BOOK I. DUKE YIN.
I. First year.
1 [It was his] first year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In the third month, the duke and E-foo of Choo made a covenant in Meeh.
3 In summer, in the fifth month, the earl of Ch'ing overcame Twan in Yen.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the [sub-] administrator Heuen with a present of [two] carriages and their horses for the funerals of duke Hwuy and [his wife] Chung Tsze.
5 In the ninth month, [the duke] and an officer of Sung made a covenant in Suh.
6 In winter, in the twelfth month, the earl of Chae came [to Loo].
7 Kung-tsze Yih-sze died.
Title of the Work.—??,??? 'The Spring and Autumn; with the Tso Chuen.' 'Spring and Autumn' is equivalent to 'Annals, digested under the four seasons of every year,' only two seasons being given for the sake of brevity. The subject of the name is fully discussed in the Prolegomena, ch. I. I have printed all the text of Tso K'ew-ming, immediately after the year of the Classic to which it belongs. Where his remarks are simply comments on the text, I have embodied them with my own notes. His narratives, however, are all translated entire, and the additional narratives which he gives, not belonging to events referred to in the text, and indicated by a (?), are included in the notes, within brackets.
Title of the Book.— ??, 'Duke Yin.' Of the 12 dukes of Loo, whose years are chronicled in the Ch'un Ts'ew, Yin is the first, his rule extending from B.C. 721—711. From the establishment of Pih-k'in, son of the famous duke of Chow, as marquis of Loo, in B.C. 1,114, there had been 13 chiefs. Yin's father and predecessor, duke Hwuy (??), married first a daughter of the House of Sung (??); and on her death he supplied her place with Shing Tsze (??), one of her relatives who had followed her from Sung to the harem of Loo. This lady was the mother of Yin; but duke Hwuy by and by took as a second wife the daughter of the duke Woo (?) of Sung, called ?? . Acc. to Tso-she, she had been born with some remarkable lines on one of her hands, which were read as meaning that she would become marchioness of Loo. By her Hwuy had a son of higher dignity than Yin, in consequence of the superior position of his mother, and who afterwards made himself duke Hwan. This child being too young to take charge of the State on his father's death, was set aside in favour of Yin, who, however, only considered himself as occupying in room of his younger brother till the latter should come of age.
Yin's name was Seih-koo (??), Yin being the honorary or sacrificial title conferred after his death, and meaning,—'Sorrowfully swept away, unsuccessful (????).'
Loo was only a marquisate. Its chiefs were not dukes. Throughout the Ch'un Ts'ew, however, we find the chiefs even of the smaller States all dignified with the title of 'duke' after their death. Maou K'e-ling ingeniously explains this as an instance of the style of the 'historiographers,' referring to the commencing words in 'The Speech at Pe' (Shoo V. xxix.) —??, whereas, in the Preface to the Shoo, par. 66, instead of ?, we read ??, 'the marquis of Loo.' The confusion which is caused, however, by the practice, in the narratives of Tso K'ew-ming is very great, as he uses now the name with the title of rank, and now the honorary name and title of duke, with the most entire indifference.
Yin's 1st year synchronized with the 49th of king P'ing (??); the 9th year of He of Ts'e (???); the 2d of Goh of Tsin (???) ; the 11th of Chwang of K'euh-yuh (????); the 13th of Hwan of Wei (???); the 28th of Seuen of Ts'ae (???) ; the 22d of Chwang of Ch'ing (???) ; the 35th of Hwan of Ts'aou (???); the 23d of Hwan of Ch'in (???); the 29th of Woo of Ke (???); the 7th of Muh of Sung (???); the 44th of Wăn of Ts'in (???); and the 19th of Woo of Ts'oo (???).
Par. 1. This paragraph, it will be seen, is incomplete, the adjunct merely of a ???, which is found at the beginning of nearly every other book. The reason of the incompleteness will be considered below.
??, —'the 1st year.' The Urh-ya explains ? by ? 'the beginning,' 'first,' and Kung-yang makes the phrase simply ???? , 'the prince's 1st year.' Too Yu tries to find a deeper meaning in the phrase, saying that the 1st year of a rule stands to all the following years in the relation of the original chaos to the subsequent kosmos, and is therefore called yuen, to intimate to rulers that from the first moment of their sway they are to advance in the path of order and right. This consideration explains also, he thinks, the use of ??, 'the right month,' for 'the 1st month (?????,???????,? ???????).' The Urh-ya, however, gives ? as ?, 'the most elevated,' 'the senior.' But in the denomination of the 1st month as 'the right or correct month,' we must acknowledge a recognition of what are called 'the three ching (??),'—the three different months, with which the dynasties of Hea, Shang, and Chow commenced the year. Hea began the year with the 1st month of spring; Shang, a month, and Chow, 2 months earlier. It became so much a rule for the beginning of the year to be changed by every new dynasty, that Ts'in made its first month commence a lunation before that of Chow. To a remark of Confucius, Ana. XV. x., we are indebted for the disuse of this foolish custom, so that all dynasties have since used 'the seasons of Hea.'—After all, there remains the question why the first month of the year should be called ching (?).
???,—'the king's first month.' The 'king' here can hardly be any other than P'ing, the king of Chow for the time then being, as Too Yu says;—and in this style does the account of very many of the years of the Ch'un Ts'ew begin, as if to do homage to the supremacy of the reigning House. Kung-yang makes the king to be Wăn; but though he was the founder of the Chow dynasty, the commencement of the year was not yet changed in his time.
The remaining character in this par. occasions the foreign student considerable perplexity. The commencement of the year was really in the 2d month of winter, and yet it is here said to have been in the spring.—????. We have spring when it really was not spring. It must be kept in mind that the usual names for the seasons—????, only denote in the Ch'un Ts'ew the four quarters of the Chow year, beginning with the 2d month of winter. It was, no doubt, a perception of the inconvenience of such a calendar which made Confucius, loyal as he was to the dynasty of Chow, say that he preferred that of Hea to it. Strange as it is to read of spring, when the time is really winter, and of winter when the season is still autumn, it will appear, as we go on, that such is really the style of the Ch'un Ts'ew. Maou, fully admitting all this, yet contends for a strange interpretation of the text, in which he joins ? and ? together, making the phrase to stand for the kings of Chow,—'Spring kings,' who reigned by the virtue of wood, the first of the five elements (????). He presses, in support of this view, the words of Tso-she on this paragraph, —???????, which show, he says, that Tso-she joined ? with ?, as he himself would do; but Tso-she's language need not be so construed, and ? evidently stands by itself, just as the names of the other seasons do.
We come now to the incompleteness of the par., already pointed out. According to the analogy of the style in the first years of other dukes, it should be stated that in his 1st year and the 1st month of it, the duke took the place (??) of his predecessor. According to the rule of Chow, on the death of a sovereign—and all the princes were little kings in their several States —his successor, acknowledged to be such as the chief mourner on the occasion and taking the direction of the proper ceremonies for the departed, 'ascended the throne by the bier.' There is an interesting account of such an accession in the Shoo, V. xxii. The thing was done so hurriedly because 'the State could not be a single day without a sovereign (????????)— ,' or because, as we phrase it, 'the king never dies.' What remained of the year, however, was held to belong to the reign of the deceased king, and the new reign began with the beginning of the next year, when there was a more public 'taking of the place,' though I do not know that we have any account of the ceremonies which were then performed. The first 'place-taking' was equivalent to our 'accession;' the second, to our 'coronation.' The proper explanation, therefore, of the incompleteness of the paragraph is that Yin omitted the ordinary 'place-taking' ceremonies, and of course there could be no record of them. Perhaps he made the omission, having it in mind to resign ere long in favour of his younger brother (so, Tso. she); but to say that the usual ??? was here omitted by Confucius, either to show his approval or disapproval of Yin, as Kuh-leang does, followed by Hoo Gan-kwoh (???), A.D. 1,074—1,138) and a hundred other commentators, is not to explain the text, but to perplex the reader with vain fancies.
Par. 2. There was nothing proper for record in the 1st and 2d months of the year, and we come here to the third month. Choo (we have Choo-low, ??, in Kung-yang) was a small State, nearly all surrounded by Loo,—the pres. dis. of Tsow (?), dep. Yen-chow. At this time it was only a Foo-yung (??), attached to Loo (see Mencius, V. ?, ii. 4.); but in a few years after this its chief was raised to the dignity of viscount (?). The House had the surname of Ts'aou (?), and had been invested with the territory by king Woo, as being descended from the ancient emperor Chuen-heuh. The chief's name, as we learn afterwards from the Ch'un Ts'ew, was K'ih (?); E-foo (*), read in the 2d tone, found appended to many designations, by way of honour) is his designation (?), given to him here, says Tso-she,' by way of honour,' for which remark there seems to be no ground. Meeh (Kuh and Kung both have ?, with the same sound) was a place belonging to Loo,—in the pres. dis. of Sze-shwuy (??), dep. Yen-chow. We know nothing of any special object sought by the 'covenanting' here. Tso she merely says that the duke arranged for it to cultivate friendly relations with his neighbour, at the commencement of his temporary administration. ? heads the record, here and in most other accounts of meetings and covenants on the part of the marquises of Loo with other princes;—an order proper in the historiographers of that State. I can think of no better word for ? than 'covenant,' 'to covenant.' On all occasions there was the death of a victim, over which the contracting parties appealed to superior Powers, wishing that, if they violated the terms of their covenant, they might meet with a fate like that of the slain animal. One definition of the term is ??, 'an agreement with an oath.' Compare the account of Jacob and Laban's covenant, Genesis, xxxi.
The ? after ? is to be taken as simply = ?, 'with;' 'and.' Kung, Kuh, and others find recondite meanings in it, which will not bear examination.
[Tso-she, after this paragraph, gives an incident of the 4th month, in summer, that 'the earl of Pe led a force, and walled Lang,' adding that no record of it was made, because it was not done with the duke's order. See the 1st note on 'The speech at Pe' in the Shoo. I have translated the notice according to the view of Ch'in Sze-k'ae given there; but Tso-she could not have intended ?? to be taken as meaning 'Earl of Pe,' but merely 'Pih (some scion of the House of Loo) of Pe.']
Par. 3. Ch'ing was an earldom which had not been of long duration. In B.C. 805, king Seuen had invested his brother Yew (?) with the lands of ch'ing, in the pres. Hwa Chow (??), dep. T'ung-chow, Shen-se. Yew's son, Keueh-tuh (??), known as duke Woo (??), conquered a territory more to the east,—the country of Kwoh and Kwei (*???) —and settled in it, calling it 'New Ch'ing;'—the name of which is still retained in the district of Sinch'ing (??), dep. K'ae-fung, Ho-nan. Woo's son, Woo-shang (??), known as duke Chwang (?) and born in B.C. 756, is the earl of this par. Twan was his younger brother. Yen has left its name in the dis. of Yen-ling (??). Tso-she's account of the event in the text is the following:—
'Duke Woo of Ch'ing had married a daughter of the House of Shin, called Woo Keang, who bore duke Chwang and his brother Twan of Kung. Duke Chwang was born as she was waking from sleep [the meaning of the text here is uncertain], which frightened the lady so that she named him Woo-shang (= born in waking), and hated him, while she loved Twan, and wished him to be declared his father's heir. Often did she ask this of duke Woo, but he refused it. When duke Chwang came to the earldom, she begged him to confer on Twan the city of Che. "It is too dangerous a place," was the reply. "The Younger of Kwoh died there; but in regard to any other place, you may command me." She then requested King; and there Twan took up his residence, and came to be styled T'ae-shuh (=the Great Younger) of King city. Chung of Chae said to the duke, "Any metropolitan city, whose wall is more than 3,000 cubits round, is dangerous to the State. According to the regulations of the former kings, such a city of the 1st order can have its wall only a third as long as that of the capital; one of the 2d order, only a fifth as long; and one of the least order, only a ninth. Now King is not in accordance with these measures and regulations. As ruler, you will not be able to endure Twan in such a place." The duke replied, "It was our mother's wish;—how could I avoid the danger?" "The lady Keang," returned the officer, "is not to be satisfied. You had better take the necessary precautions, and not allow the danger to grow so great that it will be difficult to deal with it. Even grass, when it has grown and spread all about, cannot be removed;—how much less the brother of yourself, and the favoured brother as well!" The duke said, "By his many deeds of unrighteousness he will bring destruction on himself. Do you only wait a while."
'After this, T'ae-shuh ordered the places on the western and northern borders of the State to render to himself the same allegiance as they did to the earl. Then Kung-tsze Leu said to the duke, "A State cannot sustain the burden of two services;—what will you do now? If you wish to give Ch'ing to T'ae-shuh, allow me to serve him as a subject. If you do not mean to give it to him, allow me to put him out of the way, that the minds of the people be not perplexed." "There is no need," the duke replied, "for such a step. His calamity will come of itself."
'T'ae-shuh went on to take as his own the places from which he had required their divided contributions, as far as Lin-yen. Tsze-fung [the designation of Kung-tsze Leu above] said, "Now is the time. With these enlarged resources, he will draw all the people to himself." The duke replied, "They will not cleave to him, so unrighteous as he is. Through his prosperity he will fall the more."
'T'ae-shuh wrought at his defences, gathered the people about him, put in order buff-coats and weapons, prepared footmen, and chariots, intending to surprise Ch'ing, while his mother was to open to him from within. The duke heard the time agreed on between them, and said, "Now we can act." So he ordered Tsze-fung, with two hundred chariots, to attack King. King revolted from T'ae-shuh, who then entered Yen, which the duke himself proceeded to attack; and in the 5th month, on the day Sin-ch'ow, T'ae-shuh fled from it to Kung.
'In the words of the text,—"The earl of Ch'ing overcame Twan in Yen," Twan is not called the earl's younger brother, because he did not show himself to be such. They were as two hostile princes, and therefore we have the word "overcame." The duke is styled the earl of Ch'ing simply, to condemn him for his failure to instruct his brother properly. Twan's flight is not mentioned, in the text, because it was difficult to do so, having in mind Ch'ing's wish that Twan might be killed.
'Immediately after these events, duke Chwang placed his mother Keang in Shing-ying, and swore an oath, saying, "I will not see you again, till I have reached the yellow spring [i.e., till I am dead, and under the yellow earth]." But he repented of this. By and by, Ying K'aou-shuh, the border-warden of the vale of Ying, heard of it, and presented an offering to the duke, who caused food to be placed before him. K'aou-shuh put a piece of meat on one side; and when the duke asked the reason, he said, " I have a mother who always shares in what I eat. But she has not eaten of this meat which you, my ruler, have given, and I beg to be allowed to leave this piece for her." The duke said, " You have a mother to give it to. Alas! I alone have none." K'aou-shuh asked what the duke meant, who then told him all the circumstances, and how he repented of his oath. "Why should you be distressed about that?" said the officer. " If you dig into the earth to the yellow springs, and then make a subterranean passage, where you can meet each other, who can say that your oath is not fulfilled?' The duke followed this suggestion; and as he entered the passage sang,
"This great tunnel, within,
With joy doth run."
When his mother came out, she sang,
"This great tunnel, without,
The joy files about."
[After this, they were mother and son as before.
'A superior man may say, "Ying K'aou-shuh was filial indeed. His love for his mother passed over to and affected duke Chwang. Was there not here an illustration of what is said in the Book of Poetry,
"A filial son of piety unfailing, There shall for ever be conferred blessing on you?"' Space would fail me were I to make any remarks on the criticisms interspersed by Tso-she in this and other narratives, or vindicate the translation of his narratives which I give. The reader will perceive that without the history in the Chuen, the Confucian text would give very little idea of the event which it professes to record; and there are numberless instances, more flagrant still, in the Book. The ??, who moralizes, is understood to be Tso-she himself. We have no other instance in the Ch'un Ts'ew of ? used as in this paragraph.
Par. 4. ??, 'Heaven's king,' or 'king by Heaven's grace,' is of course king P'ing. The sovereign of China, as Heaven's vice-gerent over the empire, is styled ??, 'Heaven's son;' in his relation to the feudal princes as their ruler, he was called (??), 'Heaven's king.' (??) is 'the second Tsze,' i.e., the daughter of the duke of Sung, who became the 2d wife of duke Hwuy as mentioned in the note on the title of this book; not Hwuy's mother, as Kuh-leang absurdly says. ? is explained in the dict. as ???, 'presents to the dead,' and ???????? 'aids to the presiding mourner to bury his dead.' But such presents were of various kinds, and ?denotes the gift specially of one or more carriages and their horses. So both Kung and Kuh. The king sent such presents on the death of any of the princes or their wives; and here we have an instance in point. But there is much contention among the critics as to who the messenger was;—whether the king's chief Minister * ?, or some inferior officer of his department. The former view is taken by Kuh-leang, and affirmed by the editors of the K'ang-he Ch'un Ts'ew;—but, as I must think, erroneously. Under the *? or ??, were two ??, and four ??, called by Biot Grand-administrateur general,' 'Sous-adminstrateurs generaux,' and aides-administrateurs generaux.' It belonged to the department of the last, on all occasions of condolence, to superintend the arrangements, with every thing that was supplied by way of presents or offerings,—the silks, the utensils, the money, &c. (see the Chow Le, I., iii. 56—73). The officer in the text was, no doubt, one of these aid-administrators; and this removes all difficulty which the critics find in the mention of an officer of higher rank by his name.
The rule was that princes should be buried five months after their death, and Tso-she says that the king's message and gift arrived too late, so far as duke Hwuy was concerned. This criticism may be correct; but he goes on to say that Chung Tsze was not yet dead, and the message and gift were too early, so far as she was concerned. The king could never have been guilty of such an impropriety as to anticipate the lady's death in this way, and the view of Tso-she can only provoke a smile. He adds:—'The king's burial took place 7 months after his death, when all the feudal princes were expected to be present. The prince of a State was buried 5 months after his death, when all the princes, with whom he had covenanted, attended. The funeral of a great officer took place 3 months after his death, and was attended by all of the same rank; that of an officer, at the end of a month, and was attended by his relatives by affinity. Presents on account of a death were made before the burial, and visits of condolence were paid before the grief had assumed its greatest demonstrations. It was not proper to anticipate such occurrences.'
On first translating the Ch'un Ts'ew, I construed the par. as if these were a ? between ? and ?, and supposed that only one carriage and its horses were sent for the funeral of Chung Tsze, who had been the wife of Hwuy. I gave up the construction in deference to the prevailing opinion of the commentators; but it had been adopted by no less a scholar than Ch'ing E (??; A. D. 1033—1107).
[Tso-she has here two other entries under this season:—'In the 8th month an officer of Ke attacked E;' and 'There were locusts.' He adds that E sent no official announcement of the attack to Loo, and that therefore it was not recorded; and that no notice was entered of the locusts, because they did not amount to a plague.]
Par. 5. Sung was a dukedom,—having its chief city in the pres. dis. of Shang-k'ew (? ?), dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. The charge given to the viscount of Wei on his being appointed to the State is still preserved in the Shoo, V. viii. The dukes of Sung were descended from the kings of Yin or Shang; and of course their surname was Tsze (?). Suh was a small State, in the present Tung-p'ing (??) Chow, dep. T'ae-gan, Shan-tung. It was thus near Loo, but a good way from Sung. Its chiefs were barons with the surname Fung (?).
Tso-she tells us that in the last year of duke Hwuy, he defeated an army of Sung in Hwang, but that now duke Yin sought for peace. It was with this object that the covenant in the text was made.
I translate as if ? preceded ?, for so the want must generally be supplied throughout the classic. Kung and Kuh both understand some inferior officer of Loo (??), but in other places they themselves supply ?. By ? ?, however, we must understand an officer of Sung. It is better to translate so than to say simply—'a man of Sung.'
[Between this par. and the next Tso-she has the three following narratives:—
'In winter, in the 10th month, on the day Kăng-shin, the body of duke Hwuy was removed and buried a second time.' As the duke was not present, the event was not recorded. When duke Hwuy died, there was war with Sung, and the heir-prince was young, so that there was some omission in the burial. He was therefore now buried again, and in another grave. The marquis of Wei came to be present at the burial. He did not have an interview with the duke, and so his visit was not recorded.'
'After the confusion occasioned by Kung-shuh of Ch'ing, Kung-sun Hwah [Twan or Kungshuh's son] fled to Wei, and the people of Wei attacked Ch'ing in his behalf, and requested Lin-yen for him. Ch'ing then attacked the southern border of Wei, supported by a king's army and an army of Kwoh, and also requested the aid of troops from Choo. The viscount of Choo sent a private message to Kung-tsze Yu of Loo, who asked leave from the duke to go. It was refused; but he went and made a covenant with an officer of Choo and an officer of Ch'ing in Yih. No record was made of this, because Yu's going was against the duke's order.'
'The southern gate of the city was made new.' It was done without the duke's order, and so was not recorded.]
Par. 6. Chae [so ? is here read] was an earldom, in the present Ch'ing Chow (??), dep. K'ae-fung, held by the descendants of one of the duke of Chow's sons. Acc. to Tso-she the earl here was a minister at court., and came to Loo, for what purpose we know not, without the orders of the king. Kung-yang, indeed, thinks he came as a refugee, and that ? is the designation of the individual merely (?), and not his title; while Kuh-leang makes the coming to have been to do a sort of homage to duke Yin. But this is simply guess work.
Par. 7. Of Yih-sze we know nothing but what this brief par. tells. He was 'a duke's son,' but whether the son of Hwuy, or of Hwuy's father, we cannot tell, It is best in such a case to take ??as if it were the surname. So Ho Hew (??) says here, ?????. Kuh-leang finds a condemnation of Yih-sze in the omission of the day of his death; but the old method of interpretation which found praise or blame in the mention of or silence as to days, in the use of the name, the designation, the title, and such matters, is now discarded. ? is the proper term to use for the death of an officer.
Tso-she gives the designation of Yih-sze as Chung-foo, and says that the day of his death is not recorded, because the duke did not attend at the ceremony of dressing the corpse, to it into the coffin.
II. Second year.
1 In his second year, in spring, the duke had a meeting with the [chief of the] Jung at Ts'een.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, an army of Keu entered Heang.
3 Woo-heae led a force and entered Keih.
4 In autumn, in the eighth month, [on the day] Kăng-shin, the duke made a covenant with the Jung at T'ang.
5 In the ninth month, Le-seu of Ke came to meet the bride [for his prince].
6 In winter, in the tenth month, the duke's eldest daughter went to her home in Ke.
7 Tsze-pih of Ke and the count of Keu made a covenant at Meih.
8 In the twelfth month, on the day Yih-maou, the [duke's] wife, the lady Tsze, died.
9 An army of Ch'ing invaded Wei.
Par. 1. There is wanting here the character ?, 'king,' after ?, probably because no month is specified under whose regimen it should be. Jung is properly the name of the wild tribes on the west of 'the Middle State (??);' but in the time of Chow there were many of these tribes, and not those of the west only, settled in China along the seaboard and by the rivers,—remnants of the older inhabitants, not yet absorbed by the Chinese proper. We know, from the Shoo, V. xxix., that Loo was troubled even in the days of Pih-k'in by the E of the Hwae and the Jung of Seu. The Jung in the text may have been a remnant of the latter. Too Yu says their settlement was in what is now the the dis. of Ts'aou (?), dep. Ts'aou-chow. He says also that Ts'een was a town of Loo, somewhere in the southwest of Ts'aou-chow dep. ?? is—'met with the Jung.' Kuh-leang says the term ? implies that the meeting originated with the other party, and not with Loo, and that the duke went out of his own State to it. Ho Hew on Kung-yang also advocates this view. But the meaning of ? is not to be so determined; and, acc. to Too Yu, the place of meeting was in Loo. Tso-she says the duke's object was to cultivate the old friendship which his father had maintained with the Jung, but that he declined to enter into a covenant, which the Jung wished him to make.
Par. 2. Keu has left its name in Keu Chow, dep. E-chow (??). It extended east from Loo to the seaboard. Its chiefs were viscounts, and claimed to be descended from the old Shaou-haou, Hwang-te's successor. There is some difficulty about their surname, whether it was Ying (?) or Sze (?). Heang was a small State, within the boundaries of Keu. Too Yu, indeed, would place it in the pres. dis. of Hwae-yuen (??), dep. Fung-yang (??), Gan-hwuy. There was a Heang there, but it was too far from Keu to be that in the text. And there were two Heang in the pres. Shantung, one of them 70 le from Keu Chow, which was, probably, that here. The chief of Heang had the surname Keang (?), as we learn from what Tso-she says on the par.:—'The viscount of Keu had married a daughter of Heang, but she could not rest in Keu, and went back to Heang. This summer, an army from Keu entered Heang, and took the lady Keang back to Keu.' I translate ??by 'the army of Keu,' after Maou (??? ???), who lays down the canon that, in the Ch'un Ts'ew, wherever mention is made of troops under the command of any officer, high or low, who is not specified by name or designation, we find simply ?, 'the men' of such and such a State. Too Yu says, somewhat to the same effect, that we find ? where the force is small, and the leader only of low rank. The term ?,'entered,' occurs frequently of military expeditions; implying, says Kuh, that 'the entering is against the will of the invaded party (???);' 'that the country or city is entered, but not retained,' says Kung. But there are instances in which the entering was followed by the entire subjugation and occupancy of the place or State; and this was probably the case in regard to Keu and Heang, though the language of Tso-she translated above has been pleaded against this conclusion. ? implies invasion and capture in the present; what was done subsequently cannot be learned from the term.
Par. 3. Woo-heae (Kuh reads, here and subsequently, ?) was an officer of Loo, —a scion of the ruling House, belonging to a branch which had not yet received a surname of its own. Tsoshe says he was Loo's minister of Works, and adds that at this time he was defeated by K'in-foo of Pe,—the same who walled Lang in the previous year. Keih was a small attached State,—referred to the dis. of Yu-t'ae (??), dep. Yen-chow. The incident given here is said to be the first in the Ch'un Ts'ew of officers taking it upon themselves to institute warlike movements. It certainly shows how loosely the reins of government were held by the marquises of the State.
Par. 4. T'ang was a place belonging to Loo, —its site 12 le east from the pres. dis. city of Yu-t'ae. Tso-she says that the Jung at the meeting in spring had requested a covenant which the duke then refused, granting it now, however, on a second application, The text says this covenant was made on the day Kăng-shin, the 17th of the cycle; and Too Yu observes that in the 8th month of this year there was no Kăngshin day, and concludes that there is an error in the text of the 8th month for the 7th, the 9th day of which was Kăng-shin. His calculation, however, proceeds on the supposition that the 1st year of Yin began with the day Sin-sze (??). If we make it begin a month later, with the day Sin-hae (??), according to another scheme, we get the day Kăng-shin in the 8th month of this 2d year. But the Sinhae scheme fails in other instances. The chronologers of China have toiled admirably on the months and days of the Ch'un Ts'ew; but thus far with only partial success. The dates in the classic and those in Tso-she's Chuen are often irreconcileable. Two data are necessary to a complete scheme,—that the day on which the 1st year of Yin began be known with certainty, and that the intercalary months in subsequent years be ascertained. Neither of these data can be got. See Mr. Chalmers' essay on the Astronomy of the ancient Chinese, in the prolegomena to the Shoo, pp. 90—102.
Par. 5. Ke was a small State, a marquisate, in the dis. of Show-kwang (??), dep. Ts'ing-chow. It lay between Ke (?) on the south and Ts'e on the north; and we shall find, ere long, that it was absorbed by Ts'e. Le-seu (Tso-she has ??) was the name of a minister of Ke. We know that he comes here to meet his prince's bride from the phrase ??, for, when a minister is described as coming to Loo to meet a lady of the House for himself, he is said ???, 'to meet such and such a lady Ke.' He comes of course because he was sent, but it was not proper, according to the 'rules for marriage, 'that that should be stated.
