imitating the path of the surface drainage. The conduit, at present open to the air for a considerable length, averages 60-70 cm in width and must have had a covering that was ogival in cross-section, as is visible further south in the unexcavated portion. There, two channels join from the east. The first (d-f-h), which links the zone of the impluvium and that of the fountain, flows at an angle into the principal system near the southeast external corner of room 34, clearly respecting this construction in the course of its alteration. The second channel (o), following an oblique line in order to exploit better the natural slope of the terrain, starts at the sump of the pool (25) in the center of the garden and, going in a southwest direction, joins the large drain about halfway along its length. [63] Channel d-f-h, which crosses the western part of the residential block obliquely, and then aligns itself on the inside of the perimeter wall, is in fact the product of several distinct building phases. Before the incorporation of the group of rooms 32-34, the conduit left the outside of the buildings at exactly the point (g) where it shows a change of direction, which was necessitated by the construction of subsequent buildings (cf. fig. 10 and comment on photograph AAR 2721, D.1.2.2 no. 8). The drain was thus forced to follow the inside of the perimeter wall closely for the stretch (h) to the east of room 34. Since the covering of the conduit at this point obliterates the portion in opus incertum of the west perimeter wall, it is clear that at this time, or perhaps earlier, the level of the quadriporticus and of the garden was raised. On the other hand, the segments h-f seem to have been restored, since they are rather different in shape from the length i. A water drainage system for the residence must have been planned from the beginning of the construction, but the channel visible today is different from conduit i, which we know with certainty was the principal one and the most ancient. Drain f-h, in fact, has a wider cavity and a vaulted ceiling, ribbed with a series of brick arches, and part of its lining is preserved. Also, on account of the direction of this conduit, which was linked to the construction of the fountain, we can suggest that it was built in the same period, or rather adapted from the pre-existing system and restructured. The sewer f-h received water from at least three drains: conduit d, of which a length of lead fistula was found in the 1911-1914 excavations (Lugli 1926, col. 582); the drain of the fountain in Area 8, through outflow hole k; and probably rainwater also, through the outflow j carved in a limestone paving block. The channels from the west (l and m with covering a cappuccina), which were linked to the thermal buildings and inexplicably considered to be water pipes by Lugli (col. 549), and the outflow for the latrine (n), also joined the principal outflow conduit (i). In l was found a large lead fragment of a tank (a). By l, near the southwest corner of room 41, there is an outflow hole in a marble paver (w) and, connected to the conduit, is also a rectangular manhole. Unfortunately, it is impossible to understand how much of this structure is due to restoration. [64]
519 We can also hypothesize that conduit q, which in its turn took the sewage of p1 and p2, joined the main system further south. We do not know the route taken by r.
520 Exactly at the point where the last stretch (h) of the conduit of the residence flows into the main system (i), the drainage channels relating to the hydraulic equipment of rooms 33 and 34 (x and α) must have also joined. On the southeast corner of 34, there is still in situ a length of lead fistula (α), at the point where there is also preserved a lead facing panel, inserted between the wall and the cocciopesto coating. [65]
521 The arrangements for supplying water are less well preserved; there are some lead fistulae, of which at least four series are known, with inscriptions. In one case, it appears that the water pipe simply consisted of a small channel, with a brick bottom (s), which flowed from the west into room 34. We do not have sufficient traces, however, to reconstruct the path of the water required for calidarium 33. An offset along the east wall (MSU 10002) of this room joins two lodging holes created respectively in the lateral shoulder of the apse (MSU 10054) on the north and in the avant-corps (MSU 10051) to the south. It can be hypothesized that the offset partly supported a fistula, most likely belonging to the drainage system.
522 Water must have arrived at the fountain of Area 8 by way of the lead conduit (y) still in situ under the mosaic of room 16. Fragments of fistulae are recorded by Lugli; one of these (e), probably not in situ, was found at the west end of the so-called veranda 13.
523 There is more documentation on the thermal areas further to the south. The recent excavation, in fact, brought to light three distinct conduits (t, u, v); the first (t) served the frigidarium, while the other two led to the heated rooms, crossing the structures by way of specific recesses (as in MSU 10058). It is very likely that conduit u was linked to fragment z, which was set into a limestone threshold slab. [66]
524 For the laconicum, there is no evidence for the water supply, if we exclude the fistula (c) that Lugli mentions was incorporated into the curved wall (attributed by him to the drainage system), and hole (p3), no longer visible, in front of the north avant-corps.
525 A fistula was found on the site by the Baron de Saint’Odile and another one by some peasants, in the period when de Chaupy took interest in this area. Unfortunately there are not sufficient data to locate exactly their find-spots. The first carried the inscription M BURRUS and the other TI CLAUDI BURRI. [67] It is probable that the first of the two, however, if not both, came from the area of the laconicum, which at that time was the only building partially visible. Baron de Saint’Odile had also discovered underground chambers, which may well be identified as the service corridor of the laconicum. [68]
526 No hydraulic system is known for Area 55, where there may have been a fountain.
527 To help with consultation and to aid in understanding the plan, a list of the individual elements marked on the plan follows:
a) Wall of furnace or other type of reservoir, found (not in situ) during the excavations of 1911-1914 near the drain l; inscription CAESERNIUS–LUCERNIO FEC (Lugli, col. 581).
b) Length of lead fistula (1.70 m long) consisting of two tubes joined together, which Lugli reports was the drain for room 34, emptying into i; one tube carries the inscription P OSTILI FIRMINI (Lugli, col. 581); at the Museum of Licenza two fragments are preserved (inv. SAL 00403242 and 00403243), both of which also carry the same inscription (cf. Bruun, D.13). Frischer, in a personal communcation, notes that Lugli is in error (see Pasqui’s Catalogue G, no. 2 and no. 4, in Frischer G.1.12) and that this pipe was found somewhere in rooms 44, 47, 48, 49, or 51. For the drain of room 34 see α.
c) Three fragments of the same fistula, one of which has the inscription C IULIUS PRISCUS FEC, found inside the east wall of building 53, connected to the drain p2 (Lugli, cols. 581-582; inv. SAL 00403241).
d) Fragment of small fistula, which formed the last part of the drainage conduit of the so-called impluvium (Lugli, col. 582).
e) Fragment of fistula (diameter 7.5 cm), at the end of which is fastened another fistula (diameter 3 cm), found probably not in situ (Lugli, col. 582).
f) Drain conduit, in masonry of unworked rough limestone; the covering is ribbed with a series of brick arches; most likely it was rebuilt during the life of the villa.
g) Arch on the inside of the wall; corresponds to the exit point of conduit f in phase I (cf. fig. 10 and D.1.2.2, no. 8).
h) Drain conduit in masonry; constitutes the connecting stretch between f and i, constructed when f could no longer issue forth via g.
i) Drain conduit in masonry; constitutes the main axis on the line of the natural compluvium, on the outside of the so-called perimeter wall. In the first phase, it probably extended northward and joined tract f at the point g.
j) Limestone paver with outflow hole for draining water into drain f; perhaps gathered the discharge from a downpipe.
k) Outflow hole of the brick fountain of Area 8, for discharging into the sewer f.
l) Drain conduit in masonry, covered a cappuccina; constitutes the outflow for basin 42; probably received also the discharge from room 41 (of a labrum?, cf. w) and also perhaps of those rooms directly to the south, to then discharge itself into the main conduit i.
m) Drain conduit in masonry, covered a cappuccina; used as outflow pipe for tank 37; it originally served the so-called Republican atrium (see Camaiani et al., C.5.1.1, activity 3).
n) L-shaped drain conduit in masonry, relating to the outflow system of the latrine. Heavily restored.
o) Drain conduit in masonry; constitutes the outflow for the pool 25, with which it is connected by way of a drainage sump. It follows the natural slope of the terrain, thereby reaching the main conduit i obliquely, into which it flows.
p)
1. Small conduit, triangular in cross-section, incorporated into the south avant-corps of building 53. It is possible that it held a small fistula. It presumably emptied into drain q.
2. Lugli refers to a rectangular hole for the outflow, positioned lower down than p1, to the east in the corner between the south avant-corps and the elliptical wall. Fistula c must have flowed into p2 (Lugli, cols. 553 and 582). No trace of it remains.
3. Lugli also mentions a hole (for clean water?) in front of the north avant-corps (Lugli, col. 553). No trace of it remains.
q) Drain conduit in masonry; took the outflow from building 53 and presumably continued until it joined up with the main conduit i. Lugli remarks that this conduit was covered a cappuccina (Lugli, col. 549, n1, letter p of his attached plan. There are, however, errors in the attribution of the letters).
r) Recess for a conduit, presumably a fistula, which runs on the outside of the north side of building 53. It is difficult to establish whether it is a water-supply pipe or a drainpipe.
s) Small channel bringing water for room 34 (see Camaiani et al., C.5.2.1, activity 19).
t) Fragment of fistula relating to the system for bringing water to basin 37 (see Camaiani et al., C.5.2.1, activity 11, SU 457). Perhaps connected to the fragment further west (SU 347; but cf. also u).
u) Stretch of lead fistula (VH 085, 086, 087; inv. SAL 114587, 114588, 114589) composed of three separate elements soldered together for a total length of ca. 5.20 m. One of the tubes has a joint for another emission channel (see Camaiani et al., C.5.4.1, activity 34, SU 241). We cannot exclude the possibility that the fragment of SU 347 should be attributed to this conduit, and not to t.
v) Stretch of lead fistula (VH 121, 122, 207, 208, 209, 210; inv. SAL 114585, 114590, 114591, 114546, 114547, 114548) composed of five parts soldered together, plus fragments, for a total length of more than 6 m (see Camaiani et al., c.5.2.1, activity 12, SU 331 and 240, and C.5.7, SU 355). There are on all five identical inscriptions (C - IULIUS - PRISCUS - F), after one of which is the indication III.
w) Marble paver, with central outflow hole in the form of stylized petals.
x) Hypothetical conduit, which crosses the east avant-corps of room 33 and joins the main drain i. Perhaps connected with the passage of a fistula along the east side of room 33, attested by the offset along the east wall, and by a protected passage in the east embrasure of the apse.
y) Stretch of lead fistula, in situ, under the mosaic floor of room 16.
z) Fragment of lead fistula, in situ, preserved under the wall MSU 10019 and set into a stone block, probably a threshold slab. Perhaps to be attributed to conduit u coming from the north.
α) Fragment of lead, in situ, partially covered by cocciopesto, beside a drain conduit; southeast corner of room 34, flowing into i.