Par. 6. This is the sequel of the last par. As it is the first par. of a season, it seems proper that it should stand by itself, and not make one with the other as in the K'ang-he edition. ?-?, 'to be married,' spoken of the lady. Her husband's house becomes her home.
Par. 7. Tsze-pih, (in Tso-she ??) is explained by Too Yu as the designation of Le-seu in par. 5. Kung says he had not heard who ?? was; and Kuh makes ? a verb and construes thus:—'The viscount of Ke, considering himself an earl, took precedence and covenanted with the viscount of Keu.' This is sufficiently absurd, and besides, the chiefs of Ke were marquises, which makes Woo Ch'ing (A. D. 1249 — 1333) suppose that ?? may have got, by some mistake, into the text instead of ?. Too Yu's view may be accepted as most likely. He says also that Meih was a town belonging to Keu;—in dis. of Ch'ang yih (??), dep. Lae-chow. This places it a considerable way from Keu, though near to Ke. The identification of the site may be accepted, but one does not see how a place at such a distance from Keu should have belonged to it. My friend, the scholar Wang Taou, has suggested that the chiefs of Keu themselves occupied originally in the territory of Lae-chow, and might claim jurisdiction over places there after they moved to the south. There was another Meih which is mentioned in the Ch'un Ts'ew;—in Honan. Tso-she says that the meeting was 'on Loo's account,' which Too-yu explains as meaning that the count of Ke, kindly disposed to Loo through his recent marriage, arranged for the meeting, to heal a long-standing alienation between Loo and Keu.
Par. 8. I have translated ???? by 'the duke's wife;' meaning, of course, duke Yin. Too supposes the second wife of Hwuy to be the lady meant, in anticipation of whose death the king sent a funeral present in the previous year;—a view which confutes itself. Kung thinks the lady was Yin's mother. Kuh takes the view I have done. The term ? is appropriate to narrate the death of one of the princes. It is here applied to the death of a prince's wife;—'the honour due to the husband passing to her.'
Par. 9 Wei was a marquisate held by the descendants of K'ang-shuh, one of the sons of king Wăn, whose investiture with it is described in the Shoo, V. ix. It may be roundly said to have embraced the pres. dep. of Wei-hwuy (?? Ho-nan,—lying, most of it, north of the Ho; but it extended eastwards, across part of Chih-le, into Shan-tung as well. Its capital—subsequently changed—was the old Cheaou-ko (??) of Shang, in pres. dis. of K'e (?). The reason of Ch'ing's invasion of Wei is sufficiently indicated in one of the supplementary notices by Tso-she of the occurrences in the 10th month of last year. ??,—as ?? in par. 2.
III. Third year.
1 In his third year, in spring, in the king's second month, on the day Ke-sze, the sun was eclipsed.
2 In the third month, on the day Kăng-seuh, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
3 In summer, in the fourth month, on the day Sin-maou, [an officer of] the Yin family died.
4 In autumn, a son of the Woo family came [to Loo] to ask for the contribution of money towards the [king's] burial.
5 In the eighth month, on the day Kăng-shin, Ho, duke of Sung, died.
6 In winter, in the twelfth month, the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing made a covenant at Shih-mun.
7 [On the day] Kwei-we, there was the burial of duke Muh of Sung.
Par. 1. This is the 1st of the 36 eclipses of the sun mentioned in the Ch'un T'sew. From the table in the proleg. to the Shoo, pp. 103, 104, it will be seen that it occurred on the 14th February, B. C. 719, being the 6th cycle day, or Ke-sze, of the 3d month of the Chow year. There is an error therefore in the text of 2 for 3. The mathematicians of China were themselves aware of this, as early as the Suy dynasty (A. D. 589617). Evidently this year commenced on January 16th, instead of a month earlier, by some previous error of intercalation. Generally, the character ?, 'the 1st day of the moon,' follows the name of the day of the eclipse; and as it is wanting here, Kung and Kuh conclude that the eclipse was really on the last day of the previous month. But this involves much greater difficulty than to suppose that the ? was omitted through inadvertence of the historiographers, or has dropt somehow out of the text. ????=??????, 'The sun had something which was devouring it.' The phenomenon had suggested this idea to the earliest Chinese, and the phrase became stereotyped in the language. On the ceremonies observed at an eclipse, ' to save the sun,' see the Shoo, III. iv. 4, and note. Kung-yang thinks eclipses were recorded as extraordinary events (?); but the K'ang-he editors approve rather the view that it was as calamitous presages (?).
Par. 2. ?, 'the fall of a mountain,' is the appropriate term for the death of a sovereign. Tso-she says that king P'ing really died on the day Jin-seuh, i.e., 12 days before Kăng-seuh, but that the official communication of the event gave the wrong date, which was therefore recorded; and Too Yu thinks the date was wrongly communicated to hurry the princes to the capital. But there must be some other way of explaining Tso-she's statement, if it be correct.—The death of the sovereign was communicated to all the princes of the States, whose duty it then was to send off to the capital a high minister to take part in the preliminary funeral rites, and present the various offerings of money, silk, &c., required on such an occasion. The princes themselves did not go to the capital till the time of burial was arrived.
Par. 3. Who is denoted by the ?? here is all-undetermined. Tso-she reads ? instead of ?, and ?? is something like our 'royal lady,' meaning duke Yin's mother. Kung-yang and Kuh-leang both have ? and suppose that by ?? is intended some minister at the court of Chow of that surname, ? intimating that whatever office he held had become hereditary in his family. Many other explanations of the words have been attempted. The most probable appears to be that of Kin Le-ts'eang (A. D. 1,232—1,303), which is strongly advocated by Maou,—that the person intended was an officer of Ch'ing, of whom we shall read in Tso-she's Chuen, on the duke's 11th year, where the text here will again be touched on. Tso-she says that the term ? is used here for the lady's death, instead of ? for three reasons: because 1st, no notice of her death was sent to other States in covenant with Loo; 2d, duke Yin, on returning at mid-day from her burial, did not weep for her in his state apartment; 3d, he did not place her Spirit-tablet in the same shrine with that of Hwuy's grandmother, He adds that her burial is not recorded, because she is not styled ??, or [Hwuy's] wife; and that she is merely styled ??, without her surname, out of regard to the duke. [Much of this is needless trifling.]
[The Chuen has here the following narrative:— 'The dukes Woo and Chwang of Ch'ing had been high ministers at the court of king P'ing, and the king wished to divide the authority of Chwang between him and the duke of Kwoh. The earl resented the idea, and the king disclaimed it; and in consequence of this Chow and Ch'ing exchanged hostages, the king's son Hoo going as one to Ch'ing, and the earl's eldest son Hwuh going to Chow. On the king's death, the other ministers at the court proposed giving Ch'ing's office to Kwoh; and in the 4th month Chae Tsuh [the same as Chung of Chae in the narrative under the 3d p. of 1st year] led a force and carried away the wheat of Wun, and in the autumn, also the rice about Ching-chow, from which ensued enmity between Chow and Ch'ing.—A superior man may say, "If there be not good faith in the heart, hostages are of no use. If parties act with intelligence and with mutual consideration, their actions under the rule of propriety, although there be no exchange of hostages, they cannot be alienated. When there are intelligence and sincerity, what is grown by streams in the valleys, by ponds, and in pools, the gatherings of duck-weed, white southernwood, and pond-weed, in baskets round and square, and cooked in pans and pots with the water from standing pools and road hollows, may be presented to the Spirits, and set before kings and dukes; —much more may we conclude that when two princes are contracting their States in good faith, and their proceedings are according to the proper rules, there is no good in hostages. In the 'Lessons from the States' we have the Ts'ae fan (She, I.ii. II.), and the Ts'ae pin (ib., IV), and in the Ya we have the Hing Wei (III.ii. II), and the Heung choh (ib., VII.);—pieces which all show how truthfulness of heart and good faith may be manifested with slight things."']
Par. 4. We saw, in p. 4 of the 1st year, how the king sent funeral presents to Loo;—that was according to propriety. Now, on hearing of the king's death, Loo ought to have sent the proper presents to the court, and of money among them (????). The duke had not done so, failing in duty; and the court showed its weakness and want of self-respect in sending to ask for the contribution. The Woos must have been a family holding some hereditary office at court.
Par. 5. The death of the duke of Sung was communicated to Loo, and so the historiographers put it on record. The proper word for the death of the prince of a State is (?), but here we have (?); the reason being that, in the records of Loo, (?) could be used only of its own princes.
Here the Chuen has:—"Duke Muh [Ho's sacrificial title] of Sung being ill, he called to him K'ung-foo, his minister of War, and charged him to secure the succession to duke Shang, saying, "My predecessor passed by his son Yu-e, and left the State to unworthy me. I dare not forget his deed; and if by your powerful influence I succeed in preserving my head till I die in peace, should my brother ask about Yu-e, what answer shall I be able to return? I beg you to secure him the appointment to be lord of the altars, and then I shall be able to die without regret." The other replied, "All the officers wish to support your son P'ing." "That must not be," said the duke. "My brother deemed me worthy, and made me lord of the altars. If I now throw away my virtue, and do not yield the State to his son, I shall be nullifying his promotion of me, and not worthy to be deemed honourable. Should it not be my chief object to illustrate brightly the excellent virtue of my brother? Do not you, my friend and minister, nullify his merit." On this duke Muh's son, P'ing, was sent away to reside in Ch'ing; and when Muh died on the day Kang-shin, in the 8th month, duke Shang, succeeded him.—A superior man may say, "It may be pronounced of duke Seuen (who preceded Muh) of Sung that he knew men. He made Muh possess the State, and his own son came afterwards to the enjoyment of it;—the charge was according to righteousness. Are not the words in the sacrificial odes of Shang.'
"Right is it that Yin should have the appointment, And sustain all the dignities (She, IV.iv.III.)," descriptive of such a case?']
Par. 6. Ts'e was one of the most powerful States, a marquisate, whose capital was Yingk'ew (??), in pres. dis. of Lin-tsze (? ?), dep. Ts'ing-chow; but it extended much beyond the boundaries of that department. Its princes had the surname of Keang (?), and traced their lineage up to the chief minister of Yaou. Shih-mun belonged to Ts'e;—in the south-west of Ch'ang-ts'ing (??) dis., dept. Tse-nan. It probably took its name from some 'Stone-gate' or embankment of the river Tse. Tso-she says that in connection with this meeting, 'the carriage of the earl of Ch'ing was overturned in the Tse.'
Par. 7. The duke of Sung is mentioned here, with his honorary or sacrificial title of Muh (Kung and Kuh have ?), the burial taking place, of course, in his own State. We might translate—'We buried,' it being the rule that friendly States should send a great officer to represent them on such occasions;—and this Loo had here done.
[The Chuen appends here the following narrative about Wei:—
'Duke Chwang of Wei had married the sister of Tih-shin, the heir-son of the marquis of Ts'e, known as Chwang Keang. She was beautiful but childless, and it was of her that the people of Wei made the song of "the Great Lady (She, I.v.III.)." The duke then married a daughter of the House of Ch'in, called Le Kwei, who had a son called Heaou-pih that died early. Tae Kwei, who had accompanied her to the harem, had a son, who icas afterwards duke Hwan, and who was cherished by Chwang Keang as her own child. There was also Chow-yu, another son of the duke by a favourite concubine, a favoured child, and fond of his weapons, not restrained by the duke, but hated by Chwang Keang. Shih Tseoh remonstrated with the duke, saying, "Your servant has heard that, when you love a son, you should teach him righteous ways, and not help him on in the course of depravity. There are pride, extravagance, lewdness, and dissipation, by which one depraves himself; but these four vices come from over-indulgence and allowances. If you are going to make Chow-yu your successor, settle him in that position; if you have not yet decided on such a step, you are paving the way for him to create disorder. Few there are who can be favoured without getting arrogant; few arrogant who can submit themselves to others; few who can submit themselves without being indignant at their position; and few who can keep patient under such a feeling of indignancy. And moreover, there are what are called the six instances of insubordination, —when the mean stand in the way of the noble; or the young presume against their elders; or distant relatives cut out those who are near; or new friends alienate from the old; or a small Power attacks a great one; or lewdness defeats righteousness. The ruler righteous and the minister acting accordingly; the father kind and the son dutiful; the elder brother loving and the younger respectful:—these are what are called the six instances of what should be. To put away what should be and follow what should not be, is the way to accelerate calamity; and when a ruler of men accelerates the calamity which it should be his object to keep off, is not the case a deplorable one?" The duke did not listen to this remonstrance; and Tse&obreve;h's son, How, became a companion of Chow-yu. The father tried to restrain him, but in vain. When duke Hwan succeeded to his father, Tseoh withdrew from public life on the plea of old age.']
IV. Fourth year.
1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month, an army of Keu invaded Ke, and took Mow-low.
2 [On the day] Mow-shin, Chow-yu of Wei murdered his ruler, Hwan.
3 In summer, the duke and the duke of Sung met at Ts'ing.
4 The duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, an army of Ts'ae, and an army of Wei invaked Ch'ing.
5 In autumn, Hwuy led a force, and joined the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the army of Ts'ae, and the army of Wei, in the invasion of Ch'ing.
6 In the ninth month, the people of Wei put Chow-yu to death in Puh.
7 In winter, in the twelfth month, the people of Wei raised Tsin [to be marquis of the State].
Par. 1. Ke was a marquisate (its chiefs are also called earls and sometimes viscounts) whose capital at this time was Yung-k'ew (??) in dis. of Ke, dept. K'ae-fung. It lay between Keu on the south, and Ts'e and Ke (?) on the north. Its chiefs were descendants of the great Yu, and of course had the surname Sze (?);—see Ana. III.v. The capital was changed more than once in the period of the Ch'un Ts'ew. Mow-low was on its southern border, near to Keu;—in dis. Choo-shing (??). ?, 'took,' is said to denote that the place was easily taken. Keu seems to have retained it. Kung and Kuh say that this capture, being altogether foreign to Loo, should not have been recorded; but that Confucius entered it, to show his hatred of such an outrage on the part of Keu. especially as this is the 1st instance of the capture by one State of a city of another. recorded in this classic. But, no doubt, the capture was announced by Keu to Loo, and the record of it was en regle.
Par. 2. ? is the term appropriate to the murder of a ruler by a minister, or of a father by a son. To understand the record fully, refer to the last narrative under last year from the Chuen. Kuh-leang, here and below, has ? for ?; and deep meanings are found in the omission of ??. 'duke's son,' before the name;—about which we need not be particular. ? was the name of the son of duke Chwang of Wei, mentioned as himself duke Hwan (?) in the narrative referred to. It might appear that this par. belonged to the 2d month, but Too Yu remarks that in that month there was no Mow-shin day. The characters ?? should be at the commencement of the par.
Par. 3. ? is simply 'to meet,' as if without previous agreement, and this is the meaning put on the term here; but such an interpretation would be meaningless. Why should a casual incident of that nature be recorded? In the Le Ke, I. Pt.II.ii. 12, we are told that 'interviews between the princes before the time agreed upon were called ?. So Tso-she interprets the word here, and Too Yu calls the interview ????, 'a hurried arrangement.' Tso-she says:— 'In spring Chow-yu of Wei had murdered duke Hwan, and taken his place. The duke and the duke of Sung had arranged for a meeting as a sequel to their covenant at Suh [in the 1st year]; but before the time came, they got the news of the confusion in Wei.' In consequence of this, it would follow, they had only a hurried meeting. Ts'ing was in Wei,—in dis. of Tung-o (??), dep. Yen-chow.
Par. 4. Ch'in was a marquisate, having its chief city in Yuen-k'ew (??),—in pres. dis. of Hwae-ning (??), dep. Ch'in-chow (so called from the ancient State), Ho-nan. Its chiefs were Kweis (?), descended from Shun. Ch'in and Ts'ac were the most southern of the States of China proper in this period, and exposed consequently to danger from the barbarous Ts'oo, by which they were ultimately absorbed. Ts'ae also was a marquisate, with which king Woo invested his brother Shuh-too at the commencement of the dynasty;—in dep. Joo-ning (??), Ho nan. Its capital at this time was in Shang-ts'ae (??) dis. To understand the par., we must keep in mind the Chuen under par. 5, last year. Tso-she adds here:— 'When Shang came to the dukedom of Sung, P'ing, the son of duke Muh, fled to Ch'ing, where there was a wish to vindicate his right to Sung. And now, when Chow-yu had made himself marquis of Wei, he thought at once of putting to rights his father's grudge against Ch'ing [see the 2d Chuen after p. 5, 1st year], and of getting for himself the favour of the princes, in order to make his people better affected. He sent a message, therefore, to the duke of Sung, saying, "If you will invade Ch'ing to remove the danger that is there to yourself [i.e. Muh's son P'ing], you shall be chief of the expedition; and all my levies, as well as Ch'in and Ts'ae, will follow you:—this is the desire of the State of Wei." They acceded in Sung to the request; and as Ch'in and Ts'ae were then friendly with Wei, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, an army of Ts'ae, and an army of Wei, invaded Ch'ing, and laid siege for five days to the eastern gate of its capital;—when they returned.
'The duke of Loo asked Chung-chung whether Chow-yu of Wei would accomplish his ambition. "Your servant has heard," said the officer, 'that the people may be made well affected by virtue; I have not heard that they can be made so by violence. To use violence with that view is like trying to put silk in order and only ravelling it. Chow-yu relies on his military force, and can do cruel things. For his military likings the multitude will not cleave to him; and for his cruelty his relatives will not. With the multitude rebellious, and his friends leaving him. it will be difficult for him to be successful. Military weapons are like fire; if you don't lay the fire aside, it will burn yourself. Chow-yu murdered his prince, and he uses his people oppressively, thus not making excellent virtue his pursuit, but wishing to succeed by violence;—he will certainly not escape calamity."'
Par. 5. This Hwuy was an officer of Loo, a son, indeed, of the previous duke. He was afterwards concerned in the murder of duke Yin; and Kung and Kuh think that he is here men-tioned simply by his. name, denuded of the 'duke's son,' as the sage's punishment of him for his share in that deed. But this view is quite inadmissible. Tso-she thinks the omission shows Confucius' dislike of him in the incident here mentioned; but neither need we suppose that. The historiographers had merely entered his name The ?is little more than the ? of other paragraphs. The Chuen is:—' In the autumn, the princes again invaded Ch'ing, and the duke of Sung sent to ask the assistance of a force from Loo. Yu-foo [the designation of this Hwuy] asked leave to join them with a force. The duke refused, when he strongly urged his request, and went. Hence the brief record of the text, expressive of dislike to his conduct. The army of the princes defeated the footmen of Ch'ing, carried off the paddy from the fields, and returned.'
Par. 6. Here and in p. 7, ?? denotes 'the people of Wei,' as if the things recorded had the consent, and were, indeed, the doing of them all. Chow-yu might have been mentioned as ??, being the ruler de facto; but he had had occupied his position only for a short time, and the marquis Hwan was not yet buried. Puh was in Ch'in, near a river so named. Tsoshe gives the following account of Chow-yu's death:—
'Chow-yu finding himself unable to attach the people to himself, Shih Tseoh's son How asked his father how to establish the prince in the State. Shih said, "It may be done by his going and having an audience of the king." "But how can this audience be obtained?" "Duke Hwan of Ch'in," replied the father, "is now in favour with the king, and Ch'in," and Wei are on friendly terms. If the marquis go to the court of Ch'in, and get the duke to ask an audience for him, it may be got." On this How went with Chow-yu to Ch'in; but Shih Tseoh sent information to Ch'in, saying, "The State of Wei is narrow and small, and I am aged and can do nothing. These two men are the real murderers of my prince, and I venture to ask that you will instantly take the proper measures with them." The people of Ch'in made them prisoners, and requested Wei to send and manage the rest. In the 9th month, the people of Wei sent Ch'ow, the superintendent of the Right, who put Chow-yu to death, at Puh, and Shih Tseoh sent his steward, Now Yangkeen, who put Shih How to death in the capital of Ch'in. A superior man may say, "Shih Tseoh was a minister without blemish. He hated Chow-yu, with whom his own son How was art and part;—and did he not so afford an illustration of the saying that great righteousness is supreme over the affections?"'
Par. 7. Tsin was a brother of duke Hwan, and had fled to the State of Hing (?). They now sent to Hing for him, and raised him to the marquisate.
V. Fifth year.
1 In his fifth year, in spring, the duke [went] to see the fishermen at T'ang.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of duke Hwan of Wei.
3 In autumn, an army of Wei entered Shing.
4 In the ninth month, [the duke] completed the shrine-palace of Chung Tsze. For the first time he exhibited [only] six rows of pantomimes.
5 An army of Choo and an army of Ch'ing invaded Sung.
6 There were the ming-insects.
7In winter, in the twelfth month, duke [Heaou's] son K'ow died.
8 An army of Sung invaded Ch'ing, and besieged Ch'ang-koh.
Par. 1. Instead of ? Tso-she has ?,with the meaning of ?, 'to set in order,' 'to arrange.' Then ? is taken as—?? 'fishermen.' T'ang was in the dis. of Yu-t'ae, a long way from K'euh-fow where the court of Loo was. The name Yu-t'ae, (??), 'fishermen's tower,' remains, indeed, since A. D. 762, when the district was so called, a monument of the incident in this par. Tso-she's view of it then is, that the duke, neglecting the business of govt., went off for his own pleasure to T'ang, and there had the fishermen drawn up with all their equipments, and watched them as they proceeded to catch their prey. A great scholar, Yeh Mung-tih (A. D. 1077–1138), and others, take ? as — ?, 'to shoot;' and think that duke Yin, really seeking his own pleasure, went off to T'ang on the pretence that he was going to shoot fish for use in sacrifice!
The Chuen says:—'The duke being about to go to T'ang, to see the fishermen, Tsang He-pih remonstrated with him, saying. "All pursuit of creatures in which the great affairs of the State are not illustrated, and when they do not supply materials available for use in its various requirements, the ruler does not engage in. Into the idea of a ruler it enters that he lead and help the people on to what should be observed, and all the ramifications thereof. Hence the practice of exercises in admeasurement of the degrees of what should be observed is called fixing the rule, and the obtaining the materials supplied thereby for the ornament of the various requirements of the State, is the guiding principle to show what creatures should be pursued. Where there are no such admeasurement and no such materials, the government is one of disorder; and the frequent indulgence in a government of disorder is the way to ruin. In accordance with this there are the spring hunting, the summer hunting, the autumn hunting, and the winter hunting:—all in the intervals of husbandry, for the illustration of one great business of States. Then every three years, there is the grand military review; when it is over, the troops are all led back; and their return is announced by the cup of spirits in the temple:—all to take reckoning of the accoutrements and spoils; to display the various blazonry; to exhibit the noble and the mean; to distinguish the observance of order and ranks; to show the proper difference between the young and the old; to practise the various observances of discipline. Now when the birds and beasts are such that their flesh is not presented in the sacrificial vessels, and their skins, hides, teeth, bones, horns, feathers, and hair are not used in the furniture of the State, it was the ancient rule that our dukes should not shoot them. With the creatures found in the mountains, forests, streams and marshes; with the materials for ordinary articles of use; with the business of underlings; and with the charges of inferior officers:—with all these the ruler has nothing to do." The duke said, 'I will walk over the country;" and so he went. had the fishermen drawn up in order, and looked at their operations. He-pih gave out that he was ill, and did not accompany him. The text, "The duke reviewed a display of the fishermen at T'ang," intimates the impropriety of the affair, and tells moreover how far off the place was.'
[The Chuen adds here a note about Tsin (?):—
' Earl Chwang of K'euh-yuh, with an army of Ch'ing and an army of Hing, invaded Yih. The king sent his officers, the Heads of the Yin and Woo families, to assist him. The marquis of Yih fled to Suy.']
Par. 2. This burial was very late. more than double the regular 5 months after the prince's death;—owing to the confusion in which the State had been.
The Chuen adds here—
'In the 4th month, an army of Ch'ing fell suddenly on the city Muh of Wei, to revenge the siege of its eastern gate [see the Chuen on p. 4 of last year]. An army of Wei, aided by one of [the southern] Yen invaded Ch'ing in return. The officers of Ch'ing,—Chae Tsuh, Yuen Fan, and Seeh Kea, with three bodies of men, withstood them in front, and made the earl's two sons.—Manpih and Tsze-yuen, with another body, get stealthily behind them. The men of Yen were afraid of the three armies in their front, but had no anxiety about danger from the men of Che [a town of Ch'ing in their rear]; so that in the 6th month, the two princes, with the men of Che, defeated the army of Yen near the city, A superior man may say that without preparation and anxiety an army cannot be properly conducted.']
Part. 3. Shing (Kung has ?) was a small State, an earldom, held by the descendants of Shuh-woo (??), one of king Wăn's sons;— in dis. of Wăn-shang (??), dep. Yen-chow. Ace. to Tso-she, during the troubles of Wei, Shing had made an incursion into it; hence this retributive expedition.
Par. 4. ? is explained in the Urh-ya by ?, 'to complete;'—see the Shoo, V.xiii 24. Fuh Keen (?*; towards the end of the Han dyn.) contends that '? is the name of the sacrifice offered immediately after the completion of the shrine-house (????,? ???);' which seems to be the view also of Too Yu. But the sacrifice was the sequence of the finishing of the temple; and we need not extend the meaning of ? beyond that of the erection of the building. Chung Tsze was the mother of duke Hwan, who was now heir to the State; but she was only the second wife of duke Hwuy. The tablet of the 1st and proper wife had already received its proper place; and the erection of a separate house for that of Chung Tsze was a device to please the young prince, but not according to rule. A feeling of this seems to have prompted the exhibition of six rows of pantomimes, as recorded in the last part of the par. ?, 'feathers,' is here=' feather-wavers,' i.e., the pantomimes, who waved the feathers of pheasants in harmony with the music which was played. Of such performers the kings used 8 rows, each consisting of 8 men. at their sacrifices, while the princes of States could only use 6 rows, each of 6 men. But it had been granted to the princes of Loo to use the kingly number in sacrifice to the duke of Chow, their great ancestor, and they had usurped the privilege so as to use it in sacrificing to his descendants;—and on the occasion in the text duke Yin employed only the ordinary number used in sacrificing to the prince of a State. The Chuen says:—'In the ninth month, having completed the shrine-palace for Chung Tsze, the pantomimes were about to be exhibited. The duke asked Chung-chung about their number, who replied, "The emperor uses 8 rows; princes of States, 6; great officers, 4; and scholars, 2. Now the dancing is employed in harmony with the instruments of music, and the motion of the 8 winds of the year; the number of them therefore descends in gradation from 8 rows." On this the duke for the 1st time exhibited only 6 feather-wavers, and used 6 rows.'
Par 5. The Chuen on this has:—
'The people of Sung had taken some fields from Choo; and the people of Choo informed the earl of Ch'ing, saying, "If you will now vent your indignation on Sung, our poor town will lead the way for you." An officer of Ch'ing, aided by a king's army, joined the forces of Choo, and attacked Sung, penetrating to the suburbs of its capital;—in revenge again for the siege of the eastern gate of Ch'ing. They sent off an account of their circumstances from Sung to Loo; and when the duke heard that the enemy was in the suburbs of its capital, he was about to proceed to the relief of Sung. Asking the messenger, however, how far the enemies' army had got, the man replied, "They have not yet reached our city." The duke was angry, and stopped his measures, dismissing the messenger with the words, "Your prince in his message requested me to have compassion on the peril in which his altars were, and now you tell me that the enemy has not reached your city;—I dare not take any notice of the case."'
Par. 6. This is the record of a plague (?); —'some evil caused by the misconduct of men (?,????).' The ming is described as a grub that eats the heart of the growing grain (??????);'—it developes into the locust (???). It is named from the place of its injurious action, lying hid in the heart of the plant (????)
Par. 7. This Kung-tsze K'ow is the same as the Tsang He-pih in the Chuen on p.1. K'ow was his name, and his designation was Tszetsang (??). His grandchildren would first receive the clan-name of Tsang, from his designation; and he is so surnamed in the Chuen as the ancestor of the Tsang family. He (?) is the honorary title given after his death. On this par. the Chuen says:—'On the death of Tsang He-pih, the duke said, "My uncle was angry with me [i.e., for not listening to his remonstrance]; but I dare not forget his faithfulness." He caused him to be buried with the honours of one rank above what was his due.'
Par. 8. Ch'ang-koh was a town of Ch'ing;— its name remains in the dis. of Ch'ang-koh, in Heu (?) Chow, Ho-nan. This expedition, Tso-she observes, was in return for Ch'ing's attack of Sung mentioned in par.5.
VI. Sixth year.
1 In [the duke's] sixth year, in spring, an officer of Ch'ing came [to Loo] with overtures of peace.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on [the day] Sin-Yew, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, when they made a covenant at Gae.
3 [It was] autumn, the seventh month.
4 In winter, an army of Sung took Ch'ang-koh.
Par. 1. The text here has ??,with Kung and Kuh, while Tso-she reads ?? But both the former commentators explain their phrase by ??, 'to the ruin of peace.' Tso-she explains his by ??, ='which changed their relations of enmity, and there was peace,' ? meaning ?, 'to change.' Later critics have taken ? in the sense of ?, 'to present,' to offier;' and thus a meaning is got out of the more likely reading, which comes to the same as the view of Tso-she. There was reason for the overture of peace on the part of Ch'ing. Before Yin succeeded his father, he had been taken prisoner in an expedition against Ch'ing, and detained there. He made his escape, but might be supposed to be ill-affected towards it. When, however, he rejected the applicaton from Sung the year before for assistance against Ch'ing, that State thought the time a favourable one for initiating proposals that Loo and it should be at amity.
[The Chuen has here another note about the affairs of Tsin:—
The nine original clan-branches of Yih [i.e., Tsin], with the representatives of the five ministers of the time of Yin, and Kea-foo, son of K'ing-foo, went to meet the marquis of Tsin in Suy [see the Chuen after 1st par of last year], and escorted him back to Goh. The people of Tsin called him the marquis of Goh].
Par. 2. Gae was a hill in Loo;—in the northwest of the dis. of Mung-yin (??), dep. Ts'ing-chow. Loo and Ts'e had been at feud before the time at which the Ch'un Tsew opens. This meeting and covenant were the commencement of peace between them.
[the Chuen here adds:—'In the 5th month, on the day Kăng-shin, the earl of Ch'ing made a sudden raid into Ch'in, and got great spoil. The year before, the earl had requested peace from Ch'in, when his proposals were rejected. Woo-foo remonstrated with the marquis of Ch'in, saying, "Intimacy with the virtuous and friendship with its neighbours are the jewels of a State. Do you grant Ch'ing's request." The marquis replied, 'My difficulties are with Sung and Wei; what can Ch'ing do?" And so he repulsed Ch'ing.
'A superior man may say, Good relations should not be lost, and evil relations should not be prolonged;—does not this seem to be illustrated in the case of duke Hwan of Ch'in? When a man goes on to prolong enmity, the consequences naturally come upon himself; and though he may wish deliverance from them, he will not obtain it. The Shang Shoo says, "The evil issues of enmity develope easily, as when there is a fire blazing on a plain. It cannot be approached, and still less can it be beaten out (Shoo, IV.vii. Pt. i.12)." Chow Jin [see Ana. XVI.I.6.] has said, "The Head of a State or of a clan looks upon evil relations as a husbandman looks upon weeds or grass, which must be removed. He cuts down, kills them, collects them, and heaps them up, extirpating their roots that they may not be able to grow; and then the good grain stretches itself out."']
Par. 3. There was nothing to record in all the autumn of this year; but still it was necessary, according to the scheme of these annals, to indicate the season and the 1st month of it.
Par. 4. See the siege of this place in the last par. of last year. Too Yu says that the siege had then been unsuccessful, but that Sung returned this year, and took the place by surprise. He says also, after Tso-she, that the capture was made in autumn, but was only communicated in winter to Loo, so that the historiographers entered it under that season. But as Sung was held by the representatives of the House of Shang, its months would be those of that dynasty, and part of its autumn would be Chow's winter.
[Tso-she appends here the following two Chuen:—
'In winter, an announcement came from the capital of famine there, to meet which the duke asked the courts of Sung, Ts'e, Wei, and Ch'ing, to be allowed to purchase grain in their States. This was proper.'
'The earl of Ch'ing went to Chow, and for the first time sought an audience of king Hwan. The king did not receive him courteously, when the duke Hwan of Chow said to him, "Our Chow's removal to the east was all through the help of Tsin and Ch'ing. You should treat Ch'ing well, to encourage other princes to come to court;—and still there is fear that they will not come. Now when he receives discourtesy, Ch'ing will not come again."']
VII. Seventh year.
1 In his seventh year, in spring, in the king's third month, the duke's third daughter went to the harem of Ke.
2 The marquis of T'ăng died.
3 In summer, we walled Chung-k'ew.
4 The marquis of Ts'e sent his younger brother Neen [to Loo] with friendly inquiries.
5 In autumn, the duke invaded Choo.
6 In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the earl of Fan to Loo with friendly inquiries.
7 The Jung attacked the earl of Fan at Ts'oo-k'ew, and carried him back with them.
Par. 1. The marriage of the duke's eldest daughter to the marquis of Ke is entered in the 2d year, pp. 5,6. There the ? = 'went to be married to,' 'went as the wife;' here the ? has only the significance which appears in the translation. When the daughter of a State was married, the rule was that she should be accompanied by a half-sister and a cousin (—?— ?). Then two other States sent each a princess to attend her (????), each of whom was similarly accompanied by two relatives. Thus altogether a prince's marriage brought nine ladies to his harem (??? ???). In the case in the text, the girl had been too young to accompany her sister in the 2d year, and had waited five years, till she reached the statutory age of 15, and could proceed to Ke. She appears twice again in the classic; and it is contended that such prominence was given to her, humble though her rank, to mark the sage's sense of her worthiness.
Par. 2. T'ăng was a small State:— in dis. of T'ăng, dept. Yen-chow, held by the descendants of Shuh-sew (??), one of king Woo's brothers. Its chief is here styled marquis, but afterwards he appears only as viscount, his rank having been reduced. According to the general practice of the Ch'un Ts'ew, the name as well as the title should be given in the notice of the death. The want of the name here is probably an omission of the historiographer; but Tso-she says that it is in rule, because duke Yin and the marquis had never covenanted together.
He adds. 'At covenants between the princes, they were mentioned by name; and therefore on the death of one of them, his name was given when the event was communicated to other States. At the same time his successor was also mentioned.—for the continuance of friendship, and the assurance of the people. This was one of the standing regulations of the kingdom.'
Par. 3. Chung-k'ew was in dis. of Lan-shan (??), dep. E-chow. No doubt there was some exigency requiring it to be fortified. Tsoshe, however, says the record is made, because of the unseasonableness of the undertaking, calling the people off from their field labours.
Par. 4. Tso-she tells us that this Neen's designation was E-chung (??), and that the visit in the text was to cement the covenant made the year before (p. 2) by Loo and Ts'e. These p'ing or missions of friendly inquiries were regular institutions. by which the princes maintained a good understanding with one another;—see the Le Ke, I., Pt. II. ii. 12, ?? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?. The employment by Ts'e of the prince's brother, instead of the officer usually charged with such a mission, was a special honour done to Loo. From the Chow Le, Bk. XXXVIII., p. 24, we learn that among States in the same quarter of the empire, there ought to have been every year 'the interchange of inquiries (??),' and every two years 'the interchange of p'ing (???).' Conciliatory offerings of silk and pieces of jade were made at such times.
Par. 5. Acc. to the Chuen, this attack of Choo was a cowardly proceeding on the part of Loo; and a covenant of peace had been made between the two States, not long before;—see the 1st year, p. 2.—'This autumn, Sung and Ch'ing made peace, and in the 7th month, on the day Kăng-shin, covenanted at Suh. The duke proceeded to attack Choo,—so punishing it to gratify Sung.'
Par. 6. This earl of Fan was a high minister and noble at the court. Fan was in the pres. dis. of Hwuy (?), dep. Wei-hwuy, Ho-nan. Not only was there an interchange of friendly missions among the princes themselves, but also between them and the king. Indeed, the king was supposed to send annually to every one of them to inquire about his welfare (??? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?, ? ? ?; Chow Le, XXXVIII. 17); but as Ch'ing E observes, for the king to send such a mission to Yin, who had never sent one to court, was derogatory to his dignity (???).
Par. 7. These Jung are probably the same as those mentioned in the 2d year, pp. 1, 5. Ts'oo-k'ew was in the east of the pres. dis. of Ts'aou, dept. Ts'aou-chow. The incident shows how lawless the time was. The Chuen relates that, some time before, the Jung had presented themselves at Chow in homage, and distributed presents among the high ministers, but that the earl of Fan had not received them courteously. They took advantage therefore of the opportunity presented by his return from Loo, attacked him, and carried him off. ??, according to Kung-yang means that the Jung made the earl prisoner (??); but Too Yu says that they did not seize him (???), influenced, probably, by a remark of Kuh-leang that the phrase denotes something lighter than seizure (???). And the K'ang-he editors say this interpretation is much the better of the two. They are also stumbled at the use of the word 'attacked' in p. 6, as too weighty for the occasion. There, however, ? is; and I apprehend ?? also is only a gentle way of telling that the earl was captured and carried off.
[The Chuen has here:—
'Ch'in and Ch'ing made peace. In the 12th month, Woo-foo of Ch'in went to Ch'ing, and on the day Jin-shin made a covenant with the earl, and smeared his mouth with the blood of the victim, as if he were forgetting what he was doing. Seeh Pih said, "Woo-foo will not escape a violent death. This covenant will be of no use to him." Leang Tso of Ch'ing went to Ch'in and on the day Sin-sze made a covenant with the marquis, when he also perceived the disorders which were imminent in Ch'in.'
'Hwuh, son of the earl of Ch'ing, had lived at the king's [as a hostage; see the Chuen, after p.3 of the 3d year]; and on this account [i.e., according to Too Yu, thinking it likely he would be a favourite with the king] the marquis of Ch'in proposed to give him his daughter to wife. The earl acceded to the proposal, and the marriage was determined on.']
VIII.Eighth year.
1 In [the duke's] eighth year, in spring, the duke of Sung and the marquis of Wei met at Chuy.
2 In the third month, the earl of Ch'ing sent Yuen [to Loo] to give up Păng.
3 On [the day] Kăng-yin we entered Păng.
4 In summer, in the sixth month, on [the day] Ke-hae, K'aou-foo, marquis of Ts'ae, died.
5 On [the day] Sin-hae, the baron of Suh died.
6 In autumn, in the seventh month, on [the day] Kăngwoo, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ts'e, and the marquis of Wei made a covenant at Ya-uh.
7 In the eighth month, there was the burial of duke Seuen of Ts'ae.
8 In the ninth month, on [the day] Sin-maou, the duke and an officer of Keu made a covenant at Fow-lae.
9 There were the ming-insects.
10 In winter, in the twelfth month, Woo-Heae died.
Par. 1. On this paragraph Tso-she says:— 'The marquis of Ts'e wanted to bring about peace between Sung and Wei on the one hand and Ch'ing on the other, and had fixed a time for a meeting with the princes of the two former States. The duke of Sung, however, sent presents to Wei, and begged that the marquis and himself might have a previous meeting between themselves. The marquis agreed, and they met accordingly at K'euen-k'ew.' Regulated by this account, the meaning of ? differs slightly from that laid down on par. 3 of the 4th year. The idea, however, of a 'hurried' meeting remains. The meeting proposed by Ts'e was held in the 7th month; this was a preliminary meeting of Sung and Wei to consider how they should receive Ts'e's proposals. K'euen-k'ew in the Chuen, and Chuy in the text, are two names of the same place;—Too-yu says it was in Wei, on the north of the dep. city of Ts'aou-chow; but see on II. i.2.
Par. 2. Tso-she says here:—'The earl of Ch'ing intimated his wish to give up the sacrifice at mount T'ae, and to sacrifice to the duke of Chow, and to exchange therefore Păng near mount T'ae for the fields of Heu. In the 3d month, accordingly, he sent Yuen to give up Păng to Loo, and no more used the mount T'ae sacrifice.' But to understand this, an explanation is necessary, which is supplied by Too Yu.—When king Ching built the city of Loh, and was meditating the removal of his capital to it, he granted to the duke of Chow the lands of Heu (in the southwest of the present Heu Chow, dep. K'ae-fung), where the princes of Loo might reside when they visited Loh on state occasions; and subsequently a temple was built there to the duke of Chow. But the first earl of Ch'ing, as a brother of king Seuen, had the town of Păng, near mount T'ae, where he and his successors might rest, when called there on occasion of the king's eastern progresses, and having then to assist at the sacrifices on or to the mountain. Owing to the decay of the royal House, there was now an end of the kingly progresses. The earl concluded that Ch'ing had no farther occasion for Păng, and therefore offered it to Loo, to which it was near, in exchange for Heu, which was near to Ch'ing, volunteering to maintain there Loo's sacrifice to the duke of Chow.—If all this be correct, yet we know that Loo's part of the arrangement did not take effect for some time;—see the 1st year of duke Hwan, p. 2. Yuen, of course, was an officer of Ch'ing.
Par. 3. Kung and Kuh lay great stress on the mention of the day here;—but without reason. The use of ?, however, seems strange, as that character should denote a hostile entry.
[The Chuen appends here:—
'In summer, Ke-foo, duke of Kwoh, for the first time became a high minister and noble at the court of Chow.'
'In the 4th month, on the day Keah-shin, Hwuh, son of the earl of Ch'ing, went to Ch'in, and met his Kwei bride. On the day Sin-hae, he commenced his return with her. On the day Keah-yin, they entered the capital of Ch'ing, the officer Keen of Ch'in acting as escort to the lady. The prince was first mated, and then announced the thing in the ancestral temple. The officer Keen said, "These are not husband and wife;—he is imposing on his fathers. The proceeding is improper, How can they expect to have children?"']
Par. 5. Suh;—see on p. 5 of 1st year. The name of the baron should follow the title, but is wanting;—through an omission of the historiographer.
Par. 6. The meeting here is that spoken of in the Chuen on par 1, as called by Ts'e. Attention is called to it by critics as the first meeting in the Ch'un-Ts'ew when more than two princes came together to consult and covenant on the affairs of the time. As it was called by the marquis of Ts'e, he should appear 1st on the list; but, says Too Yu, he did honour to the duke of Sung, ceding the presidency of the meeting to him. Tso-she says they first met at Wăn, and then covenanted together at Ya-uh. A reconciliation was effected between Sung and Wei and Ch'ing, and the siege of Ch'ing's eastern gate was condoned Ya-uh was in the king's domain,—20 le south of the dis. city of Weich'uen (??), dep. K'ae fung.
Par. 7. [To this the Chuen appends:— "In the 8th month, on theday Ping-seuh, the earl of Ch'ing, through the marquis of Ts'e, appeared at court. This was proper.']
Par. 8. Fow (Kung and Kuh read ?)-lae was in Keu;—20 le west of the pres. city of Keu Chow. In the 2d year, p. 7, we have a meeting between the count of Keu and an officer to bring about a good understanding between Keu and Loo. This was the sequel of that,—'to carry out the good wishes of Ke.'
Par. 9. See on paragraph 5, 5th year.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In winter, the marquis of Tse sent a messenger to inform the duke that he had effected the pacification of the three States [Sung, Wei, and Ch'ing]. The duke sent Chung-chung to reply to him, "That you have reconciled the conflicting schemes of the three States, and given rest and settlement to their people, is your kindness, O prince. I have heard your message, and dare not but accept and acknowledge your bright virtue."'
Par. 10. Woo-Heae;—see paragraph 3 of the 2d year. The Chuen has here:—'On the death of Woo-Heae, Yu-foo [the designation of Hwuy, IV., 5] requested for him an honorary title and a clan-name. The duke asked Chung-chung about the clan-name. who replied, 'When the Son of Heaven [would ennoble the virtuous, he gives them surnames from their birth-places (or the birth-places of their ancestors]; he rewards them with territory, and the name of it becomes their clan-name. The princes again confer the clan-name from the designation of the grandfather, or from his honorary title [the text is here difficult to construe]. Or when merit has been displayed in one office by members of the same family for generations, the name of that office may become the clan-name, or the name of the city held by the family may become so." The duke determined that Woo-keae's clan-name should be Chen, from the designation of his grandfather (???).'
Too Yu illustrates what the Chuen says about the procedure of the king by the case of the chiefs of Ch'in. They were descended from Shun, who was born near the river Kwei; hence they got the surname of Kwei. When they were invested with Ch'in, that became their clan-name, to distinguish them from other branches of Shun's descendants. He says further, that the princes of States could not confer surnames (?), but only clan-names (?), which they did in the way described.
But while the theory of surnames and clannames in ancient China may have been as here described, they were often assumed and acknowledged without any conferring on the part of the king or the princes. See Maou K'e-ling in loc. He says:—'When a ruler of Loo died, the event was recorded; when the ruler of another State died, that also was recorded, when the announcement of it arrived. The deaths of great officers, scions of the ruling family, were sometimes recorded and sometimes not; with the accompaniment of their clan-names or without; and with the mention of the month and day of the death or without it:—all this proceeded from the historiographers of Loo, and the Master simply transcribed their record without making any change in it himself. We have here the mention of Woo-Heae's death, without his clan-name, just as we have similar records of other officer's in IV. 5.;IX.3; &c.
'Now according to the ordinary view of the matter, the clan-name was only conferred on men who had been distinguished for their virtue. But on this principle few officers mentioned in the Ch'un Ts'ew could have received it, whereas we find it given to many of the worst characters, and to be abhorred for their flagrant wickedness. It is Impossible to suppose that the clan-names of the officers of Loo were all given by the marquises. The general rule was that the son of a deceased ruler was styled ? ?, or "duke's son;" his son again, ? ? ? or "duke's grandson." But in the next descent, the son took as a matter of course the designation of his grandfather, or his honorary title, or the name of his office, or of his city, and made it his own clan-name. One surname branched out into many clan-names, and one clan-name branched out again into many family names (? ? ? ? ?,? ? ? ? ? ?). Tso-she would make it appear here that Woo-Heae had no clan-name till after his death;—which is not to be believed, His record of events is very much to be relied on; but as to every ten of his devices to explain the style of the classic, he is sure to be mistaken in five or six of them.'
IX.Ninth year.
1 In [the duke's] ninth year, in spring, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Nan Ke to Loo with friendly inquiries.
2 In the third month, on the day Kwei-Yew, there was great rain, with thunder and lightning. On [the day] Kăngshin there was a great fall of snow.
3 Heeh died.
4 In summer, we walled Lang.
5 It was autumn, the seventh month.
6 In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Fang.
Par. 1. See on p. 6 of 7th year. Nan is the clan-name, and Ke the designation of the officer, the king's messenger.
Par. 2. The Chuen says on this:—'In spring, in the king's 3d month, on the day Kwei-Yew, there was great rain without ceasing, accompanied with thunder;—this describes the beginning of the storm. On the day Kăng-shin, there was a great fall of snow;—this also in the same way describes its unseasonableness. When rain continues for more than three days, it is called a great rain (?). When it lies a foot deep on the ground, there has been a great fall of snow.' The 3d month of Chow's spring was only the 1st month of spring, when thunder and much snow were certainly unseasonable phænomena.
Par. 3. Heeh (Kung and Kuh have ?) was an officer of Loo, a scion of the ruling House, belonging, Tso-she would say, to a branch which had not yet received a clan-name.
Par. 4. See the Chuen after p. 2, 1st year. Lang was in the north-east of pres. dis. city of Yu-t'ae (??). The walling Lang at this time, Tso-she says, was unseasonable.
Par. 5. See on VI. 3.
Par. 6. Fang (Kung and Kuh have ?) was in Loo;—in dis. of Pe, dep. E-chow. As preliminary to the meeting here, the Chuen has:— 'The duke of Sung had not been discharging his duty to the king [by appearing at court], and the earl of Ch'ing, as the king's minister of the Left, assumed a king's order to punish him, and invaded Sung, the duke of which, resenting our duke's conduct when his suburbs were entered, [see Chuen on V. 5], sent no information of his present difficulties. Our duke was angry, and broke off all communication with Sung. In autumn, an officer of Ch'ing came announcing the king's command to attack Sung; and in winter the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Fang, to arrange for doing so.'
[The Chuen appends here the following narrative:—'The northern Jung [their seat was in pres. dep. of Yung-p'ing, Chih-le] made a sudden raid into Ch'ing. The earl withstood them, but was troubled by the nature of their troops, and said, "They are footmen, while we have chariots. The fear is lest they fall suddenly upon us." His son Tuh said, 'Let a body of bold men, but not persistent, feign an attack upon the thieves, and then quickly draw off from them; and at the same time place three bodies in ambuscade to be ready for them. The Jung are light and nimble, but have no order; they are greedy and have no love for one another; when they conquer, no one will yield place to his fellow; and when they are defeated, no one tries to save another. When their front men see their success [in the retreat of our skirmishers], they will think of nothing, but to push forward. When they are thus advancing, and fall into the ambush, they will be sure to hurry away in flight. Those behind will not go to their rescue, so there will be no support to them; and thus your anxiety may be relieved." The earl followed this plan. As soon as the front men of the Jung met with those who were in ambuscade, they fled, pursued by Chuh Tan. Their detachment was surrounded; and smitten both in front and in rear, till they were all cut to pieces. The rest of the Jung made a grand flight. It was in the 12th month, on the day Keah-yin that the army of Ch'ing inflicted this great defeat on the Jung.']
X.Tenth year.
1 In his tenth-year, in spring, in the king's second month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing in Chung-k'ew.
2 In summer, Hwuy led a force, and joined n officer of Ts'e and an officer of Ch'ing in an invasion of Sung.
3 In the sixth month, on [the day] Jin-seuh, the duke defeated an army of Sung at Kwan.
4 On the day Sin-we, we took Kaou; on the day Sin-sze, we took Fang.
5 In autumn, an army of Sung and an army of Wei entered Ch'ing.
6 The army of Sung, the army of Ts'ae, and the army of Wei attacked Tae. The earl of Ch'ing attacked and took them [all.]
7 In winter, in the tenth month, on the day Jin-woo, an army of Ts'e and an army of Ch'ing entered Shing.
Par. 1. Chung-k'ew,—see VII. 3. This meeting was a sequel to that in p. 6 of last year. The Chuen says on it:—'In the 1st month, the duke had a meeting with the princes of Ts'e and Ch'ing in Chung-k'ew, and on the day Kwei-ch'ow they made a covenant in Tang, settling the time when they should take the field.' From this it appears they made a covenant at this time; and to the question why it is not recorded in the text, all that Too Yu can say is that the duke only mentioned the meeting in the report he took back to his ancestral temple. Too also observes that the day Kwei-Ch'ow was the 26th of the 1st month, and that second month in the text must be an error. But all through this year, as often in other years, the months and days of the King and Chuen do not accord.
Par. 2. The Chuen on this is:—In summer, in the 5th month, Yu-foo, preceding the duke, joined the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing in invading Sung.' If this be correct, then both the marquis and earl are simply styled ? 'man' in the text;—contrary to the general usage of the Work, where ? either denotes an officer, not of very high rank, or a force under the command of such an officer. Agreeing with the Chuen, Too Yu says that Hwuy hurried away, ambitious of joining the two princes, and without waiting for orders from the duke, and that therefore his name only is mentioned by the sage. But this is not more reasonable than the theory of Kung and Kuh mentioned on p. 5 of the 4th year. The text leads us to suppose that the princes of Loo, Ts'e, and Ch'ing all sent officers and troops against Sung, in anticipation of their own advance.
Par. 3. The Chuen is:—'In the 6th month, on the day Mow-shin, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing at Laou-t'aou, and on the day Jin-seuh he defeated an army of Sung at Kwan.' Too Yu from this concludes that Ts'e and Ch'ing were dilatory, and had not united their forces with Loo, when the duke seized an advantage presented by the army of Sung, unprepared for action, and defeated it. The situation of Kwan does not appear to have been identified. Too says it was in Sung.
Par. 4. The Chuen is:—'On the day Kăngwoo, the army of Ch'ing entered Kaou, and on Sin-we the earl gave it over to us. On Kăng-shin his army entered Fang, and on Sin-sze he gave it also over to us.' From the text we should infer that both Kaou and Fang were taken by the troops of Loo. Tso-she, however, goes on to moralize over his narrative:—'The superior man will say that in this matter duke Chwang of Ch'ing may be pronounced a correct man. With the king's command he was punishing a prince who had forsaken the court. Not coveting his territory for himself, he rewarded with it the higher nobility of Loo:—this was a fine instance of correctness.' Kaou was 80 le to the south-east from the pres. dis. city of Shing-woo (? ?), dep. Yen-chow. Fang was also in Yen-chow, west of the dis. city of Kin-Heang (??).
[The Chuen adds here:—'The people of Ts'ae, of Wei, and of Shing, did not unite with Ch'ing and the others at the king's command.']
Par. 5. This was intended as a diversion, to compel Ch'ing to withdraw from Sung.
Par. 6. Tae was a small State, having its chief city in pres. dis. of K'aou-shing (? ?), dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. Its lords had the surname of ?, and must have been some branch, therefore, of the old House of Sung. It would appear that the officers of Sung and Wei, after entering Ch'ing, had been joined by a body of troops from Ts'ae, and then turned aside to attack Tae. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, in the 7th month, the army of Ch'ing entered its own borders and was still there, when the troops of Sung and Wei entered the State. These were joined by a force from Ts'ae, and proceeded to attack Tae. In the 8th month, on the day Jin-seuh, the earl of Ch'ing surrounded Tae; on Kwei-hae, he reduced it; taking at the same time the three armies. After Sung and Wei had entered Ch'ing, and then taken occasion to attack Tae, they called the forces of Ta'ae to co-operate with them. The men of Ts'ae were angry, so that there was discord among themselves, and they were defeated.' Kung and Kuh both understand ?, as many students do on a first look at the text, as referring to Tae, and seem to think that Ch'ing all at once made common cause with Sung, Wei, and Ts'ae and with their help took the city. But this is quite inconsistent with the relations of these States and Ch'ing. Hoo Gan-kwoh is of opinion that Ch'ing took advantage of the open strife and secret dissatisfaction between Tae, Sung, Wei, and Ts'ae, and so took the city and defeated the forces of the-other three States. This is the view, followed in the 'History of the Divided States,' in its lively account of the affair. Upon the whole, the narrative in the Chuen is to be preferred, though it would be more easy to understand ? ?if it were spoken of the capture of a city.
[There is a short Chuen appended here, that 'in the 9th month, on the day Mow-yin, the earl of Ch'ing again entered Sung.'].
Par. 7. This is understood from the Chuen appended to p. 4. Tso says here that the allies 'entered Shing to punish its disobedience to the king's command.' Shing,—see on p. 3 of the 5th year.
XI.Eleventh year.
1 In [the duke's] eleventh year, in spring, the marquis of T'ăng and the marquis of Seeh appeared at the court [of Loo].
2 In summer, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Ch'ing at She-lae.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on the day Jin-woo, the duke, with the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing, entered Heu.
4 In winter, in the eleventh month, on [the day] Jin-shin, the duke died.
Par. 1. ? is here, of course, a verb; but it is difficult to give an exact rendering of it. Kung-yang says that the ch'aou was of the same nature as the p'ing,—a friendly visit,' the difference being that the visitors in the p'ing were officers, representing the princes, whereas in the ch'aou, the princes appeared themselves (? ? ? ? ?,? ? ? ? ?). According to the rules of the Chow dynasty, every prince within 'the five tenures' was required to appear at the king's court, at least once, every six years;—see the Shoo V. xx. 14, and note; but this statute was little observed in the time of the Ch'un Ts'ew. The princes were also required to appear at one another's courts. Tsoshe says, on p. 3 of the 15th year of duke Wăn, that they did so once in 5 years; but acc. to the Chow Le, XXXVIII. 24, a prince visited his brother princes at their courts only once (? ? ?). Whatever the rule was, there was now no consistency in the observance of it.