END DIV SECTION

D.1.3.7. The identification of the phases
528 Like any architectural complex, the so-called Horace’s Villa underwent a series of transformations through the ages, with additions and rebuilding of what already existed. The scant masonry remains and the modern reconstructive restorations severely limit our ability to reach an interpretation that explains in detail the sequence of these changes. In spite of that, we have attempted to develop a plan that shows the principal phases of activity on the site, even if it is not always possible to relate all the diverse elements to one another. The following observations are based on the stratigraphical data, where available, as well as on structural and functional considerations. We also refer to all earlier analyses, both of the documentary material and of the physical remains, in an effort to offer a synthesis of the conclusions reached.
529 The occupation of the site in antiquity is attested from the fourth and third centuries B.C., as some residual material from the lower strata of the excavation in Sector IV.2 demonstrates. It is possible that these finds were washed into this particular zone. The site rises on the saddle of a hill and is characterized by various differences in level: a predominant and constant slope that descends from north to south; a slope that slants gradually from east to west; and a more accentuated slope from west to east. The point at which these last two join, on an east-west axis, constitutes the natural meeting point for the draining of surface water and coincides almost exactly with the west side of the quadriporticus. This difference in level diminishes to the south.

Period I

530 At the site, the first constructions that we have any knowledge of can be classified in three distinct groups, which, in their present state, appear to have no relationship to each other. It is difficult to give an overall picture of the first phase of the life of the building, which cannot even be described as such, and therefore the structures in question are here indicated generally as “pre-existences” (fig. 21). We lack further deep excavation data, especially under the residential block as it is visible today, which could supply valuable clues as to the design of the first building. We can recognize, however, that the elements identified point to a commitment to build a structure of substance. Referring to the plan we can see these features marked and can address some of them in detail.
The long wall in opus incertum (MSU 10068 and 10080), of which only a few centimeters survive, later was reused and in part overbuilt with an analogous wall in opus reticulatum. In the first phase of settlement, it could only have served as an enclosing wall, as there is no data to enable us to relate it to porticoed structures.
The remains found underneath room 12 and belonging to a basin that was adapted to the natural slope, as the terracing at that point had not yet been created.
The group of structures to the west that were subsequently incorporated into the thermal buildings; in addition to the Republican atrium, we must note other structures in opus incertum (MSU 10004 and MSU 10006, cf. figs. 56-58 and 42-43), which can hardly be attributed to the later interventions. Also to be considered as “pre-existences” are the fragment of flooring in opus spicatum to the east of MSU 10004 and the threshold slab subsequently obliterated by the later MSU 10019.
531 For all of these structures, which were not necessarily built at the same time, an indicative chronological span, which runs from the end of the second century B.C. through the entire first century B.C., can be proposed.

Period II

532 The phase that received most attention during the excavations of 1911-1914 was undoubtedly the one regarded as being Horatian, a simplification due to the presence of masonry in opus reticulatum. Because of the modern demolitions and reconstructions, however, the first feature identifiable in its entirety is the large elongated rectangle created by the construction of the residential block and of the quadriporticus that surrounds the garden (fig. 22). It should be recalled that its image, too, is partly altered in view of the now certain extension of the masonry walls northward. There was considerable building activity at this time, correcting the slope on the side to the north and thereby creating the terrace of the living quarters. In the garden and in the quadriporticus, levels were raised as well. In the garden the large pool 25 was created, which, while not datable, can plausibly be included in this phase.
533 At this time, it is probable that Area 8 of the residential zone had a peristyle, with an arrangement of the spaces different from what we see today (fig. 23). [69] The living quarters must have already had a drain, which was linked to the main system, emerging on the outside of the perimeter near room 21. It is probable that the residence had an upper floor. The location of the entrance is not known, but it could have been either on the north side, of which we know nothing, or more likely, near the present northeast corner, by rooms 26 and 27. In this case, there would be two visual axes and circulation routes set at right angles, a feature that is well-attested to in other complexes (fig. 24). [70] The fact that these rooms (26-27), which presumably served as an entrance, jut out in relation to the compact and regular rectangle, is not an obstacle to such an interpretation, especially if we take into account the fact that there may have been a modification during the construction. More problematic is the fact that we know very little about these original masonry structures; even if we accept the indications of the restoration and of the mosaic floors in situ, we still must use great caution in formulating such a hypothesis about the entrance in this phase. The dating of this work can only be tentative, as there is absolutely no stratigraphic data, and can therefore only be guardedly attributed to a chronological span that extends from the Augustan age through the end first century A.D.

Period III

534 The intervention that immediately followed consists of the addition of the first thermal complex with rooms 32-34 (fig. 25) and the consequent adaptations to the inside of the residential rectangle (definition of the rooms 19-21?; deviation of the drainage conduit; creation of portico 35). The later date of the structures 32-34 in relation to the living quarters is not proven by the building techniques used, but by the stratigraphic relationships, the planimetric arrangement, and the hypothetical presence of other features from the same phase as the residential block. The use of brick by itself is not a sufficient indicator of a distinct phase, whereas the determining factor is the stratigraphic relationship between walls. In fact, the east wall of the calidarium 33 (MSU 10002, in trimmed roof-tile brickwork) was built right up against the west perimeter wall of the villa. This additional wall covers not only the facing, but also the foundation of the perimeter wall, because in order to build room 33, the level had to be lowered to accommodate the hypocaust system. Exposed foundations, in fact, very often indicate a different phase or a change in the planned project post operam.
535 Furthermore, we cannot ignore the very position of the group of buildings that undoubtedly project forward from the compact block created by the quadriporticus and residence. Prime consideration must also be given to the arch that opened in the foundation of the west perimeter wall (cf. fig. 10 and D.1.2.2, no. 8). This was the point where the drain conduit first exited the quadriporticus-residence rectangle, running alongside the wall for its whole length. The incorporation of rooms 32-34, with the required lowering of the level, made it necessary to re-route the drain to the inside for some distance. It then exited immediately to the south of room 34. The constant and almost exclusive use of roof-tiles in the brick facings of this period is indicative of a dating no later than the middle of the first century A.D. [71]
536 Perhaps the great frigidarium (37-40) was built only shortly afterwards, as an addition to the first thermal complex, exploiting the pre-existing structure of the Republican atrium, with a considerable raising of the level. It is impossible to say whether the other important works were carried out at the villa at the same time; in the absence of reciprocal relationships, they can only be considered as belonging to one period, without division into sub-phases, that extends from the middle of the first century A.D. to the middle of the second century A.D.
537 There was then (phase IIIB?, fig. 26) a further extension of the thermal complex to the south, with an arrangement of heated chambers, architecturally notable (cf. the laconicum). [72] At this point, there were two complete thermal complexes, which could have functioned simultaneously and independently. [73] The higher level of the suspended floors, required by the additions to the bath complex, produced another terrace on the west, more or less at the same level as the residential block.
538 At this time, the residence was altered by the addition, in Area 8, of a monumental fountain da centro, which completely changed the appearance of this zone. The features built in the east wing of the quadiporticus are also to be attributed to this period, probably for structural reasons and not just aesthetic ones, with the addition of a fountain (or some scenographic setting), whose center is perfectly aligned with the axis of the piscina of the garden.