Seeh was a marquisate, near to T'ăng, having its chief town 40 le south of the pres. dis. city which still bears the name of T'ăng. Its lords were recognized as descended from Hwang-te, and had the surname of Jin (?).
In connection with this par., the Chuen says; —'The two princes contended which should have the precedence. The marquis of Seeh said, "My fief is the older." The marquis said, "My ancestor was the chief minister of divination to Chow. Yours is a different surname from that of our royal House. I cannot go after you." The duke sent a request by Yu-foo to the marquis of Seeh, saying, "Your lordship and the lord of T'ăng have condescended to visit me. There is a common saying in Chow, 'The mountain has trees, but the workman measures them; Guests have certain rules, but the host selects them.' Now the House of Chow at covenants first records the princes of its own surname, and those of different surnames come after. If I were at the court of Seeh, I should not dare to take rank with the Jin. If your lordship will condescend to confer kindness on me, allow me to make a request in favour of T'ăng in this matter." The marquis of Seeh agreed, and gave the precedence to the marquis of T'ăng.'
Par. 2. After ? Kung and Kuh have ? ?. For ?? Kung has * ?, and Tso simply *. She-lae was in Ch'ing, 40 le to the east of the dep. city of K'ae-fung. The meeting was preliminary to the invasion of Heu, the result of which we have in the next par. The Chuen says:—'The duke and the earl of Ch'ing met at Lae, to make arrangements for the invasion of Heu. The earl being about to attack Heu, in the 5th month, on the day Keah-shin he took his weapons of war out of the grand temple. Kung-sun Oh and Ying K'aou-shuh contended for a chariot [a prize offered by the earl to the strongest of his officers]. K'aou-shuh took the curved end of the chariot pole under his arm, and ran off with it, while Tsze-too [the designation of Kung-sun Oh] seized his spear, and pursued him as far as the highway, without coming up with him. Tsze-too was enraged.' See this Chuen and the next told graphically in the ? ? ?,? ? ?
Par. 3. Heu was a small State, which has left its name in the pres. Heu Chow, Ho-nan. Its lords were barons, having the surname Keang (?), and being descended from Yaou's chief minister, the 'Four Mountains' of the 1st Book of the Shoo. The State was on the south of Ch'ing, and suffered much from that greater Power, being often reduced to the verge of extinction, but manifesting a wonderful tenacity of life. Its capital at this time was Heu-ch'ang (??), 30 le to the east of the pres. Chow city: The Chuen is:—'On the day Kăng-shin, the three princes were close to Heu, when Ying K'aou-shuh took the flag mow-hoo of the earl of Ch'ing, and was the first to mount the wall. Tsze-too pierced him with an arrow from below, and he fell down dead. Hea Shuh-ying took up the flag, and again mounting the wall with it, he waved it all about, and shouted, "Our lord has mounted." All the army of Ch'ing then forced their way up; and on the day Jin-woo the princes entered Heu, duke Chwang of which fled to Wei. The marquis of Ts'e refused to accept Heu, and wished the duke to take it; but the duke said, "You said, my Lord, that the baron of Heu did not perform his duty, and I therefore followed you to punish him. He has paid the penalty of his crime; but, as to his State, I dare not take any notice even of your commands.' Heu therefore was given to Ch'ing, the earl of which made Pih-le, an officer of Heu, take charge of a younger brother of the baron who had fled, and reside with him in the eastern border of the State, saying, "Heaven has sent calamity on Heu;—it must be that the Spirits were not pleased with its lord, and made use of me, unworthy as I am, to punish him. But I have not been able to secure the repose of my uncles and cousins in Ch'ing;— dare I consider that Heu has come to me from my merit? I had a younger brother, whom I could not retain in harmony, and whom I caused to wander about filling his mouth in different States;—can I long enjoy the possession of Heu? Do you, Sir, maintain this youth, and help him to soothe and comfort the people of Heu; and I will send my officer Hwoh to assist you. If I live out my days in the land, and Heaven then graciously repent of the calamities inflicted on Heu, shall not the lord of Heu again worship at his altars? Then when Ch'ing has requests and messages to send to Heu, he will condescend to accede to them as intermarriages that have existed between our States might suggest, and there will be no people of other families allowed to settle here, and press upon Ch'ing, contending with it for the possession of this territory. In that case my descendants would have all their time occupied with defending themselves from overthrow, and could in no wise maintain the sacrifices of Heu. When I appoint you, Sir to dwell here, I do so not only for the sake of the State of Heu, but also to strengthen my own borders." Accordingly the earl sent Kung-sun Hwoh to reside in the western border of Heu, charging him, "Do not place your equipments and various wealth in Heu, but when I am dead, quickly leave it. My predecessor was the first to establish his capital here in Ch'ing. Even the royal House has become small, and the descendants of Chow are daily losing their patrimonies. Now the lords of Heu are the posterity of T'aeyoh; and since Heaven is manifesting its dissatisfaction with the virtue of Chow, am I able to go on contending with Heu?" The superior man may say that in this matter duke Chwang of Ch'ing behaved with propriety. It is propriety which governs States and clans, gives settlement to the tutelary altars, secures the order of the people, and provides for the good of one's future heirs. Because Heu transgressed the law, the earl punished it, and on its submission he left it. His arrangement of affairs was according to his measurement of his virtue; his action proceeded on the estimate of his strength; his movements were according to the exigency of the times:—so as not to embarrass those who should follow him. He may be pronounced one who knew propriety.'
'The earl of Ch'ing made every hundred soldiers contribute a pig, and every five and twenty contribute a fowl and a dog, and over their blood curse the man who had shot Ying K'aou-shuh. The superior man may say here that duke Chwang of Ch'ing failed in his methods of government and punishment. Government is seen in the ruling of the people, and punishment in dealing rightly with the bad. As he showed neither the virtue of government, nor the terrors of punishment, his officers became depraved. Of what benefit was it simply to curse the man who had so become depraved?
[There are here appended three other Chuen:—
'From Ch'ing the king took Woo, Lew, and the fields of Wei and Yu; and he gave to Ch'ing the fields which had been granted to Soo Funsăng, containing the towns of Wăn, Yuen, He, Fan, Seih-shing, Ts'wan-maou, Heang, Măng, Chow, Hing, T'uy, and Hwae. The superior man from this transaction may know that king Hwan had lost Ch'ing. To act towards another on the principle of reciprocity is the pattern of virtue, the standard rule of propriety. But when the king took what he could not hold himself to give to another, was it not to be expected that that other would not come to his court?'
'Ch'ing and Seih had some strife of words, on which the marquis of Seih invaded Ch'ing. The earl fought with him in the borders, when the army of Seih received a great defeat, and retreated. The superior man from this transaction may know that Seih would soon perish. Its lord did not consider the virtue of his opponent; he did not estimate his own strength; he did not cherish the regard which he should have done to his relative [the chiefs of Ch'ing and Seih were of the same surname]; he made no examination into the language which was causing the strife; he did not try to ascertain whose the wrong was:—but guilty in all these five points, he proceeded to attack the other side. Was it not right that he should lose his army?'
'In winter, in the tenth month, the earl of Ch'ing, aided by an army of Kwoh, invaded Sung, and on the day Jin-seuh inflicted a great defeat on its army, thus taking revenge for Sung's entrance into Ch'ing the year before. Sung made no announcement of this to Loo, and therefore it was not entered in the historiographer's tablets. Whatever announcements were received from other princes were so entered; but where there was no announcement, no official record was made. The rule was also observed in regard to the good and evil, the success and defeat, of all military expeditions. Though the issue should be the extinction of a State, if the extinguished State did not announce its ruin, and the victor did not announce his conquest, the event was not written in the tablets.']
Par. 4. The reader supposes from this paragraph that duke Yin died a natural death, instead of being murdered, as was really the case. And numerous other instances will occur throughout the classic, which make the foreign student think very doubtfully of the merits of Confucius as a historian. The Chinese critics, however, can see no flaw in the sage. It was his duty, they say, to conceal such a nefarious transaction which reflected dishonour on his native State. And yet, they think, there are intimations of the real nature of the event, in its not being stated where he died, and in no entry being made of his burial! Of this and analogous peculiarities of the Ch'un Ts'ew I have spoken In the prolegomena.
The account of Yin's death, as given in the Chuen is:—'Yu-foo asked leave to put duke Hwan [Yin's younger brother and successor] to death, intending thereon to ask to be made chief minister. The duke said, "I shall resign in his favour;—I have not done so yet simply because of his youth. I have caused T'oo-k'ew to be built, and mean there to spend my old age.' Yu-foo was frightened at what he had done, and went and slandered the duke to Hwan, requesting leave to murder him. When he was a young man, the duke had fought with an army of Ch'ing at Hoo-jang, and was taken prisoner. Ch'ing kept him in confinement in the house of the officer Yin. He bribed this Yin, and prayed to Chung-woo, the Spirit whose shrine Yin had set up in his house. After this he and Yin returned together to Loo, and there he set up an altar to Chung-woo. In the eleventh month he was in the habit of going to sacrifice to this Chung-woo, fasting in the enclosure of the altar to the Spirits of the land, and lodging in the house of the officer Wei. On the day Jin-shin, Yu-foo employed ruffians to murder the duke in the house of the officer Wei. He then raised duke Hwan to the marquisate, and punished several members of the Wei family with death.']
Tso-she adds that the burial of duke Yin does not appear in the text, because the funeral rites were not paid to him.
The K'ang he editors have a note here on the circumstance that only in the first of Yin's eleven years is the 'first month (??)' recorded. Kung and Kuh see in the omission an intimation that Yin ? ? ?, or ? ? ?, 'did not consider himself, or was not, the rightful holder of the State.' Disclaiming this view, the editors seem to think that the omission is in condemnation of Yin's never having returned any of the king's friendly messages, and never having gone himself to the capital, thereby being the first to set the example of not doing honour to the ruling monarch by going or sending to receive the calendar for the year from him. This is being wise above what is written. To seek for meanings in the Ch'un Ts'ew in this way makes the whole book a riddle, which two men will not guess alike.
BOOK II. DUKE HWAN.
I. First year.
1 In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke succeeded duke Yin.
2 In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Ch'ing in Chuy.
3 The earl of Ch'ing borrowed the fields of Heu for a peih symbol.
4 In summer, in the fourth month, on [the day] Ting-we, the duke and the earl of Ch'ing made a covenant in Yueh.
5 In autumn there were great floods.
6 It was winter, the tenth month.
The title of the Book. ? ?, 'Duke Hwan.' See what is said on the title of the former book, where it is related how this Hwan was a younger brother of Yin, and would have succeeded to the marquisate on their father's death but for his youth. It appears that Yin had always intended to resign the dignity in his favour, when he should have grown up. The young man, however, was impatient, or perhaps he was doubtful of his brother's intentions; so he lent a ready ear to the slanders of their near relative Kung-tsze Hwuy, and gave his sanction to the murder of Yin. He thus became marquis of Loo by a deed of atrocious guilt.—Sze-ma Ts'een gives his name as Yun ?, while other authorities say that it was Kwei ? The honorary title Hwan denotes—' Extender of cultivation and Subjugator of the distant ? ? ? ? ? ?.
Hwan's rule lasted 18 years, B. C. 710—693. His 1st year synchronized with the 9th year of king Hwan; the 20th year of He of Ts'e; the 7th year of Gae ? of Tsin; the 8th of Seuen ? of Wei; the 4th of Hwan ? of Ts'ae; the 33d of Chwang of Ch'ing; the 46th of Hwan of Ts'aou; the 34th of Hwan of Ch'in; the 40th of Woo of Ke ?; the 9th of Shang ? of Sung; the 5th of Ning ? of Ts'in; and the 30th of Woo of Ts'oo.
Par. 1. After what has been said on all the phrases in this par. in the notes on the 1st par. of the former Book, it is only necessary to deal here, rather more at large, with the characters ??. They are somewhat difficult to translate. To say 'came to the throne' would be inaccurate, because Loo was only one of the feudal States of the kingdom; and 'came to the place' or 'to the seat,' would be awkward. The reader will see how I have dealt with it. On the death of duke Yin, in the 11th month of the year before, his brother had immediately taken his place; still what remained in that year was counted to Yin, and the first day of the next, his successor announced the beginning of the new rule in the ancestral temple,—'changed the beginning ??,' as it is called,—and took solemn possession of the vacant dignity. This is the accession in the text; but here comes a great questioning with the critics. It seems to be a rule in the Ch'un Ts'ew that the phrase 'came to the place' is not used where the preceding marquis has been murdered. So we find it at the accessions of Chwang, Min, and He. How is it that we find the phrase here, describing the accession of Hwan, chargeable with being accessory to the murder of his brother? The answer given by Choo He is the only sensible one. The paragraph simply relates what took place. Hwan omitted no ceremony that should have been proper on the occasion. He denied that he had been a party to the murder, and would have his accession gone about, as if Yin had died a natural death. No contrivances of Confucius, to construct his record so as to brand the new marquis, were necessary. His own conduct was the strongest condemnation of him.
Par. 2. Chuy,—see on I. viii. 1; but if Chuy belonged to Wei, as is stated there, Too Yu thinks it would hardly have been the meeting place of the marquis of Loo and the earl of Ch'ing. Kea Kwei ? ? thought it was in Loo, which seems more likely;—it is easier to suppose that the lords of Sung and Wei might have met in Loo on the occasion in I. viii. 1. This point, however, need not affect the identification of the place, for Loo and Wei were conterminous on the north-west of Loo. Hwan would be glad to get the countenance of Ch'ing, considering the circumstances in which he had just succeeded to Loo, and it appears from the next par. that Ch'ing had also something to gain by the meeting.
Par. 3. See the Chuen on I. viii. 2, and Too Yu's explanation of it. Tso-she says here:— 'The duke on his accession would cultivate the friendship of Ch'ing, and the earl ? ? again requested liberty to sacrifice to the duke of Chow, and to complete the exchange of the fields of Păng. The duke acceded, and in the 3d month the earl borrowed the fields of Heu for a peih-stone;—with reference to the sacrifice to the duke of Chow, and to Păng.' It would appear that the exchange of the lands of Păng and Heu, proposed by Ch'ing to duke Yin, had not as yet taken full effect. Loo had taken possession of Păng, but Heu had not been given over to Ch'ing. Whatever difficulty there was in the matter was now adjusted. K'ung Ying-tah thinks that Heu was of more value than Păng, and that Loo required something additional for it; and Soo Ch'eh and Hoo Gan-kwoh follow his view. Ch'in Foo-leang ? ? ? of the Sung dynasty) thinks that the addition of the peih and the word 'borrowing' were simply to gloss over the transaction. This is more likely. For the two princes to exchange lands granted to their States by an act of the royal House, without any reference to the reigning king, shows how his authority was reduced.
The peih was one of the five sceptres or symbols of rank held by the princes from the king. Counts and barons received peih, differentiated by the figures engraved upon them. But the princes carried other peih, called ? ?, in their visits among themselves; and it was, no doubt, one of these which was given at this time to Loo. All the peih were made round.
Par. 4. Yueh is the same as Chuy; and the place had thus three names;—Chuy, Yueh, and K'euen-k'ew. This covenant was the sequel of the meeting in p. 2, 'to settle finally the exchange of Păng and Heu.' Tso-she says that among the words of the covenant were these,— 'May he who departs from this covenant not enjoy his State!'
Par. 5. Acc. to Tso-she, the phrase ? ?, 'great floods,' is used when the water is out all over the level plains.
Par. 6. See on I. vi. 3.
The Chuen appends here:—
['In winter, the earl of Ch'ing [came, or sent] to render thanks for the covenant.'
'Hwa-foo Tuh of Sung happened to see the wife of K'ung-foo [Confucius' ancestor] on the way. He gazed at her as she approached, and followed her with his eyes when she had passed, saying, "How handsome and beautifull"']
II. Second year.
1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's first month, on [the day] Mow-shin, Tuh of Sung murdered his ruler Yu-e, and the great officer K'ung-foo.
2 The viscount of T'ăng appeared at the court of Loo.
3 In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the marquis of Ch'in, and the earl of Ch'ing, at Tseih, to settle the confusion of Sung.
4 In summer, in the fourth month, the duke brought the tripod of Kaou from Sung, and on [the day] Mow-shin deposited it in the Grand temple.
5 In autumn, in the seventh month, the marquis of Ke came to the court of Loo.
6 The marquis of Ts'ae and the earl of Ch'ing had a meeting at T'ăng.
7 In the ninth month we entered Ke.
8 The duke and the Jung made a covenant in T'ang.
9 In winter the duke arrived from T'ang.
Par. 1. The Chuen at the end of last year was preliminary to this par. Tso-she adds here:—'In the duke's 2d year, in spring, Tuh attacked the K'ung family, killed K'ung-foo, and carried off his wife. The duke was angry, and Tuh, in fear, proceeded also to murder him. The superior man understands that Tuh was one who had no regard for his ruler in his heart, and that thence proceeded his wicked movements. It is on this account that the text mentions first his murder of his ruler, though it was second in point of fact.' See farther on par. 3.
Hwa-foo Tuh was a grandson of duke Tae (?) of Sung (died B.C. 765). See about Kung-foo Kea in the proleg. to vol.I., p. 57. The ?, written sometimes ?, is a respectful adjunct sometimes of the clan-name, and sometimes of the designation.
Par. 2. See on I. xi. 1. The only thing to be noticed here is the descent of the title from 'marquis' to 'viscount,' which has given rise to an immense amount of speculation and writing. Hoo Gan-kwoh's view may be mentioned,—that Confucius here degrades the marquis to condemn him for visiting a villain like the duke of Loo! The only satisfactory account of the difference of the titles is that given by Too Yu, that, for some reason or other, the lord of T'ăng had been degraded in rank by king Hwan.—The visit was, no doubt, to congratulate duke Hwan on his succession. According to the rule in the Chow Le (see on I.xi.1), all the other princes in this part of the kingdom should in the same way have come to Loo.
Par. 3. Tseih was in Sung;—somewhere in the pres. dep. of K'ae-fung. Tso-she says that though the meeting is cautiously said in the text to have been 'to settle the confusion of Sung,' it was really brought about by bribes (see on next par.), to maintain the power of the Hwa family. He adds:—'During the 10 years of duke Shang's rule in Sung, he had fought 11 battles, so that the people were not able to endure the constant summonses to the field. K'ungfoo Kea was the minister of War, and Tuh was the premier of the State. Taking advantage of the dissatisfaction of the people, Tuh first set on foot a report that the constant fighting was owing to the minister of War, and then, after killing K'ung-foo, he murdered duke Shang. Immediately after, he called duke Chwang (the Kung-tsze Ping; see the Chuen on I. iii. 5) from Ch'ing, and raised him to the dukedom;—in order to please Ch'ing, bribing also the duke of Loo with the great tripod of Kaou. Ts'e, Ch'in, and Ch'ing all received bribes, and so Tuh acted as chief minister to the duke of Sung.'
Par. 4. We have met with a city of Kaou already in Sung;—see I. x. 4. If Kaou mentioned here were not the same, it is yet placed by Too in the same dis., that of Shing-woo in Yenchow dep. Perhaps there had been a small State of this name, which had been absorbed by Sung. The tripod in the text had belonged to it, either made in Kaou, or more probably presented to it by king Woo, when he distributed among the princes many of the spoils of Shang. It was now held by Sung, and as a valuable curio was given at this time by Hwa Tuh as a bribe to Loo. I have translated ? by 'brought,' without seeking to find any mysterious implication in its employment,—that the 'marquis of Loo was taking from Sung what Sung had no right to give, and he had no right to receive.' The 'grand temple' was that of the duke of Chow.
There is here a long Chuen:—'This act of the duke was not proper, and Tsang Gae-pih [son of Tsang He-pih, famous for his remonstrance addressed to duke Yin;—see I. v. 1] remonstrated with him, saying, "He who is a ruler of men makes it his object to illustrate his virtue, and to repress in others what is wrong, that he may shed an enlightening influence on his officers. He is still afraid lest in any way he should fail to accomplish these things; and moreover he seeks to display excellent virtue for the benefit of his posterity. Thus it is that his ancestral temple has a roof of thatch; the mats in his grand chariot are only of grass; the grand soups [grand, as used in sacrifice] are without condiments; the millets are not finely cleaned:—all these are illustrations of his thrift. His robe, cap, knee-covers, and mace; his girdle, lower robe, buskins, and shoes; the crosspiece of his cap, its stopper pendants, its fastening strings, and its crown;—all these illustrate his observance of the statutory measures. His gem-mats, and his scabbard, with its ornaments above and below; his belt, with its descending ends: the streamers of his flags and the ornaments at his horses' breasts:—these illustrate his attention to the regular degrees of rank. The flames, the dragons, the axes, and the symbol of distinction represented on his robes:— these illustrate the elegance of his taste. The five colours laid on in accordance with the appearances of nature;—these illustrate with what propriety his articles are made. The bells on his horses' foreheads and bits, and those on his carriage pole and on his flags:—these illustrate his knowledge of sounds. The sun, moon and stars represented on his flags:—these illustrate the brightness of his intelligence.
"Now when thus virtuously thrifty and observant of the statutes, attentive to the degrees of high and low; his character stamped on his elegant robes and his carriage; sounded forth also and brightly displayed:—when thus he presents himself for the enlightenment of his officers, they are struck with awe, and do not dare to depart from the rules and laws. But now you are extinguishing your virtue, and have given your support to a man altogether bad. You have placed moreover the bribe received from him in the grand temple, to exhibit it to your officers. If your officers copy your example, on what ground can you punish them? The ruin of States and clans takes its rise from the corruption of the officers. Officers lose their virtue, when the fondness for bribes on the part of their ruler is displayed to them; and here is the tripod of Kaou in your temple, so that this could not be more plainly displayed! When king Woo had subdued Shang, he removed the nine tripods to the city of Loh, and the righteous Pih-e and others, it would appear, condemned him for it; but what can be said when this bribe is seen in the grand temple,—this bribe of wickedness and disorder?" The duke did not listen to the remonstrance, but when Chow's historiographer of the Interior heard of it, he said, "Tsang-sun Tah shall have posterity in Loo! His prince was doing wrong, and he neglected not to administer to him virtuous reproof."'
Parr. 5,7. See I.iv. 1; and p. 2. Tso-she says that the marquis of Ke behaved at this time disrespectfully, and that it was to punish him for this that the expedition in p. 7 was undertaken. Kung-yang and Kuh-leang, however, read ? instead of ? in p. 5.
Par. 6. There was a small State called T'ăng, a long way off to the west near the river Han; but the T'ăng here was a city of Ts'ae,35le southeast from the pres. dis. city of Yen-shing (? ?)dep. K'ae-fung. Acc. to Tso-she, the lords of Ts'ae and Ch'ing met here, in fear for the first time of the encroachments and growing power of Ts'oo.
Parr. 8,9. See I. ii. 1,4. The duke and the Jung met now, says Tso-she, to renew the good relations between the Jung and Loo. The ? in p. 9, intimates that the duke on his return to Loo gave notice of his arrival in his ancestral temple. Tso-she says:—'On setting out on any expedition, the duke announced the movement in the ancestral temple. On his return, he drank in celebration of that ? ? in the temple; and when he put down the cup, he had the transaction entered in the tablets;—this was the rule. When only two parties were concerned at a meeting [as in these parr.], the place of it is mentioned both in the account of the setting out and of the return, as if to signify how each had declined to take the presidency. When three or more parties were concerned, then the place is mentioned in the account of the going, and on the return it is said, "The duke came from the meeting," intimating that there was a president, and the business was completed.'
[Tso-she has here a narrative about the affairs of Tsin:—"Years back, the wife of Muh, marquis of Tsin (B. C. 811—784), a lady Keang, gave birth to her eldest son, at the time of the expedition against T'eaou, and on that account there was given him the name of K'ew ? = "enemy,"). His brother was born at the time of the battle of Ts'een-mow, and he got with reference to it the name of Ching-sze ? ? = 'grand success"). Sze-fuh said, "How strange the names our lord has given to his sons! Now names should be definitions of what is right; the doing of what is right produces rules of what is proper; those rules again are embodied in the practice of government; and government has its issues in the rectification of the people. Therefore when government is completed in this way, the people are obedient; when this course is changed, it produces disorder. A good partner is called Fei (? 'consort'); a grumbling partner is called K'ew (? 'enemy'):—these are ancient designations. Now our lord has called his eldest son Enemy, and his second son Grand Success;—this is an early omen of disorder, as if the elder brother would be superseded." In the 24th year of duke Hwuy of Loo (B. C. 744), Tsin began to be in confusion, and the marquis Ch'aou [son of K'ew above] appointed Hwan Shuh [his uncle, the above Chingsze] to K'euh-yuh, with Lwan Pin, grandson of the marquis Tsing, as his minister. Sze-fuh said, "I have heard that in the setting up of States and clans, in order to the security of the parent State, while its root is large, the branches must be small. Therefore the son of Heaven establishes States; princes of States establish clans. Heads of clans establish collateral families; great officers have their secondary branches; officers have their sons and younger brothers as their servants; and the common people, mechanics and traders, have their different relatives of various degrees. In this way the people serve their superiors, and inferiors cherish no ambitious designs. Now Tsin is a marquisate in the Teen (?) domain; and, establishing this State, can it continue long, its root so weak? In the 30th year of duke Hwuy, Fan-foo killed the marquis Ch'aou, and endeavoured without success to establish Hwan-shuh in Ts'in. The people of Tsin appointed the marquis Heaou. In the 45th year of duke Hwuy, Chwang, earl of K'euh-yuh, attacked Yih, and murdered the marquis Heaou. The people of Tsin set up his younger brother, the marquis Goh. Goh begat the marquis Gae. Gae overran the lands of Hingt'ing, which were on his southern border, and so opened the way for K'euh-yuh to attack Yih.']
III. Third year.
1 In his third year, in spring, in the first month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Ying.
2 In summer, the marquis of Ts'e and the marquis of Wei pledged each other at P'oo.
3 In the sixth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ke in Shing.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, on [the day] Jin-shin, the first day of the moon, the sun was totally eclipsed.
5 Duke [Heaou's] son, Hwuy, went to Ts'e, to meet the [duke's] bride.
6 In the ninth month, the marquis of Ts'e escorted his daughter to Hwan.
7 The duke and the marquis of Ts'e had a meeting in Hwan.
8 The [duke's] wife, the lady Keang, arrived from Ts'e.
9 In winter, the marquis of Ts'e, sent his younger brother Neen with friendly inquiries.
10 There was a good year. [Tso-she here continues his narrative of events in Tsin: —'In the 3d year, in spring, duke Woo of K'euh-yuh [son of earl Chwang], proceeded against Yih, and halted in Hing-t'ing. [His uncle], Han Wan drove his chariot, having on his right Leang Hwang. They pursued the marquis of Yih [i.e., Tsin] to the banks of the Fun, when the trace of one of his outside horses got entangled about the yoke, and the carriage stopped. They caught him in the night, and Kung-shuh of Lwan with him.']
Par. 1. The absence of ?, 'king's,' after ? and before ? ?, has given rise to endless speculation and conjecture, especially as the character is wanting in most of the years of Hwan. Too Yu thinks that the king had not sent round the calendar to the princes on those years. Kuh-leang thinks the omission is to mark the sage's condemnation of duke Hwan's character. But then it should have been omitted every year,—especially in the 1st. Even Too's explanation cannot be admitted in all the ommissions of the term throughout the classic. We can only accept the omission without trying to account for it. Ying belonged to Ts'e,—50 le to the south-east of the pres. dep. city of T'aegan. The object of the meeting here was to settle a marriage between the duke and a princess of Ts'e. The K'ang-he editors say here that as ? intimates that the mover to the meeting was not Loo but the outside party, and we must suppose here that the mover was really the marquis of Loo, wishing to strengthen himself in his ill-acquired dignity by an alliance with a powerful House, the term is used to mark Confucius' condemnation of Ts'e. But the thing itself was the condemnation of Ts'e, and we need not look for it in the simple term.
Par. 2. P'oo was in Wei,—in the pres. dis. of Ch'ang-yuen (? ?) dis., dep. Ta-ming, Chih-le. ? ?? ?, 'charged each other;' i.e., the subject about which the two princes had met was put in writing, and read out in the hearing of them both; but they separated, simply pledged to each other in a certain line of conduct, without having gone through the formalities of making a convenant.
Par. 3. Tso and Kuh both have here ? while Kung-yang reads ?. The K'ang-he editors think Kung's reading is right. Both Ke () and Shing, they say, were afraid of Ts'e, and were cultivating the friendship of Loo as a counterpoise to the other powerful State. Shing,—see I. v.3.
Par. 4. See on I.iii.1. ?=?, 'totally.' There was a total eclipse in this year, on the day Jin-shin; but the month, acc. to Mr. Chalmers' table, should be the 8th, and not the 7th. See prolegg. to the Shoo, p. 103.
Par. 5—8. See on I.ii.5. The ancient practice of the princes going themselves to meet their brides had long fallen into disuse, though it might sometimes be observed, especially by the lord of a small State intermarrying with a larger. Hwuy (I. iv. 5; x.2) appears here with his full title of 'duke's son,'—ace. to Tso-she out of respect to his father, a former marquis of Loo, and who, it might be presumed, was pleased with the match; but the reader need not weary himself in trying to account for the difference of style in this matter between this and former paragraphs.
Hwan was in Loo,—in pres. dis. of Fei-shing (? ?) dep. Ts'e-nan. It was contrary to the regular rule for the marquis himself to escort his daughter; but probably he had some business of another kind to discuss with the marquis of Loo. Tso-she says:—' It was contrary to the rule for the marquis of Ts'e to escort his daughter. In all cases of the marriages of the daughters of princes:—if the intermarriage were with a State of equal dignity and power, and the ladies were sisters of the ruling prince, a minister of the highest rank escorted them, out of respect to their father, the former lord of the State; but if they were daughters of the ruling prince, only a minister of a lower rank escorted them; if the intermarriage were with a greater State, even in the case of a daughter of the ruling prince, a minister of the highest rank escorted her; if the intermarriage were with the son of Heaven, all the ministers of the State went, only the ruler himself did not go; and if it were with a smaller State, then the escort was only a great officer of the 1st class.' Observe the bride is here called ? ? 'lady Keang,' as being still in Ts'e and with her father.
The duke may be said to have observed the ancient ceremony of meeting his bride, as Hwan was on the borders between Loo and Ts'e.
Par. 8. Having now entered Loo, the bride has passed into the wife (? ?). On ?, see the last par. of the previous year.
Par. 9. See I. vii. 5, and note. Tso-she says that the object of this mission was to carry her parents' salutations to the wife (???). Too Yu adds that it was to inquire also about her deportment, whether it was becomingly modest and reverent, and to show the earnest regard which the union might be supposed to produce between the States. A mission of this kind sent from Loo would be called ? ?; coming to Loo it has the general name of ;?. Such a mission was sent three months after the lady had left her parents. If she were not giving satisfaction, she might be returned. (So Ying-tă says:— ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?, ? ? ? ? ?).
Par. 10. The phrase ? ? is expressive of a good year, no crop failing (????). It is strange that the critics should find a mystery in this simple paragraph, as if the sage had preserved the record to show how things turned out in Loo as they ought not to have done under so bad a ruler as Hwan.
[Tso-she appends here:—'Juy Keang, the mother of Wan, earl of Juy, indignant at him because of his many favourites, drove him out of Juy, and he took up his residence in Wei (?).']
IV. Fourth year.
1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the first month, the duke hunted in Lang.
2 In summer, the king [by] Heaven's [grace], sent the [sub-] administrator, K'eu Pih-kew, to Loo with friendly inquiries.
Par. 1. ? here is the name of the winter hunt celebrated, as Tso says, 'at the proper season;' for in reality Chow's 1st month, was the 2d month of winter. This is an instance in point to show that Chow's 'spring' did really include two months of the natural winter. Lang,—see I.ix. 4.
Par. 2. See I. i. 4, for the meaning of ?. K'eu was the name of a city in Chow, from which the official family to whom it was granted took their clan-name. Tso-she says the name (Pih-kew) of the messenger is given because his father was still alive. If he had not been so, we should have read ? ?.
There is no entry here under autumn or winter; not even the names of those seasons and their first months. This is contrary to the rule of the classic, and we must believe that a portion of the text is here lost. Of course many of the Chinese critics are unable to accept so simple a solution of the matter, and will have it that the sage left those seasons out of the year, to express his displeasure with duke Hwan, and his condemnation of the king for sending friendly inquiries to such a man as he was!
[Tso-she has two brief notes of events that happened in the second half of this year:—
'In autumn, an army of Ts'in made a raid on Juy, and was defeated. It was defeated through making too light of Juy.'
'In winter a king's army and an army of Ts'in besieged Wei. The army of Ts'in captured the earl of Juy, and carried him back to Ts'in with it.']
V. Fifth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the first month, on Keah-seuh or Ke-ch'ow, Paou, marquis of Ch'in, died.
2 In summer, the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing went to Ke.
3 The king [by] Heaven's [grace], sent the son of Jing Shuh to Loo with friendly inquiries.
4 There was the burial of duke Hwan of Ch'in.
5 We walled Chuh-k'ew.
6 In autumn, an army of Ts'ae, an army of Wei, and an army of Ch'in followed the king and invaded Ch'ing.
7 There was a grand sacrifice for rain.
8 There were locusts.
9 In winter the duke of Chow went to Ts'aou.
Par. 1. There is here evidently some corruption of the text. Between Keah-seuh and Ke-ch'ow there are 14 clear days. We can hardly conceive how the historiographers could have entered the death of the marquis as having occurred on the one day or the other. If by any possibility they had done so, here, if anywhere, there was need for the pruning pencil of Confucius (? ?). Tso-she says that two different announcements were communicated to Loo, and adds, 'At this time Ch'in was all in confusion. T'o, the son of duke Wăn, had killed the marquis's eldest son, Wăn [so ?? is here read], and superseded him. The disorder arose when the marquis was very ill; the people got scattered; and so two announcements were taken to Loo.' But this is an explanation made to suit the text. Ch'ing E supposes that after Keahseuh some entry has dropt out which constituted the 1st par.; and then a second par. might commence with ? ?. This is a reasonable conjecture, but there is another difficulty in the text which renders it inadmissible. The day Ke-ch'ow was in the 1st month of this year, but Keah-seuh was in the 12th month of the preceding. This error of the month, as preceding ? ?, is equally fatal to the solution of Kung-yang and Kuh-leang, that the marquis, in a fit of madness, or some other way, disappeared on the first of the days mentioned, and was found dead on the second. The text is evidently corrupt. Leave out the two characters? ?, and the difficulty disappears.
Par. 2. ?, as in III. 5, simply ?, 'to go to.' Tso says that 'the lords of Ts'e and Ch'ing went to the court of Ke wishing to surprise it, and that the people of Ke knew their design.' The marquis of Ke, it is understood, then communicated their visit and its object to Loo, to which alone he looked for help; and so the entry of a transaction, apparently foreign to Loo, was made by its historiographers. We shall see, hereafter, that Ke's fear of Ts'e was well founded.
Par. 3. For ? Kuh-leang has ?. Compare I. iii. 4. Jing Shuh must have been a great officer of Chow. The critics are much concerned to determine whether Jing Shuh himself were dead, or only old, so that his son was employed instead of him, and whether he took it upon him to send his son, or the son was directly commissioned by the king. The last point seems to be settled by the text; the others only give rise to uncertain speculations. Tso-she simply says the messenger was 'a youth (? ?).'
Par. 5. Chuh-k'ew is believed to have been 50 le to the south-east of the pres. dep. city of E-chow. Too thinks it was walled as a precaution, in consequence of the designs of Ts'e on Ke.
Par. 6. On this paragraph Tso-she gives us the following narrative:—
'The king deprived the earl of Ch'ing of all share in the government of the kingdom, and the earl in consequence no more appeared at court. In autumn the king led several of the princes to invade Ch'ing, when the earl withstood him. The king drew up his forces so that he himself was in the centre, while Lin-foo, duke of Kwoh, commanded the army of the right, having the troops of Ts'ae and Wei attached to him, and Hih-keen, duke of Chow, commanded on the left, having the troops of Ch'in. Tsze-yuen of Ch'ing asked the earl to draw their troops up in squares, on the left opposed to the armies of Ts'ae and Wei, and on the right to the men of Ch'in. "Ch'in," said he, "is at this time all in confusion, and the people have no heart to fight. If we attack them first, they will be sure to run. The king's soldiers seeing this will fall into disorder, and the troops of Ts'ae and Wei will set them the example of flight without making any resistance. Let us then collect our troops and fall upon the king;—in this way we may calculate on success." The earl followed this counsel. Man-pih commanded the square on the right; Chae Chung-tsuh that on the left; while Yuen Fan and Kaou K'eu-me, with the earl, led the centre, which was drawn up in fish-scale array. There was always a force of 25 chariots, supported by 5 files of 5 men each, to maintain a close and unbroken front. The battle was fought at Seu-koh. The earl commanded the squares on the right and left to wait till they saw his flag waved, and then to advance with drums beating. The troops of Ts'ae, Wei, and Ch'in all fled, while the king's were thrown into disorder. The forces of Ch'ing then united in an attack on the opposite centre. The king received a great defeat, and an arrow shot by Chuh Tan wounded him in the shoulder; but, notwithstanding this, he retreated, still maintaining an able fight. Chuh Tan asked leave to pursue him, but the earl said, "A superior man does not wish to be always showing superiority over others; much less dare he offer insult to the son of Heaven! If we manage to save ourselves, and the altars of Ch'ing take no damage, we have accomplished very much." At night he sent Tsuh of Chae to comfort the king, and to ask after the welfare of his officers.'
Par. 7. ?=??, 'a sacrifice in time of drought.' The Chuen says that to offer this sacrifice—or at least the grand sacrifice for rain— in the autumn was unseasonable, and therefore the record of it appears here. Tso-she adds:— 'With regard to the sacrifices in general, at the season of K'e-chih ['the emergence of insects from their burrows;'—the 1st month of Hea, and the 3d of the Chow year], the border sacrifice [to Heaven] was offered; at the season of Lungeen ['the appearance of the Dragon (see the Shoo, on Pt. I., par. 5);'—the 4th month of Hea, and the 6th of Chow], the sacrifice for rain; at the season of Ch'e-shah ['comencement of death:' —the 8th month of Hea, and the 10th of Chow], the Shang or sacrifice of first fruits; and at the season of Pei-chih ['the closing of insects in their burrows;'—the 10th month of Hea, and 12th of Chow], the Ching or winter sacrifice. If any of those sacrifices were offered after the season for them, the historiographers made an entry of it.' According then to Tso-she, this sacrifice for rain was competent to Chow and its various States only in the 6th month, its object being to supplicate for rain in the beginning of summer, that there might be a good harvest;—of course it was out of season to offer this sacrifice in any month of Chow's autumn. But I believe, with Maou K'e-ling, that, while there was the regular sacrifice at the beginning of the natural summer, special sacrifices might be offered at any season of prolonged drought, and it does not follow, therefore, that the sacrifice in the text was unseasonable. As to the name 'grand,' characterizing the sacrifice here, it has given rise to much controversy. Kea Kwei thought the sacrifice was addressed to Heaven or God by the princes of Loo, under sanction of the grant to their ancestor to use imperial rites, and is therefore here called 'grand.' This point we must leave.
Par. 8. ?(in Kung-yang, ) are described by Too Yu as ????, 'a kind of locusts.'
Par. 9. Chow was a small State, in pres. dis. of Gan-k'ew (? ?), dep. Ts'ng-chow. Its prince appears here with the title of duke; —it is supposed because some previous lord had been one of the three Kung or dukes at the king's court. His capital was Shun-yu (? ?). Ts'aou was an earldom, held by the descendants of one of the sons of king Wăn;—its capital was Ts'aou-k'ew (? ?), in pres. dis. of Ting-t'aou, dep. Ts'aou-chow. Tso-she says on the par:—'In winter, the duke of Shun-yu went to Ts'aou, reckoning that his State was in a perilous state; and he did not return to it.'
VI.Sixth year.
1 In the [duke's sixth year, in spring, in the first month, Shih came to Loo.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ke in Ching.
3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jin-woo, [the duke] held a grand military review.
4 The people of Ts'ae put to death T'o of Ch'in.
5 In the ninth month, on [the day] Ting-maou, the [duke's] son, T'ung, was born. 6In winter, the marquis of Ke came to [our] court.
Par. 1. According to all the three Chuen, this is a continuation of the last par. in last year. Tso-she says:—'In the spring, he came from Ts'aou to the court of Loo. The text ? ? intimates that he did not return again to his own State.' In this way, ?'for good,' and Too Yu defines it by ? Kung and Kuh explain it by ? and ? ?, 'this man.' Ch'ing E and Hoo Gan-kw&obreve;, however, suppose that Shih was the name of the duke of Chow. A prince, living, ought not to be called by his name, but this poor duke, a fugitive from his State, never to return to it, was in his princely character as good as dead, and might be named. The K'ang-he editors say both views are to be preserved. The point is one of trivial importance.
[There is appended here in the Chuen the following narrative—'King Woo of Ts'oo [this viscount of Ts'oo had usurped the title of 'king'] burst suddenly into Suy, and sent Wei Chang to beg that Ts'oo and Suy might be on good terms with each other, meanwhile waiting with his army at Hea for intelligence. The court of Suy sent Shaou-sze (? ?); this is evidently the name of an office; but nothing can be ascertained about it. I have therefore followed the example of the Leeh-kwoh Che which calls the phrase the name of the marquis of Suy's favourite] to manage the conclusion of a treaty of peace. Tow Pih-pe said to the viscount of Ts'oo, "That we have not got our will on the east of the Han is all owing to ourselves. We have displayed our three armies, our men all equipt with their buff coats and weapons, and so we have presented ourselves to the States in all our power. They have been afraid, therefore, and have united together to provide against our designs. It is this which makes it difficult to separate them. Of the States east of the Han Suy is the greatest. Let Suy once be elated, and then it will spurn the smaller States, which will become alienated from it;—this will be to the advantage of Ts'oo. This Shaou-sze is a vain extravagant man; let us inflate him by making our army appear as if it were weak." Heung Leuh-tseu-pe said, "While Ke Leang is in Suy, of what use will this be?" Tow Pih-pe replied, "It will serve as a basis for future measures;—Shaou-sze is his prince's favourite."
'The king, according to Pih-pe's counsel, gave his army a dilapidated appearance, and then received Shaou-sze, who on his return to Suy requested leave to pursue the army of Ts'oo. The marquis was about to grant it, when Ke Leang stopt him saying, "Heaven is now giving power to Ts'oo. Its exhibition of weakness was only made to deceive us. Why, O ruler, be so hasty? I have heard that the condition in which a small State can match with a great one, is when the small one is ruled according to reason, and the great one is abandoned to wild excess. What I mean by being ruled according to reason, is showing a loyal love for the people, and a faithful worship of the Spirits. When the ruler thinks only of benefiting the people, that is loyal loving of them; when the priests' words are all correct, that is faithful worship. Now our people are famishing, and the prince indulges his desires; the priests are hypocrites in their sacrifices:—I do not know whether there is the condition of success." The marquis said, 'My victims are the best, and well fatted; the millet in the vessels is good and all complete;—where is there any want of sincerity?" Ke Leang replied, "The state of the people is what the Spirits regard. The sage kings therefore first secured the welfare of the people, and then put forth their strength in serving the Spirits. Thus when they presented their victims, and announced them as large and fat, they meant that the people's strength was all preserved; that to this was owing the large growth of the animals; that to this was owing their freedom from scab or itch; that to this it was owing they were so fat, and amply sufficient. When they presented their vessels of millet, and announced it as clean and abundant, they meant that in all the three seasons no harm was done to the cause of husbandry; that the people were harmonious, and the years good. When they presented their distilled and sweet spirits, and announced them as admirable, strong, and good, they meant that superiors and inferiors were all of admirable virtue, and their hearts in nothing inclined to perverseness; what was termed the widely diffused fragrance was really that there were no slanderers nor wicked men. In this way it was that they exerted themselves that the labours of the three seasons should be performed; they cultivated and inculcated the five great duties of society; they cherished and promoted the affection that should exist among the nine classes of kindred: and from this they proceeded to their pure sacrifices. Thus their people were harmonious, and the Spirits sent down blessings, so that every movement they undertook was successful. Now the people's hearts are all at variance, and the Spirits have no lord [i. e., none whom they will serve, and serve by blessing]. Although you as an individual may be liberal in your acts of worship, what blessing can that bring? I pray you to cultivate good government, and be friendly with the States of your brother princes; then perhaps you will escape calamity."
'The marquis of Suy was afraid, and attended properly to his duties of government; and Ts'oo did not dare to attack him.']
Par. 2. Tso says the marquis of Ke came to this meeting to consult with Loo about his difficulties with Ts'e. The ? in the text is from Kuh-leang. Tso and Kung both read ? which makes Too give the situation differently from that of the other in I.v. 3;—90 le north-east from pres. dis. city of Ning-yang.
[The Chuen has here:—'The northern Jung had invaded Ts'e, which sent to ask the assistance of a force from Ch'ing, Hwuh, the eldest son of the earl of Ch'ing, led a force accordingly to the help of Ts'e, and inflicted a great defeat on the Jung, capturing their two leaders, Taeleang and Shaou-leang, whom he presented to the marquis with the heads of 300 of their buffcoated warriors. At that time the great officers of many of the princes were keeping guard in Ts'e, and the marquis supplied them with cattle, employing the officers of Loo to arrange the order of distribution. These placed the troops of Ch'ing last, which made Hwuh indignant, considering that his had been the merit of the victory; and it gave rise to the battle of Lang [see the 10th year].
'Before the duke of Loo had married the daughter of Ts'e, the marquis had wished to marry her—Wăn Keang—to Hwuh; but he had refused the match. Some one asked the reason of his refusal, when he replied, "People should be equally matched. A daughter of Ts'e is too great a match for me. The ode says, 'For himself he seeks much happiness (She, III. i. 1. 6).' I have to do with what depends on myself simply; what have I to do with a great State?" A superior man will say that Hwuh did well in thus making himself the centre of his plan of life. On this occasion, when he had defeated the army of the Jung, the marquis of Ts'e again asked him to take another of his daughters to wife, but again he firmly refused. Being asked the reason, he said, "Formerly when I had had nothing to do in Ts'e, I still did not dare to marry one of its princesses. Now I hurried here by our ruler's order to succour Ts'e in its exigency; if I returned from it with a wife, it would be as if I had won her by arms." In this way he declined the alliance on the ground of wanting the earl of Ch'ing's command.'
Tso-she seems to have forgotten here that he had already narrated the marriage of Hwuh of Ch'ing to a daughter of the house of Ch'in, under I. viii. 3. The marquis of Ts'e would hardly have offered one of his daughters to fill a secondary place in Hwuh's harem.]
Par. 3. ?=? ? ?'to examine the chariots and horses.' This was an annual ceremony, to which the winter hunt was subsidiary. See the Chow Le, Bk. XXIX., pp. 24—34. Many of the critics think that the holding this review, as here, in the 8th month in autumn, was unseasonable, and that it is recorded to condemn it. But the duke might easily have had reasons sufficient to justify him for holding such a review at this time.
Par. 4. Tso-she has no Chuen here, but we find what serves for one under the 22d year of duke Chwang. We have seen, under V. 1, that T'o had killed the eldest son of the marquis of Ch'in, and superseded him. But that son's younger brother was a son of a princess of Ts'ae, and in his interest Ts'ae now did justice on T'o. T'o had not yet been recognized as marquis of Ch'in, and therefore we have simply his name, without his title. I have translated ? ? by 'the people of Ts'ae,' after the analogy of ? ? in I.iv.6,7. Kuh and Kung account for his death at the hands of some people of Ts'ae by saying that he had intruded into the territory of Ts'ae in hunting or for a worse purpose, and was killed in a quarrel about a bird or a woman. Their Chuen, however, where matters of history are concerned, are not to be compared with Tsoshe's.
Par. 5. Tso-she tells us that this entry of T'ung's birth intimates that he was received with all the honours proper to the birth of a son and heir; that an ox, a sheep, and a pig were sacrificed on the occasion; that an officer of divination carried him on his back, and his wife nursed him; and that the duke, with the child's mother, Wăn Keang, and the wives of the duke's noble kindred, gave him his name. This last ceremony took place on the 3d month after the birth. Tso-she adds:—'The duke asked Shin Seu about names, who replied "Names are taken from five things:—some pre-intimation; some auspice of virtue; some striking appearance about the child; the borrowing the name of some object; or some similarity. When a child is born with a name on it, that is a pre-intimation [a character, such as ?, may seem to be made by some marks on the body, and so is taken as the name]; when a child is named from some virtue, this is called an auspice [Ch'ang, the name of king Wăn, is an instance in point]; when it is named from some resemblance about it to something, this is called naming from the appearance [Confucius was so named Ne-k'ew (? ?)]; when it is named from some object, this is called borrowing [the name of Confucius' son Pih-yu (?, 'the fish') is an instance]; when the name is taken from something about the father, this is called a name from similarity [see below]. The name must not be taken from the name of the State; or of an office; or of a mountain or river; or of any malady; or of an animal; or of a utensil, or of a ceremonial offering. The people of Chow do not use the name which they bore in serving the Spirits of the dead; and the name is not mentioned after death. To take the name from the State would do away with the State's name; one from an office would do away with the office; one from a hill or stream would do away with the sacrifice to it; one from an animal would do away with its use as a victim; one from a utensil or a ceremonial offering would do away with its use in ceremonies. The name of the marquis He of Tsin [he was called ? ?] made the title of minister of Instruction (? ?) be discontinued in Tsin. So with duke Woo of Sung and the title of minister of Works (? ?). Our former dukes Heen [called ?] and Woo [called ?) caused two hills to lose their names. Therefore the names of such great objects and offices must not be given to a child." The duke said, "Well, his birth and mine were on the same day." So, from that similarity, the child was named T'ung [the Similar].'
As this is the only instance in the classic in which the birth of a Son of any of the marquises of Loo is chronicled, there is much speculation as to the reason of the entry here. Some think it is a clear case of the pencil of the sage, who would thus show that duke Chwang was really the son of the marquis of Loo, and not the fruit of the incestuous commerce which his mother subsequently indulged in!
Par. 6. Tso-she says this visit from the marquis of Ke was to beg the services of the duke to ask the king's order to bring about peace between Ke and Ts'e, but that the duke told him he could do nothing in the matter.
VII.Seventh year.
1 In his seventh year, in spring, in the second month, on Ke-hae, the duke hunted with fire in Heen-k'ew.
2 In summer, Suy, earl of Kuh, came to [our] court.
3 Woo-le, marquis of T'ăng, came to [our] court.
Par. 1. Heen-k'ew was a district, and probably the name of a town in it, belonging to Loo;—somewhere in dep. of Yen-chow. ? here =??, 'to hunt with fire.' This appears in the Urh-ya as another name for the winter hunting (????). The object in using fire was to drive the birds and animals from their coverts. Too says the record is made here to condemn the duke for his wantonness in carrying on the operation, so that nothing should escape. But this does not appear in the text; and the Chuen has nothing on the par.
Parr. 2, 3. Kuh was a marquisate, with the surname Ying (?), and has left its name in the pres. dis. of Kuh-shing, dep. Seang yang. Hoo-pih. T'ăng was not far from Kuh, an earldom with the surname Man (?). Some place it in pres. T'ăng Chow, dep. Nan-yang, Ho-nan; others find its principal city, 20 le north-east of the dep. city of Seang-yang in Hoo-pih. But the two identifications need not clash. What brought these two distant lords to Loo we cannot tell. Tso-she says they are mentioned by name in contempt; but we may find a better reason in a rule of the Le Ke, I. Pt. II. ii. 21, that princes who had lost their States were mentioned by name. The supposition that the princes in the text were in this condition adequately explains their coming all the long way from their former fiefs to Loo.
Nothing that occurred in autumn or winter is here entered. See what has been said upon this,—on the 4th year.
[Tso-she appends here two short Chuen:— 'Măng and Heang sought terms of peace from Ch'ing [these are two of the places mentioned in one of the Chuen under I. xi. 3, as granted by Chow to Ch'ing. It was there said that Chow could not keep them, and it would appear that Ch'ing also found it difficult to do so], and afterwards broke them. In autumn, an army of Ch'ing, an army of Ts'e, and an army of Wei invaded Măng and Heang, when the king removed their inhabitants to K'eah.'
'In winter, the earl of K'euh-yuh inveigled the child-marquis of Tsin, and put him to death.']
VIII.Eighth year.
1 In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, in the first month, on Ke-maou, we offered the winter sacrifice.
2 The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Kea Foo to Loo with friendly inquiries.
3 In summer, in the fifth month, on Ting-ch'ow, we offered the winter sacrifice.
4 In autumn, we invaded Choo.
5 In winter, in the tenth month, there was snow.
6 The duke of Chae came [to Loo], and immediately after went to meet the king's bride in Ke.
Par. 1. (?) was the name of the sacrifice offered in the ancestral temple at mid-winter. (?=?), 'all;'—all the labours of the year had been completed, and the fruits of the earth gathered in. They could therefore be now presented more largely than at the other seasonal sacrifices. This is supposed to be the reason of the name. Chow's 1st month was the 2d month of Hea's winter. The ching sacrifice was now offered, therefore, at the proper time; but a record of it is here entered, the critics think, to show the absurdity of offering the same again in summer, as in par. 3.
Par. 2. See I. vii. 6. (?) is the clan name,= the surname, and ? is the designation. The rule was, it is said, that great officers of Chow sent on such missions to the States should be mentioned with their designation; but I am not sure of the correctness of such a rule.
[Tso-she adds here that 'in the spring there was the extinction of Yih;' i.e. the earl of K'euhyuh extinguished Tsin, or thought he had done so.]
Par. 3. The proper sacrifice at this time was the ?. To repeat at this season the winter sacrifice was certainly a strange proceeding.
[Tso-she here gives the sequel of the Chuen under VI. 1:—'Shaou-sze became more the favourite in Suy; and Tow Pih-pe of Ts'oo said, "Our enemy presents an opening, which we must not lose." Accordingly, in summer, the viscount of Ts'oo called the princes of the south together at Ch'in-luh; and as Hwang and Suy did not attend, he sent Wei Chang to reprove Hwang, while he proceeded himself to attack Suy, encamping his army between the Han and the Hwae. Ke Leang begged the marquis of Suy to make offers of submission. "If Ts'oo refuse them," he said, "and we fight afterwards, this will have made our men indignant and the thieves remiss." Shaou-sze, however, said, "We must fight quickly, for, if we do not do so, we shall lose the army of Ts'oo a second time." The marquis took the field; and as he surveyed from a distance the army of Ts'oo, Ke Leang said, "In Ts'oo they attach greatest importance to the left; the king is sure to be on the left. Don't let us meet him, but let us attack their right. There are no good soldiers there, and they will be beaten. When a part is beaten, the whole will be disorganized." Shaou-sze said, "If we do not meet the king, we are no soldiers." The marquis would not follow Ke-Leang's advice. The battle was fought in Suh-ke, and the army of Suy was completely defeated. The marquis fled. Tow Tan captured his war-chariot, and Shaou-sze who had occupied the place in the right of it. In autumn, Suy and Ts'oo made peace. At first the viscount was unwilling to grant peace, but Tow Pih-pe said, "Heaven has removed from Suy him who was its plague; it is not yet to be subdued." Accordingly the viscount granted a covenant, and withdrew with his army.']