Period IV

539 The last phases of the life of the villa cannot be analyzed in detail, except where the stratigraphy is preserved (see Camaiani et al., C.5.3, their Periods III-V). New construction becomes less frequent (fig. 27), and there is almost always an attempt to readapt an existing building according to the needs of the moment. Materials from the earlier structures are reused, the thermal complexes fall into disuse, and the suspended floors are wholly or partly dismantled, resulting in the creation of new rooms on new foundations. The modern partial demolitions, undertaken in order to uncover the presumed Horatian phase, render the layout and the stratigraphic sequence of these new phases of the life of the villa almost unidentifiable. As it is now, the residential area does not offer any elements attributable to these later stages, when some parts were even used for burials (from the fourth century onward). The laconicum, which after a period of abandonment was perhaps the most serviceable building remaining, was probably reused as a small church, in which was created a crypt, designed for burials and reached by way of the old service corridor of the hypocaust. [74]

Conclusions

540 In spite of the minuscule quantity of the remains it is still possible to attempt to sketch some outlines of the plan, at least for the first phase of an architectural complex that can be evaluated as a single unit. [75] If we include in our calculations its north side, that of the so-called veranda, the quadriporticus forms a rectangle of ca. 290 x 145 Roman feet; the proportion of 2 to 1, between the length and the width of the porticoed rectangle around the garden, is evident and the garden is therefore formed of two squares. [76] In reality, the proportions of the quadriporticus were slightly modified during the carrying out of the project; the south wing is 3 meters shorter than its northern counterpart. This situation was evidently created by the deviation of the east wing, which was almost certainly caused by the terrain that required the modification of the plan in the course of building.
541 The module of the “two squares” also constitutes a guideline for the incorporation of the large pool 25. The south wall of the piscina is set along the median latitudinal axis of the quadriporticus. A visual axis is also identifiable on the east-west median of the piscina, which coincides perfectly with that of the fountain incorporated into the east wing of the quadriporticus. It is more difficult to establish the internal relationships for the living quarters, because, as we have seen, we do not know for certain the extent of the space it occupied. We could perhaps hypothesize that it occupied the module of one square (namely, ca. 145 x 145 Roman feet). [77]


END DIV SECTION

D.1.4. Appendix 1. Typology of Masonry Attested to on the Site
542 The variety of building techniques adopted at the Licenza villa, as elsewhere, cannot be taken as evidence of the structure’s different building phases, nor can it in itself be a necessary and sufficient basis upon which to establish an absolute chronology. A prominent factor in the choice of a building technique is determined by the function of the structure to be built, especially where some building materials, such as brick, cost more than the stone that is locally available. Hence, outside of the city of Rome brick is not used as nonchalantly and indiscriminately as it might be, without economic consequence, in the Urbs itself. On the contrary, in situations where there are no particular requirements, it is often the quality of the material more easily available that determines the choice of masonry type. Another important factor is the technical skill of the craftsmen and how up-to-date they are with their craft.
543 In our case, the materials used most frequently are the local limestone and the stone called cardellino. [78] Bricks appear in smaller quantities, evidently employed for particular structures. This is indirectly confirmed by the walls that have different facings on their two sides, which were built in this way to respond both to functional requirements and to the need to contain costs. The tufa used at the villa merits separate treatment. It was particularly friable and therefore is poorly preserved, but it is attested to in various parts of the opus reticulatum structures. [79] Moreover, as is seen elsewhere, in the case of sites that have a long and continuous occupation and are subject to dramatic remodeling, material becomes available from demolitions, and this material, even if it is not always of high quality, is nevertheless reused when necessary. [80]
544 The foundations, where they can be analyzed, prove to have been built directly against the baulk of the construction trench, [81] generally with stones of small and medium size set in mortar, earth, clay, or lime. Usually they conformed to the natural slope (e.g., MSU 4215); sometimes they are stepped (e.g., the foundation of MSU 10008). In the residential block, in at least one case, the foundations were built above ground, from a certain level upward, with a facing of stones of medium and large size. The slight declivity was regularized by using a fill to level it. [82]
545 In the Licenza villa, opus reticulatum has been read by previous scholars as a clear indication of a Horatian date, but it is necessary to stress that this is a simplification. This technique is often assigned exclusively to the Augustan age, but it must be remembered that it was in use at least from the end of the second century B.C. to the second century A.D., varying in chronology and intensity of use from one geographical area to another. In the case at hand, we find ourselves in a region where the technique was widely used. [83]
546 There is no doubt that the various types of building techniques can be broad dating elements, [84] but since each was used over a relatively long period of time, they cannot offer the kind of precise dating needed to establish an absolute chronology. This can only be obtained in the cases in which archaeological stratigraphy has furnished reliable evidence. [85] In addition, the presence of different techniques does not indicate unequivocally distinct phases, because the choice of technique might have been dictated by structural and functional considerations. It is important, therefore, to seek to identify precisely which conditions have led to the adoption of a particular building technique and how they have affected the life of the building. Unfortunately, in the case of Horace’s Villa, as we have already seen, the masonry remains, destroyed and then heavily supplemented by restorations, rarely permit such readings.
547 A relative chronology and an approximate absolute chronology can only be based on a method that combines stratigraphy, building techniques, architectural planning solutions, functional necessities, architectonic features, fittings, and installations. It would be methodologically unsound to derive a date from data provided by only one of these approaches.
548 Thus, the typology that follows is not intended as a chronological sequence; its purpose is simply to demonstrate the variety of solutions used and the close association of some of them with various structural and functional requirements. In some cases, of course, a difference in building technique does coincide with a difference in building phase.
549 Finally, it should be emphasized that only in a very few instances has it been possible to examine the tops and sections of structures, because they were generally covered during restoration with a protective coping.

1. Opus Incertum

550 The use of this technique is encountered in several parts of the site: on two of the perimeter walls of the villa; in rooms 38-39-40; in fragments of walls in the area of the bath complex; in a foundation structure built above ground with a facing; and on the small walls of a basin. The last two examples, strictly speaking, should not in fact be included in this category, because they are generally built with stone and mortar, which could better be simply described as opus caementicium. For rooms 38-39-40 it is possible to hypothesize, at least tentatively, that the structures were built in opus incertum only up to a certain quota and that the upper part of the elevation was made in a perishable material (e.g., wood and clay).

1.1. Opus Incertum with Limestone Facing

551
  • MSU 10068=4007; 4202 (figs. 28 and 29)
  • Areas 23, 36. Sectors IV.1 and IV.2
  • Maximum visible height: ca. 0.65 m; thickness: 0.55 m

This is the lower portion of the long external wall of the western arm of the quadriporticus, running north-south. The east face is almost completely hidden below the present surface level and obliterated by another foundational structure (MSU 4203, at least from what can be inferred from the excavation of Sector IV.2); only in the northern section is a part preserved that is still visible, on which remain some tracts of red plaster. In contrast, the west face is uncovered. The stones are small (6-11 x 8-16 cm) and are made of local limestone. They were carefully chosen or hewn in the form of a wedge, and laid with a certain regularity, inclined and on edge. One can observe that close attention was devoted to the joins, which were given a special finish after installation, being smoothed over with a whitish mortar and concave (at least in the area that preserves them, i.e., Sector IV.2). This was apparently done to improve the quality of the wall, filling in voids and presumably facilitating the adhesion of the plaster.
552 The wall follows the sloping course of foundation 4215 and it is overbuilt by MSU 10056. Its western face is abutted by the buttress piers (10061, vel sim.).
553 Mortar of good quality (CM 99/29, 35, 60).
554 The construction is datable on the basis of stratigraphic data to not before the first century B.C.
555 Other MSU: 10080 (cf. fig. 14); 10006 (cf. figs. 42-43); and cf. 10004 (type 5.1, figs. 56-58).

1.2. Opus Incertum in Limestone with Some Facing Blocks of Opus Reticulatum

556
  • MSU 10014 (=620), 10016 (=420, 802), 10017 (=623, 652), 10045 (=845) (figs. 30 and 31)
  • Rooms 38-39-40. Sectors I.3, I.4, I.5, I.6, I.7
  • Maximum visible height: 0.35-0.90 m; thickness: 0.60 m

For MSU 10014 and 10017, only the face toward the interior of the room can be analyzed. These are structures in opus incertum made of limestone chunks that are of small and medium dimensions (7-12 cm x 15-20 cm), installed more or less in horizontal courses and perhaps consisting in part of reused material. Small rectangular parallelepiped blocks (8-11 cm x 20-24 cm) are also found. Characteristic of the walls is the fact that they have a band of reticulate facing blocks (7-10 cm x 7-10 cm) laid horizontally, to signal the point at which the wall elevation begins. MSU 10017 is an exception. It limits the room on the east and does not exhibit this feature, although it was built at the same time as the other walls. But in this case, too, the stones of the first course have been set horizontally, and one shows signs of having been cut on site rather than in the quarry (fig. 32). The foundation of MSU 10016, the only one that could be analyzed (MSU 878), consists of small chips of limestone. It reveals the imprint of the planks, at least in one place, which demonstrate the presence of a form within the construction trench (fig. 33). The binding agent used was of poor quality and has an earthy (clayey?) matrix, so that it is perhaps incorrect to call it mortar.
557 The walls delimit a room with a central impluvium with piers (cf. MSU 10041), the construction of which is datable on the basis of stratigraphy to the late Republican period.
558 The structures present an elevation in small blocks of limestone and cardellino that can be associated with various building phases and are only partly attributable to restoration interventions.

1.3. Opus Incertum with Medium to Large Stones of Limestone and Cardellino

559
  • MSU 10078 (=3125) (fig. 34)
  • Room 12. Sector III.12
  • Maximum visible height: 0.70 m; maximum visible length 1.86 m; thickness: not determinable. Only the northern face has been analyzed.

This is a foundation structure, partially faced, resting on a foundation built directly against the baulk of the construction trench (MSU 3127). MSU 10078 (=3125) is composed of selected stones, not worked, of medium to large size (10-15 cm x 15-20 cm; 40-45 cm x 15-22 cm), positioned quite irregularly. The binding is a yellowish eroded mortar of poor quality. Many small shims are present, and in the interface with the foundation footing a roof-tile fragment is visible. This structure, at present heavily restored (CM 01/09), was presumably meant to be buried, serving to level the slope as part of the terracing of the residence block. In the absence of stratigraphic data it is impossible to confirm with certainty that it did not have an independent phase as a free-standing, raised wall, which was later reused as a foundation structure. From the point of view of relative chronology, it falls after the structures MSU 10074 and 10075.

1.4. Opus Incertum (?) in Stone and Mortar

560
  • MSU 10074 (=3107), 10075 (=3123) (fig. 35)
  • Room 12. Sector III.12
  • Maximum visible height: 0.79 m; maximum visible length: 2.08 m; thickness: 0.39 m

One side having been built against the baulk of the construction trench (controterra), it is not possible to analyze the only facing of these walls, because it is coated with cocciopesto. Thus, it is possible that they are simply opus caementicium walls, without any kind of proper facing.
561 These two small walls, only partially visible, belong to a basin. From the top and from the gaps in the cocciopesto one can identify a non-regular facing. The stones (small to medium dimensions) are irregular and do not present evidence of having been worked. They prove to have been flattened more or less into horizontal layers in a mortar that is thick, grayish and fairly strong (CM 01/05).
562 These walls constitute one of the first known structures on the site, dating to the late Republican period and later obliterated by opus reticulatum structures. Structure 10075 seems to have been already subjected to restoration in antiquity (CM 01/12).

2. Opus Reticulatum

563 This technique appears to have been broadly used in the villa, at least to judge from the large quantity of facing blocks found during the first excavations. We have seen how these were freely used in Pasqui’s restorations, which were at times based only on foundation remains. Nevertheless, it is obvious that opus reticulatum must have played an important role in one phase of the life of the villa, in connection with a remodeling or large-scale monumentalization. Opus reticulatum was employed in the residence and in the quadriporticus. The coigning, when present, was in small blocks of limestone. It is likely that some of the limestone tesserae (truncated pyramids) and the blocks of the coigning were reused, sometimes in conjunction with other techniques (cf. type 5.3 below).

2.1. Limestone Facing Blocks

564
  • MSU 10072 (= 3117) (figs. 36 and 37)
  • Room 12. Sector III.12
  • Maximum visible height: 0.28 m; maximum visible length: 3.25 m; thickness: 0.48 m

This wall segment in the residence is made with truncated pyramids of limestone with the quadrangular base exposed, 8-9 cm per side, arranged at a 45-degree angle with ca. 1-2 cm mortar beds. The yellowish mortar has only a modest binding capacity (CM 99/51).
565 The structure must be associated with the phase in which the site underwent a thorough reworking, with the regularization of the natural slope and the creation of a terrace for the residence block.
566 Cf. MSU 10056 (=4005, 4211); MSU 10073 (=4220) with coigning in small limestone blocks.

2.2. Facing Blocks in Limestone and Tufa

567
  • MSU 10003 (figs. 38 and 39)
  • Room 34
  • Maximum visible height: 0.30 m; maximum visible length: 1.82 (west), 2.51 (east); thickness: ca. 0.74 m

The west face emerges from the ground at ca. 2.10 m higher than does the east face, because the wall up to that level was built directly against the baulk of the construction trench. The east face, originally coated by a layer of cocciopesto, has undergone extensive refacing in the recent past. The few remaining original segments have facing blocks of limestone and two blocks in terracotta (cf. MSU 10001). The west face preserves a course of tufa facing blocks and has a weakly cohesive yellowish mortar (CM 99/57). The use of tufa tesserae was also encountered in other wall tracts (rooms 1, 5, 13, 17). The structure, perhaps added as a second thought during the construction phase, is later than the terracing system of the residence in terms of design and construction.

2.3. Facing Blocks in Limestone and Cotto (Terracotta)

568
  • MSU 10001
  • Rooms 33-34

For this very particular type, refer to 5.3.3 below.

3. Opus Vittatum

569 This technique was employed at the villa both by itself and with others (opus mixtum). We discovered that the structures made only in small blocks of limestone (3.1) are associated exclusively with the phase in which there is extensive use of opus reticulatum. However, the use of small blocks, even with heterogeneous materials, is attested to over a very long stretch of time. This is because of the ease of laying the blocks and the ready supply of stone (coming in part from demolitions). With the exception of the type with a brick socle (3.4.3), these are generally isolated interventions, the purpose of which was to add new features or to modify existing rooms.

3.1. Small Blocks of Limestone

570
  • MSU 10061 (figs. 40 and 41)
  • Area 36
  • Maximum visible height: 0.82 m; maximum visible length: 1.20 m; thickness: ca. 0.60 m

This is one of the buttresses set at right angles (a pettine) abutting the exterior of the west and south wings of the quadriporticus, built at regular intervals of 2.95 m (though different for the southern wing) and in a homogeneous manner (only those to the north can be analyzed in elevation). The blocks are regularly squared (18-25 cm x 7-11 cm) and laid in regular courses, with joins of 1.5-2.0 cm. The mortar (CM 99/39) is poor (macra), yellow/light-beige in color, compact, with small river-borne inclusions (sand and river gravel).
571 The buttresses, in the original portions, are preserved to a height that reaches the level from which the opus reticulatum wall (10056) begins, and therefore they abut only the structure in opus incertum (10068). They presumably rest on a bed of limestone fragments, which delimits the sewer to the east. The building of the series of buttresses must be associated with the time when the opus reticulatum wall (10056) was built and thus to the arrangement of the quadriporticus as visible today.
572 The coigning in opus reticulatum and the stairs of room 34 were also built in small limestone blocks.
573 Owing to the extensive restorations, it is difficult to give an opinion regarding the structures of the northwest zone of the villa (rooms 27-30).