Par. 4. The critics are much divided on the question whether the duke himself commanded in person in this expedition or not. I do not see that it can be determined; and have left the matter in the translation indefinite. Many of the neighbouring small lords had been to Loo since Hwan's accession, but he of Choo had not made his appearance. This invasion was the consequence probably.
Par. 5. This was only the 8th month of Hea, and snow was unseasonable.
[Tso-she has here:—'In winter, the king ordered Chung of Kwoh to establish Min, younger brother of the marquis Gae, as marquis of Tsin.']
Par. 6. In I. i. 6, we have an earl of Chae. The duke in the text may have been the same, or a son of that earl, here called kung or duke, as being one of the king's three highest ministers;—see the Shoo, V. xx. 5. When the king was taking a wife from one of the States, the rule was that one of these kung should meet her, and one of the princes, of the same surname as the royal House, act as director in the affair. The king himself could not appear in it, in consistency with his supreme position. Every thing in this par., therefore, is, as Tso-she says, 'proper.' The duke of Chae comes from Chow, gets his orders from the duke of Loo, and then goes to Ke to meet the bride, whom Loo could not designate ?, 'daughter' of Ke, simply, as she was going to be 'queen (?).' The poor marquis of Ke had, no doubt, managed to bring the match about, as a forlorn hope against the attempts on him of the lord of Ts'e. Maou observes that as this was the 18th year of king Hwan, it cannot be supposed that he had remained queen-less up to this time, and that the daughter of Ke was being taken by him as a second wife (??).
IX.Ninth year.
1 In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, the lady Keang, fourth daughter of [the marquis of] Ke, went to her palace in the capital.
2 It was summer, the fourth month.
3 It was autumn, the seventh month.
4 In winter, the earl of Ts'aou sent his heir-son, Yih-koo, to our court.
Par. 1. This is the sequel of the last par. of last year. Tso-she observes that the historiographers did not enter any intermarriages of other States, excepting where they were with the royal House. ? is the 4th in order of birth, and appears here as the designation of the lady, so that the translation might have been simply —'Ke Keang of Ke.' ?,—see I. ii. 6. I have here rendered it 'to her palace,' as Ke Keang was a royal bride. On ?? Kung-yang says, 'The phrase denotes the dwelling of the son of Heaven. ?means "great;" and ? means "all." Where the son of Heaven dwells must be described by such terms.'
Parr. 2, 3. See on I. vi. 3.
[The Chuen adds:—'The viscount of Pa sent Han Fuh with an announcement to Ts'oo, asking Ts'oo's services to bring about good relations between it and T'ăng. The viscount of Ts'oo then sent Taou-soh, along with the visitor from Pa, to present a friendly message to T'ăng, but the men of Yew, on the southern borders of T'ăng, attacked them, carried off the presents they were bearing, and slew them both. Ts'oo sent Wei Chang to complain to the lord of T'ăng of the matter, but he would not acknowledge that he had any hand in it
'In summer, Ts'oo sent Tow Leen with a force and a force of Pa to lay siege to Yew, to the relief of which the lord of T'ăng sent his nephews Yang and Tan. They made three successful attacks on the troops of Pa, and Ts'oo and Pa were likely to fail. Tow Leen then threw his force right in between the troops of Pa, engaged the enemy, and took to flight. The men of T'ăng pursued them, till their backs were towards the troops of Pa, and they were attacked on both sides. The army of T'ăng received a great defeat, and during the night the men of Yew dispersed.'
'In autumn, the brother of the duke of Kwoh, the earl of Juy, the earl of Leang, the marquis of Seun, and the earl of Kea, invaded K'euh-yuh.']
Par. 4. The earl of Ts'aou himself was ill, and therefore sent his son to visit the marquis of Loo in his stead. Tso-she says:—'The son of the earl of Ts'aou was received, as was proper, with the honours due to a minister of the highest rank. At the ceremonial reception which was given to him, when the first cup was presented, as the music struck up, he sighed. She-foo said, "The prince of Ts'aou will soon be sad indeed. This is not the place for sighing."'
The critics are much divided in their views of this visit, and labour hard to find the sage's work of 'condemnation' in it.
X.Tenth year.
1In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Kăng-shin, Chung-săng, earl of Ts'aou, died.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, there was the burial of duke Hwan of Ts'aou.
3 In autumn, the duke [went to] have a meeting with the marquis of Wei in T'aou-k'ew, but did not meet with him.
4 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ping-woo, the marquis of Ts'e, the marquis of Wei, and the earl of Ch'ing came and fought [with us] at Lang.
Par. 1. Parr. 1,2. See the Chuen on last par. of last year. A great mystery is found in the reappearance of ?;—'in the 10th year, the completion of numbers.' Tso blends the two parr. together, saying that 'in the spring duke Hwan of Ts'aou died.'
[Tso-she adds here:—'The brother of the duke of Kwoh slandered his great officer Chen Foo to the king. Chen Foo was able to rebut the slander, and with an army from the king attacked Kwoh. In summer, the duke of Kwoh fled to Yu.']
Par. 3. T'aou-k'ew was in Wei;—50 le to the west of the present dist. city of Tung-o (? ?), in dept. Tung-ch'ang. The meeting had been agreed upon, and the duke was anxious to detach Wei from the party of Ch'ing, which was threatening Loo;—see next par. The marquis of Wei, however, changed his mind, and determined to go with the other side.
[Tso-she adds:—'In autumn, Ts'in restored Wan, earl of Juy, to Juy.' See the Chuen at the end of the 4th year.
'The 3d brother of the duke of Yu had a valuable piece of jade, which the duke asked of him. He refused it, but afterwards repented, saying, "There is the proverb in Chow, 'A man may have no crime;—that he keeps his peih is his crime.' This jade is of no use to me;—shall I buy my hurt with it?" He then presented it to the duke, who went on to ask a precious sword which he had. The young brother then said to himself, 'This man is insatiable; his greed will reach to my person." He therefore attacked the duke, who was obliged to flee to Kung-ch'e.']
Par. 4. Lang,—see I. ix. 4. Tso-she says:— 'In winter, Ts'e, Wei, and Ch'ing came to fight with us in Lang; but we could explain what they complained of. Formerly when the northern Jung were distressing Ts'e, many of the princes sent to its relief, and Hwuh, son of the earl of Ch'ing, acquired merit. When the people of Ts'e were sending cattle round to the different troops, the officers of Loo were employed to arrange the order of distribution. They did so according to the rules of precedence at the court of Chow, and sent last to Ch'ing. The men of Ch'ing were angry, and the earl requested the help of a force from Ts'e, which granted it and got troops from Wei besides. In these circumstances the text does not speak of their attacking Loo covertly or openly, but that they came and fought. It also puts Ts'e and Wei before Ch'ing, though Ch'ing was the prime mover of the expedition, —in the order of their rank as fixed by the king.' The battle was, we may suppose, bloodless.
XI.Eleventh year.
1 In the [duke's]. eleventh year, in spring, in the first month, an officer of Ts'e, an officer of Wei, and an officer of Ch'ing made a covenant in Goh-ts'aou.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on [the day] Kwei-we, Woosăng, earl of Ch'ing, died.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, there was the burial of duke Chwang of Ch'ing.
4 In the ninth month, the people of Sung seized Chae Chung of Ch'ing.
5 Tuh returned to Ch'ing.
6 Hwuh of Ch'ing fled to Wei.
7 Yew had a meeting with the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, and the third brother of [the marquis of] Ts'ae, in Cheh.
8 The duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung in Foochung.
9 In winter, in the twelfth month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung in K'an.
Par. 1. The position of Goh-ts'aou is not known. This meeting was, no doubt, a sequel, in some way, to the expedition of the three princes, the previous month, against Loo. Tsoshe says that Ts'e, Wei, Ch'ing and Sung all united in the covenant, and Too thinks therefore that ? is wanting in the text. But the mention of Sung is supposed by many, and I think correctly, to be an error of Tso. But who were the covenanting parties? Sun Keoh (??) early in Sung dyn.), Hoo Gan-kwoh, the K'anghe editors, and many other critics, contend that they were the princes of the three States, who are called ?,—in condemnation. But why were they not called ? in the par. immediately before? It is better to understand ? here, as in many other places, of officers appointed by the princes to act for them.
[Tso-she appends here:—'K'euh Hea of Ts'oo was about to make a covenant with Urh and Chin, when the people of Yun took post with their army at P'oo-saou, intending, with Suy, Keaou, Chow, and Leaou, to attack the army of Ts'oo. The Moh-gaou [this was the name of an office in Ts'oo. The party intended is K'euh Hea] was troubled about it; but Tow Leen said, 'The people of Yun, having their army in their suburbs, are sure to be off their guard; and they are daily anxious for the arrival of the forces of the other four States. Do you, Sir, take up a position at Keaou-ying to withstand the advance of those forces, and I will make an attack upon Yun at night with a nimble, ardent troop. The men of Yun are anxiously looking out, and relying on the proximity of their city, so that they have no mind to fight. If we defeat the army of Yun, the other four cities will abandon their alliance with it." Keuh Hea replied, "Why not ask the help of more troops from the king [i. e., the viscount of Tsoo]?" The other said, "An army conquers by its harmony, and not by its numbers. You have heard how unequally Shang and Chow were matched. We have come forth with a complete army;—what more do we want?" The Moh-gaou said, "Let us divine about it." "We divine," returned the other, "to determine in cases of doubt. Where we have no doubts, why should we divine?" Immediately he defeated the army of Yun in P'oo-saou. The covenant [with Urh and Chin] was completed, and they returned.'
'When duke Ch'aou of Ch'ing [i. e., the earl's son Hwuh, afterwards duke Ch'aou] defeated the northern Jung, the marquis of Ts'e wished to give him one of his danghters to wife. When he declined the match, Chae Chung said to him, "You must take her. Our prince has many favourites in his family. Without some great support, you will not be able to secure the succession to yourself. Your three brothers may all aspire to the earldom." Hwuh, however, did not follow the advice.']
Parr. 2, 3. The earl of Ch'ing was certainly the ruling spirit of his time, shrewd, crafty, and daring,—the hero of the first part of the Ch'un Ts'ew. His burial should not have taken place till the 10th month. There must have been something in the circumstances of the State to cause it to be hurried. Tso-she appends to par. 2:—'Chung Tsuh had been border-wardn of Chae, and became a favourite with duke Chwang, who made him one of his chief ministers. He had got the duke married to a lady Man, one of the daughters of the House of T'ăng, and the produce of the union was duke Ch'aou [the duke's son Hwuh.] It was on this account that Chae Chung secured the succession to him.'
Parr. 4—6. Chae was a place or district in Ch'ing, of which Chae Chung, as we learn from the last Chuen, had been warden; and it became equivalent to his surname, and actually the surname of his descendants. Too says that Chae was really his surname, and Chung his name; but I must believe that Chung was the designation, and Tsuh (?) the name. ??, —'the people of Sung;' like ??, in VI. 4. A literal translation of ? would be 'grabbed.' The reason of the seizure of Chae Chung is told by Tso-she:—'The officer Yung of Sung had married a daughter, called Yung K'eih [??; Yung was the father's clanname; K'eih the surname] to duke Chwang of Ch'ing. She bore a son [Tuh], who became duke Le. The Yung clan was in favour with duke Chwang of Sung, who therefore beguiled Chae Chung, seizing him, and telling him that, unless he raised Tuh to the earldom, he should die. At the same time he seized duke Le [Tuh], and required the promise of bribes from him. Chae Chung made a covenant with an officer of Sung, took duke Le back with him to Ch'ing, and set him up.' The action of pp. 5, 6 was almost contemporaneous. As the Chuen says:—'In the 9th month, on Ting-hae, duke Ch'aou fled to Wei. and on Ke-hae [12 days after] duke Le was acknowledged in his room.' As Hwuh had been both de jure and de facto earl of Ch'ing since his father's death, the critics are much concerned to find the reason why he is mentioned here simply by his name, without his title. Kung-yang thinks the style is after the simplicity of the Yin dynasty, which called the son by his name in presence of the father; and the former earl might be considered as only just dead,—in fact, as almost still alive. Kuh-leang thinks the name is given, as to a prince who had lost his State. Hoo Gan-kwoh thinks the name is condemnatory of him, for having refused the strong alliance which Ts'e had pressed on them. Too's explanation is more likely. The announcement of his exit, he says, was from Ch'ing, which gave his name in contempt, and the historiographers of Loo entered it as it came to them. But see on XV. 4.
Par. 7. The situation of Cheh has not been determined. Yew was a great officer of Loo, who, acc. to Tso-she, had not received a clanname. On ??, Too Yu says that ? is the name, and Maou agrees with him. It serves, indeed, the purpose of a name; but I prefer to render the word, according to its signification, as in the translation. So, Sun Fuh (??, ????).
Parr. 8,9. Foo-chung (Kung reads ?) was in the small State of Shing (?); and K'an was very near to Shing, belonging to Loo;—in the west of Wăn-shang (??) district. At this time Loo and Sung, for some reason, became, or wanted to become, close friends. We shall find that their two princes had three meetings in the course of the next year. The affairs of Ch'ing were, no doubt, a principal topic with them.
XII.Twelfth year.
1 It was the [duke's] twelfth year, the spring, the first month.
2 In summer, in the sixth month, on Jin-yin, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ke and the viscount of Keu, when they made a covenant at K'euh-ch'e.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ting-hae, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung, and an officer of Yen, when they made a covenant at Kuh-k'ew.
4 In the eighth month, on Jin-shin, Yoh, marquis of Ch'in, died.
5 The duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung in Heu.
6 In winter, in the eleventh month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung in Kwei.
7 On Ping-seuh, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Ch'ing, when they made a covenant at Woo-foo.
8 On Ping-seuh, Tsin, marquis of Wei, died.
9 In the twelfth month, [our army] and the army of Ch'ing invaded Sung; and on Ting-we a battle was fought in Sung.
Par. 1. See on I. vi. 3.
Par. 2. For Ke ? we have ? in Kung and Kuh. For ?? Kung has ??. K'euhch'e was in Loo;—40 le to the north-east of pres. dis. city of K'euh-fow. We might translate the characters—'the pool of K'euh.' There is or was such a pool, having its source in Shihmun(??) hill.
Tso-she says the object of this meeting was 'to reconcile Ke and Keu,' which had been at feud since Keu invaded Ke in the 4th year of duke Yin.
Par. 3. Kuh-k'ew was in Sung;—30 le north from the dep. city of Ts'aou-chow. Tso-she says:—'The duke, wishing to reconcile Sung and Ch'ing, had a meeting in the autumn with the duke of Sung, at the height of Kow-tow (????).' This is another name for Kuh-k'ew. Yen here is the 'southern' Yen, a small earldom, whose lords had the surname K'eih (?), and professed to be descended from Hwang-te. It was in the pres. dis. of Keih (?), dep. Wei-hwuy, Ho-nan. Sung had required very great promises from Tuh, as the price of establishing him in Ch'ing; and the nonfulfilment of them created great animosity between the two States. Loo, at Ch'ing's solicitation, tried to act as mediator; but without success. But if this meeting were, as Tso-she says, held simply on account of the differences between Sung and Ch'ing, we cannot account for the presence of an officer of Yen, whose weight in the scale, on one side or the other, would hardly be appreciable. Woo Ch'ing (? ?; the great Yuen commentator) thinks therefore, that the meeting was called for another purpose in which Yen had an interest, and that Loo took the opportunity to touch on Ch'ing matters. The 'History of the Different States' gives quite another turn to the par., and makes ??, to be the earl of the 'northern Yen,' who happened to arrive at Kuh-k'ew, while the meeting was being held, on his way to the court of Sung.
Par. 4. This marquis was canonized as duke Le (??). His burial is not recorded, because Loo did not attend it. See on I. iii. 7. Ho Hew foolishly supposes that this marquis was the son of T'o, and therefore his burial is not entered,—'in condemnation of T'o.' Too Yu observes that the day Jin-shin was the 23d of the 7th month; and explains the error of entering the death under the 8th month as having arisen from the historiographers of Loo, simply taking down the date as it was given them erroneously, so far as the month was concerned, in the message from Ch'in (??).
Parr. 5, 6. Tso-she says:—'Uncertain whether Sung would be reconciled to Ch'ing or not, Loo persevered in its endeavours; and the duke had the meetings in these two paragraphs.' Heu and Kwei were both in Sung; but their positions are not well determined.
Par. 7. Sung had now positively declined to be reconciled, and Loo takes decidedly the side of Ch'ing. Woo-foo was in Ch'ing,—in the south-west of pres. dis. of Tung-ming (??), dep. Ta-ming, Chih-le.
Par. 8. This is the only instance in the Ch'un Ts'ew, in which, when entries of two or more different things that occurred on the same day are made, the name of the day is given with each of them.
Par. 9. This is the sequel of par. 7. The text, however, is not so precise as usual. We want a subject before ?, which should be 'the duke' or ??, as I have given it Then the clause at the end is quite indefinite, so that Kung and Kuh both say that Loo and Ch'ing quarrelled, and fought between themselves,— whereas we find them fighting on the same side in the 2d par. of next year. Tso-she, after mentioning the meeting of Loo and Ch'ing at Woofoo, adds:—'Immediately after, they led their forces and invaded Sung, with which they fought a battle,—to punish it for its want of good faith. A superior man will say, "If there be not the appendage of good faith, covenants are of no use. It is said in the Poems (II. v. IV. 3),
'The king is continually insisting on covenants,
And the disorder is thereby increased;'— which was from the want of good faith.'
The Chuen adds here:—'Ts'oo invaded Keaou, and attacked the south gate of the city. The Moh-gaou, K'euh-hea, said, " Keaou being small will be lightly moved. Lightly moved, its plans will be with little thought. Let us leave our wood-gatherers unprotected and so entrap it.' His advice was followed, and the people of Keaou caught 30 men. Next day they struggled to get out to pursue the service-men of Ts'oo upon the hill. The army took post at the north gate, and an ambuscade had been placed at the foot of the hill. Keaou received a great defeat. Ts'oo imposed a covenant beneath the wall, and withdrew. In this invasion of Keaou, the army of Ts'oo waded through the P'ăng in separate divisions. The people of Lo wished to attack them, and sent Pih-kea to act as a spy. He went thrice round the troops, and counted them.']
XIII.Thirteenth year.
1 In his thirteenth year, in spring, in the second month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ke and the earl of Ch'ing; and on Ke-sze they fought with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, and an officer of Yen, when the armies of Ts'e, Sung, Wei, and Yen received a severe defeat.
2 In the third month there was the burial of duke Seuen of Wei.
3 In summer there were great floods.
4 It was autumn, the seventh month.
5 It was winter, the tenth month.
[Tso-she gives the following narrative as prior to the fight in par. 1:—'In spring, K'euh Hea of Ts'oo proceeded to invade Lo, and was escorted part of the way by Tow Pih-pe. As Pih-pe was returning, he said to his charioteer, "The Mok-gaou will certainly be defeated. He walks high on his tiptoes;—his mind is not firm." Immediately after, he had an interview with the viscount of Ts'oo, and begged him to send more troops. The viscount refused, and when he had gone into his palace told his wife, a Man of T'ăng [see on VII. 3] about the matter. "Your great officer's words," said she, "were not merely for the sake of sending more troops; his meaning was that you should comfort the inferior people by your good faith, instruct all the officers by your virtue, and awe the Mohgaou by the fear of punishment. The Mohgaou, accustomed to success by the action of P'oo-saou [see the Chuen appended to XI. 1; but perhaps for P'oo-saou we should read Keaou] will presume on his own ability, and is sure to make too little of Lo. If you do not control him and comfort the army. the Moh-gaou will not make the necessary preparations. Pih-pe's meaning certainly is that you, my Lord, should instruct all the people, by good words controlling him and comforting them; that you should call the officers and stimulate them on the subject of excellent virtue; that you should see the Mohgaou, and tell him how Heaven does not make use of hasty, supercilious men. If this were not his meaning, he would not speak as he has done;—does he not know that all the army of Ts'oo has gone on the expedition?" The viscount on this sent a Man of Lae after K'euh Hea, but he could not overtake him. Meanwhile the Moh-gaou had sent an order round the army that whosover remonstrated with him should be punished. When they got to the river Yen, the troops got disordered in crossing it. After that, they observed no order, and the general made no preparations. When they got to Lo, its army and one of the Loo Jung [see the Shoo, V. ii. 4.] attacked them, and inflicted a grand defeat. The Moh-gaou strangled himself in the valley of Hwang, and all the principal officers of the expedition rendered themselves as prisoners at Yay-foo to await their punishment. But the viscount of Ts'oo said, "The fault was mine," and forgave them all.']
Par. 1. The three Chuen all differ as to the parties in whose interest this battle was fought. Kung-yang thinks they were Loo and Sung; Kuh-leang, Ke and Ts'e; and Tso-she, Sung and Ch'ing. The K'ang-he editors prefer the view of Kuh-leang, referring to the arguings of Chaou K'wang (??; of the T'ang dyn.), Hoo Gan-kwoh, Sun Keoh, and Woo Ch'ing in its favour; and place the scene of the battle in Ke (?). Something may be said in favour of each view, but a fourth one, advocated by Maou Ke-ling, is to my mind still more likely. He sees in the battle Loo's return to Ts'e and Wei for their attack in the duke's 10th year. Then Ch'ing was associated with them under Hwuh, but Hwan had managed to make Ch'ing under Tuh confederate with him to punish the other two States. The battle he thinks was fought in Sung, like the one in the preceding par., which seems to account for the place not being mentioned in the text. Tso-she's account is:— "Sung kept constantly requiring the payment of the bribes promised by the earl of Ch'ing. Ch'ing could not endure its demands, and with the help of Ke and Loo fought with Ts'e, Sung, Wei, and Yen. The name of the place of the battle is not in the text, because the duke was too late to take part in it.' The last observation is sufficiently absurd. The marquis of Wei is mentioned, the son, that is, of Tsin, whose death is mentioned in the 8th par. of last year. As the father was not yet buried, the son ought not, it is said, according to rule, to be mentioned by his title. But would that rule hold, when a new year came between the death and burial of the former prince? Then the son would publicly 'come to the vacant place,' and a new rule be inaugurated. ?? means a great defeat.' Tso-she says, under the 11th year of duke Chwang that ?????, 'the phrase indicates a ruin like the fall of a great mountain.' ?=??, 'merit.' The defeat involved the loss of merit and character.
Par. 8. See on 1.5. Wang Paou (??); Sung dyn., about contemporary with Hoo Gankwoh) says:—'Nine times is the calamity of floods recorded in the Ch'un Ts'ew: twice in the time of Hwan, and thrice in the time of Chwang. Of the nine calamities five of them occurred in the days of the father and his son. May we conclude that they were in retribution to the father for his wickedness accumulated and unrepented of, and to the son for allowing his father's wrong to go unavenged?' So speculate Chinese scholars.
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1 In his fourteenth year, in spring, in the first month, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Ch'ing in Ts'aou.
2 There was no ice.
3 In summer, in the 5th [month],—the earl of Ch'ing sent his younger brother Yu to Loo to make a covenant.
4 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Jin-shin, the granary of the ancestral temple was struck with lightning.
5 On Yih-hae we offered the autumnal sacrifice.
6 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ting-sze, Luh-foo, marquis of Ts'e, died.
7 An officer of Sung, with an officer of Ts'e, an officer of Ts'ae, an officer of Wei, and an officer of Ch'in, invaded Ch'ing.
Par. 1. Since the meeting of the duke and earl at Woo-foo in the 12th year, Loo and Ch'ing had been fast allies, and this meeting was, no doubt, to cement the bond between them. Too says that, as they met in Ts'aou, the earl of Ts'aou was also a party at the meeting. Tsoshe adds that the people of Ts'aou supplied, cattle and other fresh provisions;—'which was proper.'
Par. 2. The 1st month of Chow was the 11th of Hea, the 2d month of winter, when there ought to have been ice.
Par. 3. After (?) there is wanting the character (?), 'month;' and perhaps other characters as well. Or it may be, as some critics think, that (?) is an interpolation.
Instead of (?), Kuh-leang has (?). Tso-she says:—'The son of duke Chwang of Ch'ing, Tszejin (??); this was the designation of Yu, and afterwards became a clan-name] came to renew the covenant [??], and to confirm the meeting in Ts'aou.' I suppose this meeting had then been agreed on. Kuh-leang lays down a law, that where the day of a covenant is not given, it intimates that the covenant had formerly been arranged for. The law is arbitrary; but the fact in this case was, probably, as it would assume.
Par. 4. Woo Ch'ing says:—'When the prince is in his chariot, he is in immediate proximity to his charioteer. (?????? ?) Therefore the charioteer ? is used of the men whom the prince approaches nearest, and also of the things which the prince himself uses. The (?) granary was that in which the rice which was produced from the field cultivated by the prince himself was stored, used to supply the grain for the vessels of the ancestral temple, and which it was not presumed to apply to any other use.' This is an attempt to explain the use of (?) here; and it is strange the dictionary takes no notice of the term in this passage. The phrase might be rendered by 'the duke's own granary,' as well as by those I have employed in the translation. ?= 'met with calamity;' but acc. to Tso-she, in the Ch'un Ts'ew the term is used specially of 'calamity by fire from Heaven (????).'
Par. 5. The Chang was a regularly recurring sacrifice, and as ordinary and regular things are not entered in the Ch'un Ts'ew, the critics are greatly concerned to account for this entry. A sufficient reason seems to be supplied in the date. The Chang was due on the 8th month of Hea, and it was now only the 8th month of Chow, = the 6th month of Hea. But the grain for it would have to be supplied from the granary which had been burned; and by the mention of the sacrifice immediately after that event, the text seems to intimate some connection between the two things. Tso-she simply says that the proximity of the texts shows that 'no harm was done' by the lightning; i.e., observes Too, 'the fire was extinguished before it reached the grain.' But, contends Kuh-leang, to use the miserable remains of the grain scathed by the lightning was very disrespectful; and not to divine again for another day on which to offer the Shang, after such an ominous disaster, Hoo Gan-kw&obreve; shows, was more disrespectful still! To a western reader all this seems' much ado about nothing.'
Par. 7. Too Yu gives here, from another part of the Chuen, a useful canon about the use of (?) in the text and similar paragraphs:—'When armies can be ordered to the right or the left, ? is used.' The character simply =?, 'used.' In this case the troops of Ts'e and other States were at the disposal of Sung. Once in the She—IV.i.[iii.] V.—we find the same usage of ?. The invasion of Ch'ing was in reprisal for the events in par. 1 of last year, and XII. 8. The Chuen says:—'In winter, an officer of Sung, aided by armies from several princes, invaded Ch'ing, to avenge the battle [or battles] in Sung. The allies burned the K'eu gate of its outer wall and penetrated to the great road. Then they attacked the eastern suburbs; took New-show; and carried off the beams of Ch'ing's ancestral temple to supply those of the Loo gate of Sung [carried off the year before].'
XV. Fifteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the second month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Kea Foo to Loo to ask for carriages.
2 In the third month, on Yih-we, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
3 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ke-sze, there was the burial of duke He of Ts'e.
4 In the fifth month, Tuh, earl of Ch'ing, fled to Ts'ae.
5 Hwuh, heir-son of Ch'ing, returned to his dignity in Ch'ing.
6 The third brother of [the baron of] Heu entered into Heu.
7 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Gae.
8 An officer of Choo, an officer of Mow, and an officer of Koh came to [our] court.
9 In autumn, in the ninth month, Tuh, earl of Ch'ing, entered into Leih.
10 In winter, in the eleventh month, the duke joined the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, and the marquis of Ch'in, at Ch'e, and they invaded Ch'ing.