3.2. Small Blocks of Cardellino

574
  • MSU 10037
  • Room 52
  • Maximum visible height: 0.30 m: maximum visible length: 7.90 m; thickness: ca. 0.60 m

A structure that runs in an east-west direction, built in small blocks of cardellino laid in horizontal courses, regularly bedded, is preserved to a maximum height of three courses (but the archival photographs show clearly that it was preserved to a greater height when discovered). The wall is joined to the analogous structure 10036 (thickness: 0.90 m). The mortar was not detectable.
575 The construction can be interpreted as a stairwell; it dates to after the construction of the southwest thermal rooms, but no more precise chronology is possible.
576 Other structures in small cardellino blocks include: MSU 10018 (rooms 44 and 45; only the south face of the latter can be analyzed, but it seems to rest on another structure in opus incertum); MSU 10050 (room 33, at the closure of the small southern room); MSU 10060 (room 33, at the partial closure of the apse); and MSU 10066 (Area 36).

3.3. Small Blocks of Cardellino , Limestone, and Bricks

577
  • MSU 10007 (figs. 42, 43 and 44)
  • Room 44
  • Maximum visible height: 1.02 m; maximum visible length: 1.60 m; thickness: ca. 0.60 m

This masonry structure is built of small blocks of limestone and cardellino, with occasional use of brick shims. It stands against MSU 1007, to which it is bonded by a series of masonry mortise joints. The stones are arranged fairly regularly, but their lack of formal homogeneity shows that they are reused (cf. type 7 below).
578 The structure covers two pre-existing wall segments (10005, opus testaceum, presumably belonging to a small wall of a praefurnium used for room 51; and 10006, opus incertum, visible only on the east surface).
579 This activity is associated with a later use of the thermal rooms, which at that point were no longer functioning as a bath. Other analogous structures (10015; 10019; 10063) also attest to a construction phase later than the thermal rooms, which are either modified or obliterated by them.

3.4. With Brick Courses

3.4.1. With the first course in brick

580
  • MSU 10042 = 810 (figs. 45 and 46)
  • Room 38
  • Maximum visible height: 0.42 m; dimensions: 0.61 m x 0.57 m

A pier nearly square at its base is constructed in small blocks of cardellino (preserved for a maximum of four courses), regularly arranged with joints between 1 and 3 cm and beds of 2 cm. The first course of the wall consists of brick (halved bessales), cut in triangles for the central part of the pier and in rectangles at the corners; the core is made of irregular pieces of bricks and stones. It is impossible to ascertain whether the elevation was completely in small blocks, or if it had other courses of brick, or was even completely different. The analogous pier 10044 was covered by a column base (SU 612, see Camaiani et al., C.5.1.1). The excavation data place the intervention between the second and the first century B.C. The presence of bricks compels us to be cautious, and to lower the date to the first century B.C. (but cf. type 4 for this question).
581 This pier, with other analogous piers 10041 (=1001), 10043 (=614), 10044 (=653), must have carried the compluviate roof of the atrium (see Camaiani, et al., C.5.1.1).

3.4.2. With double courses of brick (trimmed roof-tiles)

582
  • MSU 10057 (fig. 47)
  • Room 32

This type only appears for the coigning of MSU 10057 (junction with 10054 and coigning by the two praefurnia), for which see type 5.3.1 below.

3.4.3. With socle made of bricks

583
  • MSU 10009=299=300=301=302 (figs. 48 and 49)
  • Room 51
  • Maximum visible height: 0.85 m; maximum visible length: 2.93 m; thickness: not detectable. Only the north facing could be analyzed.

The wall structure, running east-west, consists of a very shallow apse built with mixed facing: a brick socle (six courses) and opus vittatum with small blocks of cardellino.
584 An analogous situation is encountered for MSU 10023, which, with its apse, forms the south side of room 51. Bricks and blocks are laid regularly, in horizontal courses. Shims are used. The dimensions of the materials are not homogeneous (bricks vary from 17 to 27 cm in length, from 3 to 5 cm in height; the blocks range from 16 to 30 cm in length, and from 6 to 10 cm in height). Compact mortar (CM 99/50) is pale yellow in color, with lime, sand, and volcanic elements (black grains).
585 We exclude in this case more than one phase for room 51, but it seems obvious that here the material was used in a manner that was functional and economical. MSU 10009, whose south face can unfortunately not be analyzed, joins MSU 10020. The latter, in its original section, is faced in brick to a higher level than the socle of MSU 10009; this must be because it was more exposed to heat (a praefurnium, heavily restored, opens in the wall).
586 We suppose, conversely, that the interior of room 51 was completely constructed in brick, and that we therefore ought to assign this structure to the type described at 5.2 below.
587 MSU 10058 is also to be attributed to the same phase and to the same technique.
588 See also MSU 10004, north face; MSU 10029, east face; and MSU 10030, south face.

4. Opus Testaceum

589 We can affirm without hesitation that opus testaceum was used on this site with a parsimony typical of localities not very close to the city of Rome. In the economics of construction, brick is found only where a functional need requires it. At the villa the only structure known to have been completely built in brick is the laconicum (room 53), an original construction of notable architectural quality with its own special requirements (cf. D.1.3.5). Otherwise, recourse was made to brick coverings or socles (cf. type 3.4 above), and more often to masonry constructions with walls having various facings (cf. type 5 below). This no doubt optimized the use of building materials, but it also meant a compromise in construction quality, since the different materials responded differently to stress.
590 Despite the fact that brick was used infrequently on the site, we have examples of the most common types. Roof-tiles (tegulae), found in large quantities in the course of the excavations, were used not only for covering the roofs, but also as wall facing; for the subfloors of the rooms with hypocaust systems (as in room 33); in the coverings a cappuccina (drain conduits, niches for the heating conduits of building 53, the tomb in room 40); and on the bottom of the drain conduits. Cover-tiles (imbrices) were evidently used for roof covering, but also employed in pairs so as to form foot-holes in the sump of the piscina; they were also recycled in the covering of the tomb in room 40. Bricks bipedales and sesquipedales were used whole or as semilateres in the arched lintels (foundation of MSU 10008 and building 53); in the subfloors of the rooms with hypocaust systems (rooms 47, 48, 53); and on the bottom of the drain conduits. Bricks bessales (laterculi, bessales) were used whole in the piers that supported the floor in the rooms with hypocausts, or were cut as triangles for the masonry facing. Some half-bricks (semilateres) from bessales were also found, cut in rectangles (VH 224, with incisions). Note in particular that VH 225, a piece of a brick bessalis, is of a clay mixture very similar to that of the fragments of roof-tile that carry the stamp of M’ NAEVIUS (VH 035, VH 125, VH 135, VH 185, VH 189, VH 201), and may well have come from the same workshop. This data could be important as a chronological reference for the use of brick at this site (for the brick stamps, see Filippi, D.4). In the archaeological literature, the first examples of facings made of baked brick in Roman architecture were traditionally dated to the Augustan age or at the earliest to that of Caesar. At that time, however, it is likely that only broken roof-tiles were used. The normalization in the use and of the dimensions of real bricks (tegulae=lateres cocti), not made out of roof-tiles, began with Tiberius and became widespread during the first century A.D. However, for specific purposes (small piers and floors for hypocausts), baked bricks were already in use by about the middle of the first century B.C., in sizes that later became canonical (cf. Vitr. X, 5); it is therefore possible that, in exceptional cases, they were also used in masonry at that time (cf. type 3.4.1 above). The question of the use of baked brick in the Republican period has recently been re-opened by Coarelli [87] ; he documents the use of this material at Fregellae (roof-tiles) for masonry structures that are datable on a stratigraphic basis to around 300 B.C. The author provides a reinterpretation of literary sources and of some monuments, which demonstrate an earlier use of baked brick (tegulae and lateres cocti in opus testaceum) than that traditionally accepted. In this perspective, the data from the “Villa of Horace”, in particular those from the structure discussed in type 3.4.1 above, can contribute to the question.
591 Among the particular fictile items found during our excavations, note the fragments of small tubes (tubuli) of rectangular section, for the heating system; the bricks shaped like the arc of a circle, for the masonry columns; the small bricks for the herringbone flooring (opus spicatum, a fragment of which is visible in situ in Area 44); some small squares for rustic flooring (from the garden, cf. Gleason, C.3.4.2, activity 3); and the architectonic terracotta elements (see Strazzulla, D.5).
592 Lugli also mentions four fragments of “fusiform tubes for the ribbing of small vaults” (col. 568) and documents the use of roof-tiles, with nails for spacing and fastening, as wall facing revetments that created a hollow space in-between. In fact, he refers to the finding of a “fragment of roof-tile, with a hole toward one end, in which was found inserted a long iron nail, with T-shaped head,” emphasizing that “it was used for the lining of the calidarium.” He notes the presence of other T-shaped nails as well (col. 567).