Par. 1. ??,—see VIII.2. On the whole par., see on I. iii. 5. Tso-she says here:—"This mission was contrary to propriety. It did not belong to the princes to contribute carriages or dresses to the king; and it was not for the son of Heaven privately to ask for money or valua bles.'
Par. 2. See on I.iii.2.
Par. 4. The Chuen relates:—'Chae Chung monopolized the government of Ch'ing, to the great trouble of the earl, who employed Chung's son-in-law, Yung Kew [this Yung Kew had come to Ch'ing with Tuh from Sang, and married a daughter of Chae Chung] to kill him. Kew proposed doing so at a feast which he was to give Chung in the subcurbs, but Yung Ke [Kew's wife, and Chung's daughter] became aware of the design, and said to her mother, "Whether is a father or a husband the nearer and dearer?" The mother said, "Any man may be husband to a woman, but she can have but one father. How can there be any comparison between them?" She then told Chae Chung, saying, "Yung is leaving his house, and intends to feast you in the suburbs and there kill you; I got him to tell me by guile." On this Chae Chung killed Yung Kew, and threw away his body by the pool of the Chow family. The earl took it with him in his carriage, and left the State, saying, "It was right he should die, who communicated his plans to his wife!" Thus in summer duke Le quitted Ch'ing, and fled to Ts'ae.' Here Tuh has his title given him, which, we saw, was withheld from Hwuh in XI. 6. Some of the reasons assigned by the critics for that withholding were then adduced. but another may here be suggested. Under Hwuh, Loo and Ch'ing were and continued after this to be enemies. Under Tuh, they were friends. These different conditions betray themselves in the historiographers, and Confucius did not care to alter their style in XI.6. In this part it should seem that there ought to be some mention of Chae Chung's expelling his prince; but the characters ?? 'went out and fled,' imply an impelling violence behind.
Par. 5. The feeling of Loo against Hwuh appears here also in his being only called ?? or 'heir-son.' Tso says:—'In the 6th month, on Yih-hae, duke Ch'aou entered.' The phrase ??, however, implies his recovery of former dignity. In a Chuen on duke Ch'ing, XVIII.5, Tso has—?????? 'restoration to one's dignity is expressed by ??.'
Par. 6. See the long Chuen on the affairs of Heu on I.xi.3. The Heu Shuh here is the young brother of the baron who had fled before Ch'ing and its allies, and whom the earl had placed in the eastern borders of the State, as if with some prevision of what now occurred. After sixteen years, the young man recovered the possession of his fathers. (?) here has not the hostile meaning which it generally bears, though the K'ang-he editors think such a term is used to convey some blame of Heu Shuh, for taking possession of the seat of his fathers without announcing his purpose to the king, and getting his sanction to his undertaking. But of what use could such a proceeding have been? The king was hardly able to sustain himself. The ?after ? seems to distinguish this use of ? from the cases in which it is followed directly by its object.
Par. 7. Tso-she says the object of this meeting was 'to consult about the settlement of Heu;' but the critics doubt this view as nothing is found in the Ch'un Ts'ew or elsewhere to confirm it. See I. vi. 2. For ? Kung has ? , and Kuh ?.
Par. 8. Choo, Mow, and Koh were all small States, though the lords of Choo came to be called viscount and marquis, and the chief of Koh was an earl, with the surname Ying (?). It was in pres. dis. of Ning-ling (??), dep. Kwei-tih. Mow was merely an 'attached' State, in pres. dis. of Lae-woo (??), dep. T'aegan. Too Yu thinks the three visitors were all the heir-sons of the three small States; the chiefs of which, as being merely 'attached,' would be entered by their names, and their sons, therefore, would simply be called 'men,' and not named; but this is mere conjecture. We may adhere here to the translation of (?) by 'officer.'
Par. 9. Leih was a strong city of Ch'ing, in pres. Yu Chow, dep. K'ae-fung. Tso-she says: —'In autumn, [Tuh], the earl of Ch'ing, procured the death of T'an Pih [the commandant of Leih] by some of the people of Leih, and immediately took up his residence in it.' The meaning of (?) here is intermediate between its purely hostile significance, and that in par.
6. Kung-yang supposes that this occupation of Leih was equivalent to the recovery by Tuh of Ch'ing, led away probably by the 'earl of Ch'ing,' in which we again see the favour which Loo bore to Tuh.
Par. 10. Ch'e was in Sung;—in Suh Chow (??), dep. Fung-yang, Gan-hwuy, Tsoshe says the movement was to restore duke Le; and that it was unsuccessful, and the invaders returned. Kung-yang has ?? after ?, and ?, for ?. Sung was induced to join the undertaking, probably by assurances from Tuh that, if he were once again re-established in Ch'ing, he would fulfil the promises he had formerly made.
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1 In his sixteenth year, in spring, in the first month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ts'ae, and the marquis of Wei, in Ts'aou.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, the duke joined the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the marquis of Ch'in, and the marquis of Ts'ae, in invading Ch'ing.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Ch'ing.
4 In winter, we walled Heang. 5In the eleventh month, Soh, marquis of Wei, fled to Ts'e.
Par. 1. The expedition by Loo, Sung, Wei and Ch'in against Ch'ing in the 11th month of the last year had been unsuccessful. The princes of Loo, Sung, and Wei now meet and arrange for another; and they have Ts'ae also to join their confederacy. Tso-she says:—'The object of the meeting was to plan about invading Ch'ing (????).'
Par. 2. This is the sequel of the last par.; and Ch'in re-appears in the expedition. In accounts of conferences and expeditions, Ts'ae is always placed before Wei, as in par. 1, while here it is last in order. This makes Too say that at this time the marquis of Ts'ae was 'the last to arrive (??).' Ying-tah, however, quotes from Pan Koo (historian of the 1st Han), to the effect that, from Yin to the 14th year of duke Chwang,—a period of 43 years,—there was no regular order of precedence among the princes, as no really leading one among them (??) had yet arisen.'
Par. 3. See on II. 9.
Par. 4. It is mentioned before, I. ii. 2, that 'Keu entered Heang;' and in VII.iv. 1, we read that duke Seuen attacked Keu and took Heang. But here we find duke Hwan fortifying Heang. This can hardly have been the same place, but another, properly belonging to Loo. Too Yu says nothing here on this point, nor does any other of the critics, so far as I have observed. Tso-she observes that this undertaking was recorded because it was 'at the proper time.' But the time for such undertakings was not yet come, according to the natural reading of the par., which simply says the thing was done in winter; and as the next par. begins with the specification of the 11th month, we conclude that Heang was walled in the 10th;—which was only the 8th month of the Hea year. To justify Tso-she's observation, therefore, Too contends that though no month is mentioned here, we must understand the 11th month's and he says also that the sixth month of this year was intercalary, which of course would carry the 11th month of Chow forward to the term for for such an undertaking. All this, however, is very uncertain.
Par. 5. Tso-she has here a melancholy narrative: —'Long before this, duke Seuen of Wei had committed incest with E-keang [a concubine of his father;—comp. 1. Cor. v. 1], the produce of which was Keih-tsze, the charge of whom he entrusted to Chih, his father's son by the occupant of the right or the harem. In course of time, he made an engagement for Keih-tsze with one of the princesses of Ts'e, but took her to himself in consequence of her beauty. She gave birth to two sons, Show and Soh, the former of whom he gave in charge to his father's son by the occupant of the left of the harem. E Keang strangled herself; and Seuen Keang [the lady of Ts'e, who should have been Keih-tsze's wife] and Soh plotted against Keih-tsze, till the duke sent him on a mission to Ts'e, employing ruffians to wait for him at Sin, and put him to death. Show told Keih-tsze of the scheme, and urged him to go to some other State; but he refused, saying, "If I disobey my father's command, how can I use the name of son? If there were any State without fathers, I might go there." As he was about to set out, Show made him drunk, took his flag, and went on before him. The ruffians [thinking him to be Keihtsze] killed him, and then came Keih-tsze, crying out, "It was I whom ye sought? What crime had he? Please kill me." The ruffians killed him also. On this account, the two brothers of Seuen [who had received charge of Keih-tsze and Show] cherished resentment against duke Hwuy [Soh], and raised K'eenmow to the marquisate, when Hwuy fled to Ts'e.' See the She, I. iii. XIX.
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1 In his seventeenth year, in spring, in the first month, on Ping-shin, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e and the marquis of Ke, when they made a covenant in Hwang.
2 In the second month, on Ping-woo, the duke had a meeting with E-foo of Choo, when they made a covenant in Ts'uy.
3 In summer, in the fifth month, on Ping-woo, we fought with the army of Ts'e at He.
4 In the sixth month, on Ting-ch'ow, Fung-jin, marquis of Ts'ae, died.
5 In autumn, in the eighth month, the fourth brother of [the marquis of] of Ts'ae returned from Ch'in to Ts'ae.
6 On Kwei-sze there was the burial of the marquis Hwan of Ts'ae.
7 Along with an army of Sung and an army of Wei, [we] invaded Choo.
8 In winter, in the tenth month, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
Par. 1. Hwang, acc. to Too, was in Ts'e. Some find it in the pres. dis. of Hwang, dep. Tăngchow; but that would seem to be too distant from Loo, though convenient enough for Ts'e and Ke.
Tso-she says that the object of the meeting was to reconcile Ts'e and Ke, and to consult about the affairs of Wei. We may suppose that Ke was now in more danger from Ts'e, since the death of the king, and the consequent loss of his influence in favour of his son-in-law.
Par. 2. Ts'uy was in Loo, somewhere in the borders of the pres. diss. of Sze-shwuy and Tsow. Tso says the object of the meeting was to renew the covenant at Meeh;—see I.i.2. Too observes that Ping-woo was not in the 2d month, but was the 4th day of the 3d month. It is plain that there could be no Ping-woo in the 2d month, as we have the same day, in the next par. recurring in the 5th month. Kung has instead of .
Par. 3. Kung-yang has here no ?, and Kuh leang, instead of ,* has ?. He was in Loo;—in pres. dis. of Tăng, dept. Yen-chow. Tso says:—'This fight was in consequence of some border dispute. When it arose, the people of Ts'e made a stealthy inroad on the borders of Loo, the officers of which came and told the duke, who said, "On the borders it is for you carefully to guard your own particular charge, and to be prepared for anything unexpected. In the meantime look thoroughly to your preparations; and when the thing comes, fight. What need you come to see me for?"
The covenant of the 1st month had proved of little use.
Par. 5. ? has the meaning in the translation, and was also and naturally the designation of the individual. On par. 4 Tso says that, on the death of the marquis [who had no son], the people of Ts'ae called his younger brother from Ch'in; and here he observes that the entry here [the designation being given, aud not the name] shows how highly the people of Ts'ae thought of him. I think the character ? intimates that Ke was raised to be marquis of Ts'ae; and this was the opinion of Too Yu, who identifies him with Heen-woo, who, we shall see hereafter, was carried off prisoner by Ts'oo.
I am surprised that the K'ang-he editors doubt this identification, and follow the opinion of Ho Hew, the editor of Kung-yang, who says that Ke refused to accept the marquisate, which was then given to Heen-woo. Kuh-leang says strangely that Ke was a nobleman of Ts'ae, raised by the support of Ch'in to be marquis. Yet even he does not doubt the elevation of Ke.
Par. 6. In all other cases, where the burial of a prince is recorded, the title of duke follows the honorary or sacrificial epithet. Here we have a solitary instance, where the title of rank, borne during the life-time, is preserved. This has given rise to much speculation. It seems the simplest solution of the difficulty to suppose an error in the text of ? for ?.
Par. 7. Loo had covenanted with Choo in the 2d month, and, the year before, Choo had sent its salutations to the court of Loo; and yet here we find Loo joined with Sung and Wei in an invasion of Choo. Tso-she says that Loo was following the lead of Sung, which, acc. to Too, was quarrelling with Choo about their borders.
Par. 8. This eclipse took place, Oct. 3d, B. C. 694, and on Kăng-woo, the 7th day of the cycle. The day of the cycle is not given in the text, because, acc. to Tso-she, 'the officers had lost it.' He adds, 'The son of Heaven had his "officer of the days (??)," and the princes their "superintendent of the days (??)." The officer of the days had the rank of a high minister, and it was his business to regulate the days of the year. The superintendents of the days were required not to lose the days [which they had received from the king's officer], but to deliver them to the difft. officers in their princes' courts.' It may have been so that the number of the day was thus lost; but it is simpler to suppose that the historiographers on this occasion omitted it. This is the view taken by many critics; —as Chaou K'wang (??; T'ang dyn.), Ch'in Foo-leang (???; 12th cent.), and Chan Joh-shwuy (???); Ming dyn.). The K'ang-he editors observe, that, during the Han dynasty and previously, astronomers could only determine the first day of the moon, approximately, in an average way (??), from the average motion of the sun and moon, but that from the time of Lew Hung, (??; the After Han dyn.), and through his labours, it became possible to determine exactly the time of new moon (??), by adding to or subtracting from the average time, as might be necessary. Still, this want of exactitude in these times could not affect the day of the cycle on which a phænonenon like an eclipse was to be recorded.
[The Chuen appends here:—'Years back, when the earl of Ch'ing [Woo-shang, duke Chwang, the earl] had wished to make Kaou K'eu-me one of his high ministers, duke Ch'aou [then the earl's son Hwuh], who disliked Kaou, had remonstrated strongly against such a measure. The earl did not listen to him; but when duke Ch'aou succeeded to the State, Kaou was afraid lest he should put him to death. On the day Sin-maou, therefore, he took the initiative, and killed duke Ch'aou, raising up his brother We in his room. A superior man will say that the prince knew the man whom he disliked. Kung-tsze Tah said, "Kaou Pih [Kaou K'eu-me] indeed deserved an evil end! His revenge of an ill done to him was excessive."']
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1 In his eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, near the Luh, after which the duke and his wife, the lady Keang, went to Ts'e.
2In summer, in the fourth month, on Ping-tsze, the duke died in Ts'e; and on Ting-yew, his coffin arrived from Ts'e.
3 It was autumn, the seventh month. 4In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ke-ch'ow, we buried our ruler, duke Hwan.
Par. 1. Once more, at the commencement of duke Hwan's last year, the character ? re-appears, and the fancies to which its re-appearance has given rise are numerous and ridiculous. It would be as fruitless to detail as to discuss them. We must read the two entries about the meeting on the Luh, and the going to Ts'e, in one par. because of the ?, which, as a ??, ?? or 'a word connecting events,' links them together. The character ? in the second part does not occur in Kung-yang; and Twan Yuh-tsae, in his 'Old Text of Tso-she's Ch'un Ts'ew' omits it, contending that Kuh-leang also did not have it. It is, however, in all the editions of Kuh that I have seen. Twan says that it is 'a vulgar addition' to Tso-she (? ??). The critics generally receive it, however. The conjunctions ?, and ? ? are those proper to the Classic, and for the ? here they account by insisting on its equivalence to ?, 'to grant,' 'to allow.' It was contrary to propriety for the duke's wife to go to Ts'e, but she was bent on going, and the duke weakly allowed her to accompany him.
The ? (pronounced Luh or Loh) was a stream, which flows into the Tse in the northwest of the dis. of Leih-shing (??), dep. Tse-nan. We have no intimation of the business discussed at this meeting between Loo and Ts'e; and the ordinary view is that it had been brought about by duke Seang of Ts'e simply with a view to bring his sister and him together, and then to get her farther to accompany him to his capital. The only scholar who controverts this view is Wan Sze-ta (???), of the pres. dyn., who argues, feebly however, that Seang was a younger brother of Wăn Keang, and that the incestuous connection between them originated at this meeting.
The Chuen says:—'In spring the duke, being about to travel, allowed at the same time his wife Keang to go with him to Ts'e. Shin Seu said, "The woman has her husband's house; the man has his wife's chamber; and there must be no defilement on either side;—then is there what is called propriety. Any change in this matter is sure to lead to ruin." Notwithstanding this remonstrance, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e near the Luh, and then went on with Wăn Keang [his wife was styled Wăn, from her elegance and accomplishments] to Ts'e, where she had criminal connection with the marquis, her brother. The duke angrily reproached her, and she told the marquis of it.'
Par. 2. In continuation of the last Chuen, Tso-she says:—'The marquis feasted the duke, and then, [having made him drunk], employed P'ăng-săng, a half brother of his own, to take him to his lodging in his carriage. The duke died in the carriage, and the people of Loo sent a message to the marquis of Ts'e, saying, "Our poor lord, in awe of your majesty, did not dare to remain quietly at home, but went to renew the old friendship between your State and ours. After the ceremonies had been all completed, he did not come back. We do not fix the crime on any one, but the wicked deed is known among all the princes, and we beg you will take the shame of it away with P'ăng-sang." On this, the people of Ts'e put P'ang-săng to death.'
The reader will find all the incidents of Hwan's visit to Ts'e, his wife's misconduct, his death, &c., graphically told in the 'History of the Different States,' Bk. XIII. As to Confucius' silence about them in the text, see the note to I.xi.4. Choo He says very lamely, 'Confucius gives a straightforward narration, and his judgment lies in the facts themselves. When he says, "The duke met with the marquis of Ts'e in such and such a place; the duke and his wife Keang went to Ts'e; the duke died in Ts'e; the duke's coffin came from Ts'e; the duke's wife withdrew to Ts'e;"—with such entries plainly before our eyes, we could understand the nature of them without any Chuen.' ? is to be taken here as ??=?, 'the coffin with the body in it;'—see the dictionary, in voc.
Par. 3. [Tso-she gives here two narratives:— 'In autumn, the marquis of Ts'e went with a force to Show-che, and there Tsze-we [the new earl of Ch'ing; see the Chuen at the end of last year] went to have a meeting with him, Kaou K'eu-me being in attendance as his minister. In the 7th month, on Mow-seuh, the marquis put Tsze-we to death, and caused Kaou K'eume to be torn in pieces by chariots. After this, Chae Chung sent to Ch'in for another son of duke Chwang, met him, and made him earl of Ch'ing. When Tsze-we and K'eu-me were setting out for Show-che, Chae Chung, knowing what would happen, made a pretence of being ill, and would not accompany them. Some people said, "Chae Chung escaped by his intelligence," and he himself said that it was so.'
'The duke of Chow [Hih-keen; see the Chuen on V. 6] wished to murder king Chwang, and set his brother K'ih [the king's brother; another son of king Hwan] on the throne. Sin Pih told the king of it, and then he and the king put the duke of Chow, Hih-keen, to death, while the king's brother K'ih fled to Yen. Formerly, Tsze-e [the designation of K'ih] was the favourite with king Hwan, who placed him under the care of the duke of Chow. Sin Pih remonstrated with the duke, saying, "Equal queens [i. e., a concubine made the equal of the queen], equal sons [i. e., the son of a concubine put on the same level as the queen's son], two governments [i. e., favourites made equal to ministers], and equal cities [i. e., any other fortified city made as large as the capital]:—these all lead to disorder." The duke paid no heed to this advice, and he consequently came to his bad end.']
[The marquis of Ts'e, having committed incest with his sister, and murdered his brotherin-law, proceeded to execute the justice which the former of these narratives describes to awe princes and people into silence about his own misdeeds. The division of the body by five chariots was a horrible punishment. The head, the two arms, and two legs were bound, each to a carriage in which an ox was yoked, each animal placed in a separate direction. The oxen were then urged and beaten till the head and limbs were torn from the body.]
Par. 4. The burial took place later than it should have done; and indeed, according to Kung and Kuh, it should not have taken place at all until the real murderer of the duke was punished. But what could Loo do in the circumstances? The evil man had come to an evil end; and the best plan was to consign his coffin to the earth.
BOOK III. DUKE CHWANG.
I. First year.
1 [It was] the [duke's] first year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In the third month, the [late duke's] wife retired to Ts'e.
3 In summer, the earl of Shen escorted the king's daughter.
4 In autumn, a reception house was built for the king's daughter outside [the city wall].
5 In winter, in the tenth month, on Yih-hae, Lin, marquis of Ch'in, died.
6 The king sent Shuh of Yung [to Loo] to confer on duke Hwan [certain] symbols of his favour.
7 The king's daughter went to her home in Ts'e.
8 An army of Ts'e carried away [the inhabitants of] P'ing, Tsze, and Woo, [cities of] ke.
Title of The Book.—??, 'Duke Chwang.' This was the son of Hwan, whose birth is chronicled in II. vi. 5, and who received the name of T'ung (?), in the manner described in the Chuen on that paragraph. He was therefore now in his 13th year. The honorary title Chwang denote—'Conqueror of enemies and Subduer of disorder (??? ???).'
Chwang's rule lasted 32 years, B.C. 692—661. His first year synchronized with the 4th year of king Chwang(?); the 5th of Seang (?) of Ts'e; the 12th of Min (?) of Tsin; the 7th of Hwuy (?), and the 3d of K'een-mow (? ?), of Wei [Hwuy is the Soh of II. xvi. 5. See the Chuen there]; the 2d of Gae (?) of Ts'ae; the 8th of Le, and the 1st of Tsze-e, of Ch'ing [see the Chuen appended to II. xviii. 3]; the 9th of Chwang (?) of Ts'aou; the 7th of Chwang (?) of Ch'in; the 11th of Tsing (?) of Ke (?); the 17th of Chwang (?) of Sung; the 5th of Woo(?) of Ts'in; and the 48th of Woo of Ts'oo.
Par. 1. See on I. i. 1, and II. i. 1. There is here the same incompleteness of the text as in I. i. 1; and no doubt for the same reason,—that the usual ceremonies at the commencement of the rule of a new marquis were not observed. The young marquis's father had been basely murdered; he took his place; but with as little observation as possible. Tso-she says that 'the phrase ?? is not used here because Wăn Keang [his mother] had left the State.' This occasions some difficulty, as will be seen, with the next par.
Par. 2. The char. (?) read sun, and in the 3d tone, is =? 'to retire,' 'to withdraw;'—a euphemism for ? 'fled'. It is evident that Wăn Keang had returned from Ts'e to Loo; —when she did so, does not appear. From Tsoshe's observation above, that the phrase ?? was omitted in the account of Chwang's accession, because his mother was then in Ts'e, it would appear as if she returned subsequently to that event. But that explanation of the omission is inadmissible; and the view of Maou and others is much more probable, that she had returned to Loo at the same time that the coffin and corpse of duke Hwan were brought to it. She probably felt her position there exceedingly unpleasant. Guilty of incest with her brother, and of complicity in the murder of her husband, she could not be looked kindly on by her son or the people of Loo; and now therefore she fled to Ts'e.
Mysteries are found in the omission of the words ??, 'the lady Keang,' after ?? on which we need not touch. Tso-she says they are left out, ' as a disowning of her, and not acknowledging her kinship;—as was proper;' but even this is doubtful.
Kung and Kuh give a very strange view of the par. They think that Wăn Keang had not returned at all to Loo; and that duke Chwang, just at this period of the mourning for his father, was led to think sorrowfully of her absence, and ordered the entry in the text to be made about her. This is clearly most unlikely in itself, and contrary to the usage of ? which we shall meet with in other passages.
Par. 3. A treaty of marriage had for more than a year been going on between Loo, on behalf of the royal House, on the one hand, and Ts'e on the other. When the king wanted to marry one of his daughters to any of the princes, it was considered inconsistent with his dignity to appear in the matter himself; and a prince of the same surname was employed as internuncius and manager. This duty was frequently devolved on the princes of Loo; and Hwan had undertaken it in this instance. His meeting with the marquis of Ts'e at Luh, in the first month of last year, had reference perhaps to this very matter. When the marriage was fixed, the rule was that the king should send the lady, escorted by a high minister, to the court of the managing prince; and there she was met or sent for by her future husband.
Accordingly, we have in the text the earl [a royal minister, so titled] of Shen [the name of the city assigned to him in the royal domain] escorting the lady (??, a royal Ke] to Loo. On this view of the paragraph, all is plain; but instead of (?), Kung and Kuh, followed in this instance by the K'ang-he editors, have ? 'met.' This necessitates our understanding ? ?, as the surname and designation of an officer of Loo, specially commissioned, somehow, to meet and convoy the king's daughter to Loo. One can easily see how ?and ?, might be mistaken, the one for the other. There can be no doubt, it seems to me, that Tso-she's reading should be followed.
Par. 4. It was autumn, when the king's daughter arrived at the capital of Loo. The case was a hard one, as Chwang was still in mourning for his father. To be managing the marriage of the king's daughter to the man who had murdered his own father, was a greater difficulty still. The case was met, in part at least, by not receiving the lady in the palace or the ancestral temple, but building a ?, a sort of hall or reception-house for her, outside the city. Tsoshe says, 'This was treating her as an outsider (??);—which was proper.'
Par. 6. ? is used here as in the Shoo, V. viii. 4, meaning the symbols of investiture or more generally of royal favour. These were of 9 kinds, all of which could be conferred only on the holder of a fief of the first class,—a duke or a marquis. An earl might have seven of them; a viscount or a baron, 5. The proper place for conferring them was the court, on the noble's personal appearance; but they might also be sent;—as in the Shoo, V. xiii. 25. To confer them, as here, on a dead man, seems very strange; and on a man who had been stained with crime, is stranger still. Whatever the gifts were, they would be treasured in Loo as royal testimonials to the excellence of duke Hwan. Yung [the clan-name] Shuh [the designation] was a great officer of the court. According to the analogy of other passages. there ought to be ?before ?. It may have slipped out of the text, or been unwittingly omitted by the historiographers.
Par. 8. Ts'e here takes an important step in carrying out its cherished purpose of extinguishing the State of Ke. P'ing is referred to somewhere in the pres. dep. of Ts'ing-chow; Tsze [so * is read], to dis. of Ch'ang-yih (? ?), same dep.; and Woo to a place 60 le to the south-west of dis. Gan-k'ew (??), dep. Tse-nan. These were three towns or cities of Ke, the inhabitants of which the marquis of Ts'e removed within his own State, peopling them also, we must suppose, with his own subjects. Kuh-leang wrongly supposes that the three names are those of three small States, absorbed by Ts'e at this time in addition to Ke. But the end of Ke was not yet.
II. Second year.
1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's second month, there was the burial of duke Chwang of Ch'in.
2 In summer, duke [Hwan's] son K'ing-foo led a force, and invaded Yu-yu-k'ew.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, the king's daughter, [married to the marquis] of Ts'e, died.
4 In winter, in the twelfth month, the [late duke's] wife, the lady Keang, had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Choh.
5 On Yih-yew, P'ing, duke of Sung, died.
Par. 2. K'ing-foo was the name of a halfbrother of duke Chwang, older than he, but the son of a concubine. Older than Chwang, he should be designated Măng (?); but as not being the son of the rightful wife, he was only styled Chung (?), and his descendants became the Chung-sun (??) clan, which subsequently was changed into Măng-sun (??);—see the note in the Analects on II.v.1. Kung-yang is wrong in saying he was a younger full brother of Chwang;-how could a boy of 10 or thereabouts be commanding on a military expedition? Too says that Yu-yu-k'ew was the name of a State, while Kung, Kuh, and Ying-tah, all make it a city of Choo (?). Too's view is to be preferred; and from the foreign, barbarous, trisyllabic aspect of the name, we may infer that the State was that of some wild tribe, not far from Loo.
Par. 3. The ??? says the lady pined away, and died broken-hearted, on finding what sort of a husband she was mated to. Her death is entered here, contrary to the rule in such matters, probably because Loo had superintended the marriage, and she might be considered as one of the daughters of the State. See a reference to the death of this lady, and duke Chwang's wearing mourning for her 9 months, in the Le Ke, II. Pt. II. i. 18.
Par. 4. The critics are unanimous in supposing that this par. implies that Wăn Keang had again returned to Loo, after her withdrawment to Ts'e in the 3d month of last year. Choh [Kung-yang has ?] was in Ts'e, on its western border. Tso-she says plainly that the object of the meeting was a repetition of the former crime.