4.1. In Roof-tiles

593
  • MSU 10002 (figs. 50 and 51)
  • Room 33
  • Maximum visible height: 1.40 m; maximum visible length: 10.65 m; thickness: 0.39 m

The structure runs north-south and is made of trimmed roof-tiles. It is built against a stretch of the wall in opus reticulatum (10056) that constitutes the west side of the residence and the quadriporticus. Two successive stages of restoration can be distinguished on the wall. The more recent of these, in modern brick, closes the opening in the foundation of 10056 (cf. the commentary on AAR 2721, D.1.2.2, no. 8). The wall has an offset, also made of roof-tiles, which protrudes for 7 cm and is 32 cm higher than the level of the subfloor (also paved with roof-tiles) of the hypocaust system. The offset, which probably provided partial support for a pipe, consists of, and is highlighted by, a course of roof-tile fragments with their rims forming the facing. Eight courses above the offset there is another course of untrimmed roof-tiles. This can be interpreted as the string-course of the pavement suspended on the small pillars (suspensurae). I do not maintain that this course must be taken as being in the “fashion” of the age of Domitian, as does Lugli (col. 545, n1); the levels and the elements of an analogous course found on the wall in front (MSU 10057, cf. type 5.3.1 below) point rather to a building-site indication for the correct installation of the suspended floor. Lugli reports that during the excavations, fragments of pavement were discovered lined with bipedales bricks above and below.
594 As far as could be determined, the fragments of roof-tiles have a roughly rectangular shape and are employed regularly, but they vary considerably in length, being generally divisible into three sizes: shims between 8 and 12 cm; medium ones between 17 and 22 cm; and exceptionally large ones, between 25 and 30 cm. The thickness is constant, between 3.0 and 3.5 cm. The thickness of the rims ranges from 5 to 7 cm. The binder is made of a friable mortar (CM 99/53), beige/light-gray in color, composed of lime and sand with volcanic elements, and especially fine gravel. The only M’ NAEVIVS brickstamp found in situ was discovered in this wall during restoration work in 2005 (Frischer’s personal communication). Filippi (see D.4, table 2) dates M’ NAEVIUS’ production to the first century B.C. It is not sufficient evidence, however, to offer a reliable chronology for the wall since roof-tiles may easily have been reused.
595 This wall (MSU 10002) provides a solid brick reinforcement for the wall behind it. This was evidently necessary for the functioning of room 33, which is interpreted as a calidarium. Analogous are the two avant-corps 10051 and 10052, which make up the rectangular niche to the south of room 33, and which were also made of trimmed roof-tiles.
596 To the same building phase we also ascribe MSU 10057, 10054, and 10055, which attest a construction decision once again dictated by considerations of economics (cf. type 5.3.1 below).
597
  • MSU 10076=3111
  • Room 12, Sector III.12
  • Maximum visible height: 0.70 m; diameter: 0.48 m

Another totally different example of opus testaceum made of roof-tile fragments is a column found beneath room 12. This element is not completely circular in shape, and is made of pieces of roof-tiles laid irregularly in horizontal courses, in an abundant whitish, adhesive mortar, and coated with a thin layer of cocciopesto (see De Simone, C.2.1).
598 This can be attributed to the earliest phase of construction on the site (from the second to the first century B.C.).

4.2. In Brick

599
  • Room 53 (figs. 52-55)

This is the only building known from this site that is entirely constructed in opus testaceum, as is the wall that joins it to the buildings immediately to the north (MSU 10025, room 49). It is likely that the surrounding rooms, which belong to the thermal complex, were built with the same technique. This is what MSU 10027 (rooms 44-48) would suggest, but the situation may be analogous to that of room 51 (socle and facing in brick only where made necessary by dampness or heat; cf. type 3.4.3 above and type 5.2 below). It is impossible to make a single conjecture for all those structures, of which not more than four or five courses survive (for instance, MSU 10008, rooms 47, 48, and 52).
600 The building that we identify as a laconicum (or sudatorium) has a fairly homogeneous facing in bricks in its original parts. These bricks, positioned as usual, are cut into triangular shapes (16-26 cm long, with the majority 23-25 cm; 3-3.5 cm thick; mortar beds and joints 1-1.5 cm). The floor fragments (of the upper floor and of the hypocaust construction) are made of bricks sesquipedales, as are the arched lintels of the praefurnium, whose bricks taper slightly at the bottom. The only original parts not in opus testaceum, but in cardellino blocks, are on the outside of the building, that is, on the north wall (below the entrance door) and in the outer part of the praefurnium corridor; this finding indicates, also in this case, a desire to limit the use of the expensive brick material. Inside, however, the only elements in heterogeneous material (i.e., limestone and cardellino) are the alterations made later, when the hypocaust was remodeled as a hypogean chamber.
601 Room 53 has undergone restoration, refacing and repointing, all of which preclude the analysis of its ancient binding, short of destroying what remains of the building.
602 Lugli suggests a span of time between the Flavian period and that of Hadrian for the building of this structure (col. 557). Another indication of the date, to be used with all due caution, may be provided by the lead fistula found “within the east wall” and bearing the inscription C IULIUS PRISCUS F. [88] In all probability, this pipe belonged to the same conduit of which lengths were found in Area 50 during the excavations of 1999 and 2000 (cf. fig. 20, v). The fistula with the inscription TI CLAUDIUS BURRUS presumably comes from this building as well. [89]
603 In the absence of stratigraphic data, it is absolutely impossible to give an exact dating, but the building must be placed somewhere in the period between the end of the first century and the first half of the second century A.D., as the architectural structure would also suggest (cf. D.1.3.5).
604 Other MSU in opus testaceum: 10005 (cf. figs. 42 and 43); 10067=1233; MSU 1235 (faced foundations for piers).

5. Structures with Facing in Opus Testaceum on One Side Only

605 Brick was used with care in this site, and only where necessary, which resulted in structures with different facings. This choice may in part be attributed to the reuse of material that was available as result of demolitions. In those cases, however, in which it was possible to reuse a whole wall easily, the wall, or that part of it exposed to humidity or heat, was protected by means of a further structure (cf. type 4.1 above, MSU 10002). The wall MSU 10004 (cf. type 5.1 below) represents just such an example. Obviously, construction of this kind is to be found in those rooms that were, at least at some stage, part of the bath complex. No such speculation can be advanced for the rooms of the residence, because the scanty remains, having been completely reconstructed in opus reticulatum, leave no room for such an interpretation. Rooms 19, 20, and 21 are an exception to this; while preserving traces of successive restructurings, [90] they offer no certain indications as to building technique, in that the dividing walls (in bricks and small cardellino blocks) have been substantially recreated by modern restoration.
606 It must be stressed that in the structures with different facings on the two sides one is always in brick; no exception to this has been found. This shows that brick was only used when necessary; therefore, it was not a case of the builder’s caprice, nor simply the employment of recycled materials. [91]
607 Because we wish to concentrate on the material used rather than the exterior appearance of the facing, we are also including in this section MSU 10001 (type 5.3.3 = 2.3), which is undoubtedly very rare and must have been the result of the whim of its builder.

5.1. Other Side in Opus Incertum

608
  • MSU 10004 (figs. 56, 57 and 58)
  • Rooms 42-44
  • Maximum visible height: 0.65 m (south wall), 0.49 m (north wall); maximum visible length 3.15 m; thickness 0.64 m

The south wall of the masonry structure, which is aligned east-west, is in opus incertum of local limestone, mainly made with selected stones, but also with some roughly shaped stones (10-12 x 11-13 cm, up to a maximum of 17 x 11 cm). The facing still preserves traces of a cocciopesto layer. It has not been possible to determine the level from which the wall began (spiccato) because of the modern flooring.
609 The north wall is faced with triangular bricks, probably made from bessales (26 cm long, 3.5 cm thick). The revetment on this side must have been of marble panels. There is no way to analyze the binding (in the facing there is virtually nothing other than earth and modern mortar). The wall is the south side of room 42, which is identifiable as a small basin.
610 It is not possible to affirm with certainty that this is a single wall, and not a wall in opus incertum, which was protected on one side with a brick structure, since the top of it cannot be analyzed and its thickness is not decisive on its own. Moreover, there is an addition to the height in small cardellino blocks, the result of restoration. It is perfectly possible that the cardellino blocks were found at the moment of excavation, in which case it cannot now be established whether they derive from a later arrangement or whether they are connected to structures like type 3.4.3 above. Although the restoration works make it impossible to define the stratigraphic relationships with certainty, if we hypothesize an opus incertum wall, only later protected by a brick structure, it could be related to the walls that bound the square room 38-39-40 (the Republican atrium). [92]

5.2. Other Side in Opus Vittatum

611
  • MSU 10029
  • Rooms 44-46
  • Maximum visible height: 0.45 m (east face); maximum visible length: 2.50 m (east face); thickness: 0.56 m

The masonry structure is aligned north-south. The east wall is in opus testaceum, with bricks cut into triangles; the facing of the west wall is in small cardellino blocks. It joins the analogous MSU 10030 (with its south facing in brick; on the north face only a course of cardellino blocks is visible, which is restoration work).
612 MSU 10029 is in fact largely restored and it is impossible to state with certainty that the west wall was in fact built in opus vittatum in cardellino blocks (repair work done with modern mortar prevents us from determining the actual antiquity of the masonry). Moreover, its northward extension (by room 45) has small cardellino blocks on its east face as well.
613 There may well have been an opus testaceum socle in this structure also, at least on the east side (see type 3.4.3 above).

5.3. Other Side in Opus Reticulatum with Coigning in Blocks (Limestone)

614 This is the most common type among those structures that have a different facing on each side. It is difficult to explain why, however. We could suggest the chronological proximity to the other walls in opus reticulatum, but it might be just as valid to speculate that these structures were built at a time when there were large quantities of opus reticulatum tesserae available as result of demolitions.

5.3.1. Opus testaceum in roof-tiles

615
  • MSU 10057 (figs. 59, 60 and 61)
  • Rooms 32 and 33
  • Maximum visible height: 1.50 m (east face), 2.10 m (west face, heavily restored); maximum visible length 11.30 m (west face), 10.65 m (east face); thickness: 0.73 m

The masonry structure, aligned north-south, is the west side of the large apsidal room 33, and has two openings covered with arches (praefurnia) joining corridor 32.
616 The east side is faced in opus testaceum of trimmed roof-tiles, analogous to 10002 (cf. type 4.1 above). In the southern portion (from the south praefurnium as far as the avant-corps 10052), the twelfth course from the bottom (from the level of the subfloor roof-tiles) is composed of untrimmed roof-tiles, placed with their rims forming the facing. This course respects the praefurnium (it is only just above it) and evidently serves as the string-course, analogous to that of MSU 10002 (cf. type 4.1 above). Its absence in the remaining part is easily explained, in that the two praefurnia would have been enough of an indication for setting the level of the floor. There is another partial course of untrimmed roof-tiles below the previous one, separated by two regular rows.
617 On both sides, the arched lintels of the two much-restored praefurnia are built of rims of roof-tiles cut in rectangles (ca. 5-6 x 8-10 cm), in a manner analogous to those elements employed in MSU 10001 (cf. type 5.3.3 below).
618 The west side is faced with opus reticulatum in limestone (regular blocks, with sides of 8-9 cm, set at a 45-degree angle). Occasionally cotto elements appear, made from roof-tiles (such as those used in 10001; cf. type 5.3.3 below).
619 The praefurnia and the juncture of the apse MSU 10054 have coigns in blocks of limestone and brick (one course of limestone alternating with two courses of brick; cf. type 3.4.2, above, and fig. 47).

5.3.2. Opus testaceum in roof-tiles and bricks

620
  • MSU 10054 (fig. 62)
  • Room 33
  • Maximum visible height: 1.40 m (south face); width of the opening (span) 4.42 m; height at keystone ca. 1.95 m; thickness 0.55 m

The shallow apse (the proportion in Roman feet is 15 of span to 7 of height at the keystone) forms the northern side of room 33. The internal face (south) is in opus testaceum of bricks and trimmed roof-tiles (heavily restored), while the north face (external) is faced in limestone opus reticulatum. It joins both the analogous structure on the east (MSU 10055) and the lateral walls of room 33 (MSU 10002 and 10057). In the more eastern part, the internal facing has a course of broken roof-tiles, positioned with the rims showing, to serve as the string-course; this is similar to what was found at MSU 10002 (type 4.1 above) and 10057 (type 5.3.1 above).
621 The binding is a pale beige-grey mortar, consisting of lime and sand with volcanic elements and, above all, small gravel (CM 99/68).
622 On the inside of room 33, there is a fragment, which probably belonged to the suspended floor, which abuts onto the apse at the point where there also survives a portion of cocciopesto revetment (fig. 63). If there had been such a floor actually touching the wall, there could have been no flue (intercapedo) to allow the circulation of hot air along the walls.

5.3.3. Opus reticulatum in cotto (terracotta)

623
  • MSU 10001 (figs. 64 and 65)
  • Rooms 33 and 34
  • Maximum visible height: 1.20 m (north face), 0.30 m (south face, restored at the ridge); maximum visible length: 2.95 m (north face); thickness: 0.46 m

The south side preserves a tiny portion of the original facing, in limestone opus reticulatum (tesserae 8 x 8 cm). The residual binding is mortar in very poor condition, yellowish in color and very insubstantial.
624 Because its northern face is so unusual, this structure is a very rare example of opus reticulatum in cotto, built using the rims of roof-tiles cut so as to give an L-shaped element. The exposed rim facing (6.5-7 x 7-8 cm) looks very similar to the stone tesserae. The upright of the L is inserted into the core of the masonry like the point of a pyramidal small block. Structurally, however, there is a certain lack of homogeneity, and the quantity of mortar is increased in order to fill the gap behind the “tessera” in cotto. These elements, which are made from roof-tiles in such a way as to resemble the tesserae of opus reticulatum, are used only in this masonry and in the lintels of the small arches of the praefurnia of MSU 10057. They otherwise appear sporadically (three or four examples) in MSU 10003 (east face), 10053 (east face), 10057 (west face), and therefore only in connection with the group of rooms 32, 33 and 34.
625 The structure joins the avant-corps in opus testaceum (MSU 10051 and 10052). Lugli had already stressed the rarity of this technique, which is essentially a faux opus reticulatum in cotto, finding a single comparandum in the temples (Tempietti) of Chieti, where, however, the tesserae are made of brick fragments. Another example can be found in Pompeii, IX, 13, 4-5, near the House of Iulius Polybius. [93]

5.3.4. Opus testaceum in bricks

626
  • MSU 10010=280, 296, 446 (figs. 66, 67 and 68)
  • Room 37
  • Maximum visible height: 0.72 m (south face, external), 1.20 m (south face, internal); span 4.33 m; height at keystone ca. 2.02 m; thickness 0.76 m. South part analyzed.

This is an apse, with a central rectangular niche. At its ends, the apse joins two more rectangular niches and forms the basin of a thermal room (certainly a frigidarium). At about 1.15 m from the floor level, the thickness of the wall diminished, thereby creating a sort of platform or bench.
627 On the outside, the building is faced with a rectangular patch of opus reticulatum, immediately above the offset of the foundation, and blocks of cardellino and limestone (tesserae 8 x 8 cm; small blocks 20-22 x 9-10 cm; exceptional ones 30-40 x 9-10 cm; joints and beds in mortar 2.5-4 cm). It adjusts to the slope; there is a difference in height of 42 cm between west and east.
628 The internal part is entirely constructed in bricks cut into triangles, probably made from bessales (18-26 cm; thickness 3.5-4-5 cm; mortar beds 2.5-3 cm; mortar joints 0.5-1 cm). There are still traces of revetment on this wall: a layer of cocciopesto, crumbled brick for attaching the marble panels, some fragments of these same panels and marble chips sunk in cocciopesto for anchoring the bronze clips. The floor of the basin is at a lower level than the foundation offset of the external wall.
629 The binding is a compact mortar, grey-beige in color, composed of lime, sand and volcanic elements (crumbled tufa or black pozzolana?; CM 99/45 and 99/49).

6. Structures Set Against Earth (Controterra, with Only One Side Faced)

630 All the structures that are affected by differences in level between two areas, more or less accentuated, are constructed in this manner. In general, the builders would go below ground level to build hypogean spaces (e.g. room 32) or semi-hypogean (e.g. room 34), or simply channels for fountains or basins. In the first case, the wall is completely built against one side of the construction trench. In the case of the semi-hypogean rooms, however, building against earth is only up to a certain level, from which the wall then rises, with both faces exposed; the retaining wall for the residential block belongs to this second type, and creates the terrace above the garden.

6.1. Opus Reticulatum

631
  • MSU 10053
  • Room 32
  • Maximum visible height: 1.60 m (original, east face); length: 12.95 m; thickness: 0.76 m; apse: span 4.49 m; height to the keystone ca. 0.95 m

The masonry structure, aligned north-south, has a very shallow apse about half way along (cf. fig. 16). The east side is faced in limestone opus reticulatum (tesserae 8-9 cm), with coigning in blocks of the same material (ca. 23 x 8 cm). At the point where the apse springs, the blocks are shaped in such a way as to follow its form. Tesserae of opus reticulatum in tufa and cotto (rims of roof-tiles, cf. type 5.3.3 above) appear from time to time. The west side of the wall, on the other hand, is evidently constructed against earth (controterra), with slivers of limestone and mortar. The binding is an insubstantial mortar, yellowish in color.
632 The wall, which created a hypogean corridor accessible from the north, should be considered as a retaining structure, without an elevation above the floor level. The apse was built for two reasons, both exclusively functional: to withstand the thrust of the earth behind it and to increase the space for maneuvering near the praefurnia (cf. fig. 15).
633 Comparable are MSU 10062, 10047 and 10003 (the last two, however, are constructed controterra up to the floor level only; from there upward, they have an elevation). MSU 10047 is built against a wall, while the elevation of MSU 10003 above the floor level is regularly faced on both sides. Here, note in particular the presence of tufa tesserae together with limestone ones.
634 The wall that separates the residential block from the garden area must also have been built controterra up to a certain level. The slight natural slope was corrected in order to produce a small terrace, sustained by the wall in question, which was probably supplied with a vespaio (a loose stone structure to facilitate natural water drainage).

6.2. Opus Testaceum

635
  • MSU 10064 – Fountain (fig. 69)
  • Area 8
  • Space occupied by the fountain 10.35 x 9.51 m

On the north side the fountain structure breaks through and goes beyond the so-called perimeter wall. MSU 10064 relates to the south, exterior, wall of the fountain, which is analysed in its entirety.
636 The structure consists of three masonry rectangles, set one inside the other. The outermost one is formed of a wall (ca. 40 cm thick) with brick facing on one side only, while the other side of the wall is built against earth (controterra), out of rough calcareous stones. The north side is completely reconstructed, and it is by no means sure that the work was done as originally; at the moment of its discovery, it would appear that there was no more than a trace on the ground. The intermediate wall is 30 cm thick and faced on both sides. The space between these two walls forms a channel 70 cm wide, which is ca. 50 cm deep in relation to the present soil level. The innermost wall (30 cm thick) is only faced on one side, while its other side, which fronts on the center of the structure, is built controterra. It is arranged with four small semicircular niches (radius 75 cm), one in the center of each side of the rectangle. Between the innermost wall and the intermediate one there is a small gap (intercapedo) barely 5 cm wide.
637 The opus testaceum facings are composed of bricks cut into triangles, set in regular courses. Due to the restorations, it is difficult to analyze the mortar beds and joins, and also the quality of the binding agent. The walls preserve faint traces of a protective coating of cocciopesto. Two holes, through which passed a conduit, open in the southwest corner of the structure, one in the outermost wall, the other in the intermediate one.
638 Structure 10011 (=8007, 8008, 8020, 8032, 8033; Area 55; figs. 70 and 71) is constructed in an analogous manner; this can be interpreted as being a fountain basin, arranged with oval and rectangular niches, even if no water system was found during the recent excavation.

7. Heterogeneous Masonry Structures Built of Recycled Materials

639 These structures are only preserved now in the western zone of the villa and in part of the eastern wing of the quadriporticus. This is principally due to two causes. First, the depth of the earth covering the ruins diminished in the area of the residential block (a track passed that way and bits of mosaics had come to the surface). To the west, however, a deeper layer of earth permitted better preservation of the structures, where some rise from subfloor levels. Second, during the 1911-1914 excavations, many of the structures identified as “late” were demolished.
640 It is obviously impossible to provide accurate chronological indications for these walls on the sole basis of their construction technique, which is mainly irregular opus vittatum. The only indisputable fact is that they date to a period after the constructions that they altered. These are always works that were aimed at readapting pre-existing structures, with the creation of new rooms and a redistribution of the spaces. There was a marked preference for blocks of limestone and cardellino among the recycled materials, as they could be used with the greatest ease. Recycled brick was used to adjust the courses and as shims. The tesserae of opus reticulatum were also occasionally reused flat and not at 45-degree angle.
641
  • MSU 10015a=461 demolished (fig. 72); cf. type 3.3
  • Maximum visible height: ca. 0.30 m; length: ca. 5.90 m; thickness: 0.75 m; north-south alignment
  • MSU 10015b=850
  • Maximum visible height: ca. 0.35 m; length: c. 9.60 m; thickness: 0.66 m; east-west alignment
  • MSU 10040=843
  • Maximum visible height: ca. 0.25 m; length: ca. 4.45 m; thickness: 0.57 m; north-south alignment
  • Rooms 37-40

These structures were restored in the course of the excavations in the 1970s, when their tops were identified. The walls, constructed contemporaneously with one another, were built to re-divide the spaces, making use of pre-existing structures, at a time when the basin (room 37) must have already been out of use and buried.
642 The poorly preserved facings show irregular reuse of blocks of cardellino and limestone (17-21 x 8-9 cm) and of bricks (20-27 cm, 3-3.5 cm thick). The better-preserved bricks were chosen for use in courses (the north face of 10015b and west face of 10040); broken ones were used as shims. The mortar (CM 99/40, 99/52), where it can be traced, is compact, reddish-brown in color, composed of lime and sand, earthy, with volcanic elements and a small amount of fine gravel. The partially uncovered foundations were built in an irregular way, with stones, at times large, pebbles and recycled material. In MSU 422 (foundation of the wall 10015a=461) a fragment of a sculpture was also found (VH 179; inv. SAL 114451).
643
  • MSU 10059
  • Maximum visible height: ca. 0.25 m; length: ca. 3.35 m; thickness: 0.50 m; north-south alignment. Also analogous are MSU 10065 and 10069.
  • Room 33

The much-restored masonry structure was built directly onto a roof-tile floor, which constituted the subfloor of the hypocaust; it seems highly probable that it was therefore a foundation structure, built, with others, in order to be able to divide room 33 into several smaller rooms.
644 The materials used are certainly recycled, set irregularly and of various sizes; small blocks and chips of limestone, small blocks of cardellino, limestone opus reticulatum tesserae (placed horizontally), and brick chunks. The binding (CM 99/69) is a very friable mortar, grey-beige in color, composed of lime and, above all, of sand.
645 The wall is set against MSU 10050 and in all probability is joined to 10065, but this cannot be verified on account of the coping added during restoration.
646 It is possible to see from archival photographs (SAL E 729; see D.1.2.2, no. 2) that at the moment of excavation these structures survived to a greater height. It is also relevant to note that from a certain level upward they displayed a fairly regular facing in small blocks (opus vittatum); this would confirm the hypothesis that the remains visible today originally served as foundations.
647 The two walls that support the architrave inside building 53, and the architrave itself, consist of recycled materials, set irregularly. The presence of corner stones is characteristic, as is the absence of regular horizontal courses.

8. Specialized Opus Caementicium with No Distinction between Core and Facing