Par. 5. See the Chuen appended to I. iii. 5, and the note on II.ii. 3.
III. Third year.
1 In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first month, Neih joined an army of Ts'e in invading Wei.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of duke Chwang of Sung.
3 In the fifth month, there was the burial of king Hwan.
4 In autumn, the third brother of [the marquis of] Ke entered with [the city of] Hwuy under [the protection of] Ts'e.
5 In winter the duke halted in Hwah.
Par. 1. Compare I. iv. 5. We have here the name Neih, just as in that par. we have the name Hwuy. Tso-she says here, as there, that the omission of ??, 'duke's son,' before the name, indicates the sage's dislike of the individual and his enterprise (???); and though that omission has no such significance, the invasion of Wei was certainly most blameworthy. S&obreve;h the marquis of Wei, stained with atrocious crimes, had fled to Ts'e, in the 16th year of Hwan, and K'een-mow, with the approval of the king [see VI. 1], had been raised to his place; yet here we have Ts'e moving to restore Soh, and Loo, forgetting its own injuries received from Ts'e, joining in the attempt.
Par. 3. Tso-she remarks that this burial was late; and late it was, as king Hwan had died in the 15th year of duke Hwan. Some reason there must have been for deferring the interment so long, but we know not what. Kung and Kuh, without any evidence in support of their view, suppose that this was a second burial,—the removal of the coffin from its first resting place to another.
Par. 4. The marquis of Ke was of course the eldest brother of his family ?, and the one here mentioned would be his 3d or his 4th brother. Hwuy was a city of Ke,—in the pres. dis. of Lin-tsze (??), dep. Ts'ing-chow. Ts'e had begun to carry into effect its purpose of annexing the State of Ke (see I. 8). This brother of the marquis, seeing the approaching fate of the whole State, makes offer of the city and district under his charge, and enters Ts'e as a Foo-yung, or attached State, in which he might preserve the sacrifices to his ancestors. Tso-she says that 'Ke now began to be divided.'
Par. 5. Hwah (Kung and Kuh have ?), acc. to Too, belonged to Ch'ing;—in Suy Chow (??), dep. Kwei-tih; but Maou and many other recent critics think it was the name of a small State near to Ch'ing. Tso-she says that the duke wanted to have a meeting with the earl of Ch'ing (Tsze-e), to consult if any thing could be done for Ke, but that the earl pleaded his own difficulties [arising from his brother Tuh], and declined a meeting. In explanation of the term ?, Tso adds:—'In all military expeditions, where a halt is made for one night, it is called ?; where it is for two nights, it is called ?; and when for more than two nights, it is called ?.'
IV. Fourth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang, feasted the marquis of Ts'e at Chuh-k'ew.
2 In the third month, [duke Yin's] eldest daughter, [who had been married to the marquis] of Ke, died.
3 In summer, the marquis of Ts'e, the marquis of Ch'in, and the earl of Ch'ing met at Ch'uy.
4 The marquis of Ke made a grand leaving of his State.
5 In the sixth month, on Yih-ch'ow, the marquis of Ts'e interred [duke, Yin's] eldest daughter of Ke.
6 It was autumn, the seventh month.
7 In winter, the duke and an officer of Ts'e hunted in Choh.
Par. 1. Chuh-k'ew,—see on II. v. 5. It appears from this that the duke's mother had returned to Loo, after her meeting with her brother in II. 4. Her now getting him to come to Loo, and openly feasting him, shows how they were becoming more and more shameless.
Par. 2. This is the lady whose marriage was chronicled in I. ii. 5, 6. The death of daughters of the House of Loo who had been married to other princes was chronicled by the historiographers; and sometimes their burial also.
[Tso-she adds here;—'In the 3d month of this year, king Woo of Ts'oo, made new arrangements for marshalling the army, and supplied the soldiers with the hooked spear. He was then going to invade Suy; and, being about to fast before the delivery of the new weapons, he went into his palace, and told his wife, Man of T'ăng [see the Chuen after II. xiii. 1] that his heart felt all-agitated. "Your majesty's life [lit., revenues]," said she, sighing, "is near an end. After fulness comes that dissipation;— such is the way of Heaven. The former rulers [in whose temple he was going to fast] must know this; and therefore, at the commencement of this military undertaking, when you were about to issue your great commands, they have thus agitated your majesty's heart. If the expedition take no damage, and your majesty die on the march, it will be the happiness of the State." The king marched immediately after this, and died under a mun tree. The chief minister [see Ana. V. xviii.]. Tow K'e, and the Moh-gaou, K'euh Ch'ung, made a new path, bridged over the Cha, and led their army close to Suy, the inhabitants of which were afraid, and asked for terms of peace. The Moh-gaou, as if by the king's command, entered the city, and made a covenant with the marquis of Suy, asking him also to come to a meeting on the north of the Han, after which the army returned. It was not till it had crossed the Han that the king's death was made known, and the funeral rites began.']
Par. 3. Ch'uy,—see I. viii. 1. The meeting here had reference, probably, to Ke, which was now near its end as an independent State. Hoo Gan-kwoh and many other critics think Tuh, or duke Le, is the earl of Ch'ing here intended; but much more likely is the view that it was Tsze-e [see the Chuen after p. 5 of II. xviii.]. The word ? is used instead of ?, probably because the meeting wanted some of the usual formalities.
Par. 4. Tso-she says:—'The marquis of Ke was unable to submit to Ts'e, and gave over the State to his 3d brother. In summer, he took a grand leave of it, to escape the oppression of Ts'e.' The poor marquis was unable to cope with his relentless enemy, and rather than sacrifice the lives of the people in a vain struggle, he gave the State over to his brother, who had already put himself under the jurisdiction of Ts'e (III. 4). Too says that 'to leave and not return is called a grand leaving.' The phrase is here complimentary. Kung-yang, indeed, argues that the style of the paragraph, concealing the fact that Ts'e now extinguished the State of Ke, was designed to gloss over the wickedness of the marquis of Ts'e in the act, because he thereby revenged the wrong done in B. C. 893 to one of his ancestors, who was boiled to death at the court of Chow, having been slandered by the then lord of Ke! The marquis of Ts'e, therefore, was now only discharging a duty of revenge in destroying the House of Ke! Into such vagaries do the critics fall, who will find 'praise or censure' in the turn of every sentence in this Classic.
Par. 5. The leaving his wife unburied shows to what straits the prince of Ke had been reduced, when he went away. The marquis of Ts'e, we may suppose, now performed the duty of interment, with all the honours due to the lady's rank, partly in compliment to Loo, and partly to conciliate the people.
Par. 7. Here, as in II. 4, Kung-yang has ? instead of ?. Both Kung and Kuh say that by ?? is intended the marquis of Ts'e himself; but Too simply says the phrase ??, 'a mere officer,' adding that the nature of the whole transaction,—the duke's crossing his own borders and hunting in another State with one of inferior rank,—is sufficiently apparent.
V. Fifth year.
1 It was [the duke's] fifth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang went to the army of Ts'e.
3 In autumn, Le-lae of E paid a visit to our court.
4 In winter, the duke joined an officer of Ts'e, and an officer of Sung, an officer of Ch'in, and an officer of Ts'ae, and invaded Wei.
Par, 2. The army of Ts'e was probably in Ke at this time. Wăn Keang now joined her brother, in the sight of thousands. Wang Paou says:—'The month of former meetings, as at Choh and Chuh-k'ew, was mentioned, intimating that after some days the marquis and his sister separated. Here the season is given, intimating that they remained together for months.'
Par. 3. E (Kung-yang has ?) was a small attached territory under the jurisdiction of Sung,—in pres. dis. of T'ăng, dep. Yen-chow. Its chief, as Tso says, had not received from the king any symbol of dignity (???), and therefore he is mentioned by his name,—Le (Tso has ?)-lae. The chiefs of attached territories are mentioned both by their names, and designations. Hoo Gan-kwoh thinks that the name indicates that the territory is that of some barbarous tribe. Tung Chung-shoo (???; early in the Han dyn.) says that when the territory contained 30 square le, the chief was mentioned by his designation; when it had only 20 square le, simply by his name. All this is very doubtful.
Par. 4. The object of this expedition was the restoration of Soh, or duke Hwuy;—see II.xvi.5.
VI. Sixth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, Tsze-tuh, an officer of the king, [endeavoured to] relieve [the capital of] Wei.
2 In summer, in the sixth month, Soh, marquis of Wei, entered [the capital of] Wei.
3 In autumn, the duke arrived from the invasion of Wei.
4 There were the ming-insects.
5 In winter, an officer of Ts'e came to present [to Loo] the spoils of Wei.
Par. 1. Kung and Kuh both read here ? instead of ?. The king made an effort to support Wei against the attempt to re-instate Soh; but his ministers all declined the risk of commanding the expedition. Only Tsze-tuh in the text, not even a 'great officer,' would hazard himself of the enterprize. Too, followed by Ying-tah, and a host of others, consider that Tsze-tuh was the officer's designation, while Kung and Kuh have many critics, and among them for once Maou K'e-ling, affirming that it was his name. I think the former view is the correct one.
Par. 2. As Soh had been de facto marquis of Wei, the ??? here, as descriptive of his restoration, is peculiar. Comp. II. xi. 5, xv. 5; et al. The phrase seems to be condemnatory of him, entering as an enemy into his capital. Tso-she says:—'In summer. the marquis of Wei entered; drove Kung-tsze K'een-mow [see the Chuen to II xvi. 5] to Chow, and Ning Kwei to Tsin; and put to death Seeh and Chih, the sons of duke Hwan by the two ladies on the right and left of the harem. After this he took his place as marquis. The superior man will say, "The action of the two sons of duke Hwan in raising K'een-mow to the marquisate was illconsidered. He who would be able to make sure the seat to which he raises any one, must measure the beginning and the end of his protege, and then establish him as circumstances direct. If he know the individual to have no root in himself, he dismisses him from his plans. If he know that his root will not produce branches, it is vain to try to strengthen him. The Book of Poetry says, "The root and the branches increase for a hundred generations (She III. i. I.2)."
Par. 4. Sec I. v. 6.
Par. 5. Kung and Kuh both read ? here for ?, and Tso-she also has ? in his Chuen, so that Too suspects ? to be an error of the text. It need not be so, however, for ? may signify either prisoners or precious spoils generally. See an instance of the latter application of it in the Preface to the Shoo, p. 14. Tso-she says that this gift of the spoils of Wei was made at the request of Wăn-keang.
[The Chuen adds here:— King Wăn of Ts'oo was invading Shin and passed by T'ăng. K'e, marquis of T'ăng, said, "He is my sister's son;" and thereupon detained and feasted him. Three other sisters' sons, called Chuy, Tan, and Yang requested leave to put the viscount [i.e., the soidisant king] to death, but the marquis refused it. "It is certainly this man," said they, "who will destroy the State of T'ăng. If we do not take this early measure, hereafter you will have to gnaw your navel;—will you then be able to take any measures? This is the time to do what should be done." The marquis, however, said, "If I do this deed, no man will hereafter eat from my board [?? 'what I have left;' i e., what remains to me for my own use, after all the sacrificial offerings]." They replied, "If you do not follow our advice, even the altars will have no victims, and where will you hereafter get food to put on your board ?" Still the marquis would not listen to them; and in the year after he returned from invading Shin, the viscount of Ts'oo attacked T'ăng. In the 16th year of duke Chwang, he again attacked and extinguished it.]
VII. Seventh year.
1 In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang, had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e at Fang.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Sin-maou, at night, the regular stars were not visible. At midnight, there was a fall of stars like rain.
3 In autumn, there were great floods, so that there was no wheat nor other grain in the blade.
4 In winter, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang, had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Kuh.
Par. 1. Fang,—see 1. ix. 6. As Fang was in Loo, Tso-she says that this meeting was sought by Ts'e. Of course, when a meeting between the brother and sister was in Ts'e, he would say that Wăan Keang was the mover to it.
Par. 2. ? is read heen, 'to appear,' 'to be visible.' For the 1st ? Kuh-leang has ?; and for ?, in this other and passages, Kungyang has ?. K'ung Ying-tah says, 'The term "night" covers all the space from dusk to dawn, but as we have here "midnight" specified, we must understand the previous "night" of the time before midnight,—the time after twilight. Then the stars were not visible;—it is not said that they were not visible during all the night. Kuh-leang reads ? for ?, and defines ? as meaning the time between sundown and the appearance of the stars. But during this time of course the stars would not be visible, and why should that regularly recurring fact be mentioned in the text as a thing remarkable?' By ?? we are to understand the stars generally,—all 'constantly, regularly,' visible, or that may be expected to be so. Maou Se-ho would confine the phrase to the stars in the 28 constellations of the zodiac, and taken the ? below of the other stars. But it is not necessary to do so. Before midnight the sky was very bright, as if a flush of sunlight were still upon it, so that the stars were not visible as usual. As Tso-she says, 'The night was bright.' After midnight came a grand shower of meteors. The phrase ????, 'the stars fell as rain,' seems plain enough. Tso, however, and Kuhleang take ?=? 'and.' The former says: —'The stars fell along with the rain;' the latter, 'There fell stars, and it rained.' Kung-yang says, without giving any authority, that, before Confucius revised the text of the Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo, this entry was— ????? ???, 'It rained stars to within a foot of the earth, when they reascended!'
Par. 3. ???,—'see II.i.5; et al. At this time the wheat was getting to be ripe, while the rice, millet, &c., were only in the blade. The floods washed all away; yet Tso-she says 'they did not hurt the good grain,' meaning there was still time to sow the paddy and millet again, and reap a crop before the winter. The K'ang-he editors cast out of the text this remark of Tso's; indicating thereby, as on other occasions of the same suppression, their dissent from it.
Par. 4. Kuh belonged to Ts'e,—was in the pres. dis. of Tung-o ??, dep. Yen-chow.
VIII. Eighth year.
1 In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, in the king's first month, [our] army halted at Lang, to wait for the troops of Ch'in, and the troops of Ts'ae.
2 On Keah-woo, we exercised the soldiers in the use of their weapons.
3 In summer, [our] army and the army of Ts'e besieged Shing. Shing surrendered to the army of Ts'e.
4 In autumn, [our] army returned.
5 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Kwei-we, Woo-che of Ts'e murdered his ruler, Choo-urh.
Par. 1. Lang,—see I. ix. 4; et al. The duke had probably made an agreement with the princes of Ch'in and Ts'ae to join in the attack on Shing; and as their troops had not arrived at the time agreed on, the army of Loo was obliged to wait for them here at Lang. This is the natural explanation of the par. Fan Ning, on Kuh-leang, and Ho Hew, on Kung-yang, suppose that the halting of the troops at Lang was to meet a real or pretended invasion of Loo by Ts'ae and Ch'in.
Par. 2. Kung-yang reads ? for ?, but with the same meaning. Tso-she says that the ??, whatever it was, took place in the ancestral temple, and was proper. But it took place, evidently, at Lang, while the troops were halting for those of Ts'ae and Ch'in. As to the expression ??, it is a technical phrase, the exact meaning of which it is difficult to determine.
In the Chow Le, XXIX. 25—43, we have an account of the huntings at the four seasons of the year, and the military exercises practised in connection with them, under the direction of the minister of War. At mid-spring the men were taught ??; at mid-summer, ??; at mid-autumn, ??; and at mid-winter, ? ?. Biot there translates ????? by 'au milieu de l'automne il enseigne l'art de faire la guerre, ou conduire les soldats en expedition.' But ? was not used anciently for 'soldiers,' but for weapons of war, especially pointed, offensive weapons, though buff-coats and shields may also be admitted under the term. I think that ??denotes the putting the weapons, offensive and defensive, in order, and the methods of attack. Some critics find fault with Tso's saying that the ?? was in order here, when the exercise was appropriate to midautumn; but it was so appropriate only in times of peace. Now Loo was engaged in war, and it was then appropriate, whenever it would be advantageous.
Par. 3. Shing (Kung has ?),—see I. v.3. As no mention is made of Ts'ae and Ch'in, their troops probably had not come up at all. And we do not know the circumstances sufficiently to understand why Shing surrendered to Ts'e alone, and not to the allied army of Ts'e and Loo. That a slight was done to Loo, we understand from the Chuen:—'When Shing surrendered to the army of Ts'e, Chung Keing-foo asked leave to attack that army. The duke said, "No. It is I who am really not virtuous. Of what crime is the army of Ts'e guilty? The crime is all from me. The Book of Hea says:— 'Kaou-yaou vigorously sowed abroad his virtue, and it made the people submissive (But see on the Shoo, II. ii. 10).' Let us meanwhile give ourselves to the cultivation of our virtue, and bide our time."' It would appear from this narrative that duke Chwang was himself with the army, though the style of all the paragraphs makes us conclude that he was not himself commanding.
Par. 4. The return of an army is not usually chronicled in the Ch'un Ts'ew as it is here. Tso-she observes that from the mention of it here the superior man will commend duke Chwang. It is not easy to see the point of the remark, unless we take it as referring to the duke's words in the preceding Chuen.
Par. 5. Choo-urh was the name of the marquis of Ts'e,—duke Seang. Woo-che was a son of E Chung-neen ???, an uncle of the marquis. The marquis and he therefore were first cousins. The Chuen on this par. is:— 'The marquis of Ts'e had sent Leen Ch'ing and Kwan Che-foo to keep guard at K'wei-k'ew. It was the season of melons when they left the capital, and he said, "When the melons are in season again, I will relieve you." They kept guard for twelve months; and no word coming from the marquis, they requested to be relieved. But their request was refused, and in consequence they fell to plot rebellion.
'E Chung-neen, own brother to duke He, had left a son, called Kung-sun Woo-che, who was a favourite with He, and had been placed by him, so far as his robes and other distinctions were concerned, on the same footing as a son of his own. Duke Seang, however, had degraded him. The two generals, therefore, associated themselves with him to carry out their plans. There was a first cousin also of Leen Ch'ing in the duke's harem, who had lost his favour, and her they employed as a spy upon his movements, Woo-che having declared to her that, if their enterprise were successful, he would make her his wife.
'In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis went to amuse himself at Koo-fun, and was hunting on Pei-k'ew, when a large boar made his appearance. One of the attendants said, "It is the Kung-tsze P'ăng-săng [see the Chuen on II. xvii. 3]." The marquis was enraged and said, "Does P'ăng-săng dare to show himself." With this he shot at the creature, which stood up on its hind legs like a man, and howled. The marquis was afraid, and fell down in his carriage, injuring one of his feet, and losing the shoe. Having returned [to the palace where he was lodging], he required his footman Pe to bring the shoe, and when it could not be found, scourged him, till the blood flowed. Pe ran out of the room, and met several assassins at the gate, who seized and bound him. "Should I oppose you?" said Pe, baring his body, and showing them his back, on seeing which they believed him. He then requested leave to go in before them, when he hid the marquis, came out again, and fought with them till he was killed in the gate. Shih-che Fun-joo died fighting on the stairs, on which the assassins entered the chamber, and killed Măng Yang [who had taken the marquis' place] in the bed. "This is not he," they soon cried. "It is not like him." They then discovered the duke's foot, [where he was hiding] behind the door, murdered him, and raised up Woo-che in his place.
'Before this, when duke Seang came to the marquisate, Paou Shuh-ya, seeing his irregularities, said, "The prince is making the people despise him;—there will soon be disorder;" and he fled to Keu with He's son Seaou-pih. When the disorder broke out, Kwan E-woo and Shaou Hwuh fled to Loo with Kew, another of He's sons.
'Before his elevation, Kung-sun Woo-che had behaved oppressively to Yung Lin.'
It will be seen from this narrative that Wooche was not the actual murderer of the marquis of Ts'e, nor indeed the first mover to the taking of him off. Still, as he was the one who was to profit by his death, the Ch'un Ts'ew charges the deed on him. The marquis deserved his fate.
XI. Ninth year.
1 In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, the people of Ts'e killed Woo-che.
2 The duke made a covenant with [some] great officers of Ts'e at Ke.
3 In summer, the duke invaded Ts'e, intending to instate Kew; [but] Seaou-pih [had already] entered Ts'e.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ting-yew, there was the burial of duke Seang of Ts'e.
5 In the eighth month, on Kăng-shin, we fought with the army of Ts'e at Kan-she, when our army received a severe defeat.
6 In the ninth month, the people of Ts'e took Tsze-kew, and put him to death.
7 In winter, we deepened the Shoo.
Par. 1. I translate ?? here by 'the people of Ts'e,' after the analogy of I. iv. 6, 7, et al. Tse-she tells us, however, that the real slayer of Woo-che was Yung Lin, mentioned at the end of the last Chuen. Woo-che had taken his place as marquis of Ts'e; but only a month had elapsed, and his title had not been acknowledged by the other princes. He is therefore mentioned in the text simply by his name.
Par. 2. Ke (Kung and Kuh have ?) was in Loo,—80 le to the east of the dis. city of Yih (?), dep. Yen-chow. On the death of Wooche, great officers were sent to Loo to arrange about making Kew, who had taken refuge there soon after the murder of duke Seang, marquis in his room. This was the subject of the covenant at Ke. Tso-she explains the fact of the duke's covenanting with them, a thing beneath his dignity, by saying that there was at this time no ruler in Ts'e.
Par. 3. It does not immediately appear why the duke should invade Ts'e to instate Kew, seeing that Kew's elevation had been matter of covenant between him and representatives of Ts'e. Opposition, probably, was anticipated from Seaou-pih, and the military force was to provide against it. But the duke's movements were not speedy enough to effect his object. Tso-she, both in his text and Chuen, has ? ?instead of ?, which would indicate that Kew was the older of the two brothers. And the evidence does preponderate in favour of this view, though the opposite one has many advocates of note. The K'ang-he editors spend a whole page in reviewing the question. The Chuen on VIII. 4 states that Seaou-pih had fled to Keu, and here it is said:—'Duke Hwan had been beforchand in entering Ts'e from Keu.'
Par. 4. It was now the ninth month since the murder of the marquis. His burial had been deferred in consequence of the troubles of the State.
Par. 5. Kan-she was in Ts'e,—in the north of pres. dis. of Poh-hing (??), dep. Ts'ingchow. Notwithstanding that Seaou-pih had anticipated his brother, and got possession of Ts'e, the duke of Loo persevered in his efforts in favour of Kew, and suffered this defeat.
??,—see on II.xiii.1. Tso-she says:—'At this battle the duke lost his war-chariot, but got into another, and proceeded homewards. Ts'in-tsze and Leang-tsze [who had been in the chariot with him] took his flag, and separated from him by a lower road [to deceive the enemy]; and the consequence was that they were both taken. Thus, the duke himself commanded in this expedition, — a fact which the text is so constructed as to conceal.
Par. 6. It is here said that 'the people of Ts'e took Tsze-Kew, and killed him,' but in reality they were Loo hands which put him to death. To require his death was cruel on the part of Ts'e. To deliver him up, to kill him in fact, was base in the extreme on the part of Loo. A foreigner loses all patience with Confucius and the Ch'un Ts'ew, when he finds the events of history so misrepresented in it. The Chuen says: —'Paou Shuh led an army to Loo, and said to the duke, "Tsze-Kew is our prince's near relative; we beg of you to take him off. Kwan and Shaou are his enemies; we beg them to be delivered to us, and our prince will feel satisfied." On this we killed Tsze-Kew in Săng-tow, when Shaou Hwuh died with him, while Kwai Chung asked to be kept as a prisoner. Paoushuh received him from Loo, and set him free when they had got to T'ăng-fow. On their return to the capital, he informed the marquis of all the circumstances, saying also, "Kwan Ewoo's talents for government are greater than those of Kaou He [a minister and noble of Ts'e]. If you employ him as your chief minister and helper, it will be well." The marquis followed the advice.'
Par. 7. The Shoo was a river flowing from the north-east of Loo in a south-west direction till it joined the Yuen (*), after which their united stream flowed on to the Sze (?). The object in deepening it was to make it a better defence against the attempts of Ts'e. The critics are all severe against duke Chwang for wasting his people's strength in this undertaking. It may have been foolish and useless, but it would be hard to extract any condemnation of it from the text.
[The student who is familiar with the Analects and Mencius will now have recognized two names well known to him; — duke Hwan of Ts'e, the first and in some respects the greatest of the five pa or leaders of the princes, and Kwan Chung, or Kwan E-woo, his chief minister.]
X. Tenth year.
1 In his tenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke defeated the army of Ts'e at Ch'ang-choh.
2 In the second month, the duke made an incursion into Sung.
3 In the third month, the people of Sung removed [the State of] Suh.
4 In summer, in the sixth month, an army of Ts'e and an army of Sung halted at Lang. The duke defeated the army of Sung at Shing-k'ew.
5 In autumn, in the ninth month, King defeated the army of Ts'ae at Sin, and carried Heen-woo, marquis of Ts'ae, back [to King].
6 In winter, in the tenth month, an army of Ts'e extinguished T'an. The viscount of T'an fled to Keu.
Par. 1. Ch'ang-choh was in Loo, but its position has not been identified. Lo Pe (??), says that of the clans of Shang removed by king Ch'ing to Loo, one was called the Ch'angchoh, as having been located in Ch'ang-choh. The Chuen here is:—'The army of Ts'e invaded our State, and the duke was about to fight, when one Ts'aou Kwei requested to be introduced to him. One of Kwei's fellowvillagers said him, "The flesh-eaters [comp. Ps. xxii. 29], are planning for the occasion; what have you to do to intermeddle?" He replied, "The flesh-eaters are poor creatures, and cannot form any far-reaching plans." So he entered and was introduced, when he asked the duke what encouragement he had to fight. The duke said, "Clothes and food minister to my repose, but I do not dare to monopolise them:—I make it a point to share them with others." "That," replied Kwei, "is but small kindness, and does not reach to all. The people will not follow you for that. "The duke said, "In the victims, the gems, and the silks, used in sacrifice, I do not dare to go beyond the appointed rules:—I make it a point to be sincere." "That is but small sincerity; it is not perfect:—the Spirits will not bless you for that." The duke said again, "In all matters of legal process, whether small or great, although I may not be able to search them out thoroughly, I make it a point to decide according to the real circumstances." "That," answered Kwei, "bespeaks a lealheartedness:— you may venture one battle on that. When you fight, I beg to be allowed to attend you." The duke took him with him in his chariot. The battle was fought in Ch'angchoh. The duke was about to order the drums to beat an advance, when Kwei said, "Not yet;" and after the men of Ts'e had advanced three times with their drums beating, he said, "Now is the time." The army of Ts'e received a severe defeat; but when the duke was about to dash after them, Kwei again said, "Not yet." He then got down, and examined the tracks left by their chariot-wheels, remounted, got on the front-bar, and looked after the flying enemy. After this he said "Pursue;" which the duke did. When the victory had been secured, the duke asked Kwei the reasons of what he had done. "In fighting," was the reply," all depends on the courageous spirit. When the drums first beat, that excites the spirit. A second advance occasions a diminution of the spirit; and with a third, it is exhausted. With our spirit at the highest pitch we fell on them with their spirit exhausted; and so we conquered them. But it is difficult to fathom a great State;—I was afraid there might be an ambuscade. I looked therefore at the traces of their wheels, and found them all-confused; I looked after their flags, and they were drooping:—then I gave the order to pursue them."'
Par. 2. This is the first record in the text of the military expedition called ?. As the word denotes (?=??), it was a stealthy incursion. Kung-yang says: ??? ?,????'an ill-ordered advance is called ts'in; one in good array is called fah.' Tso-she, better:— ?????;? ????, 'an advance with bells and drums is called fah; without them, ts'in.' So far as the text goes, this would appear to have been a wanton attack on Sung. Maou supposes that Sung may have been confederate with Ts'e in the previous month.
Par. 3. Suh,—see on I.i.5; where it has been observed that Suh was a long way from Sung. But the word ?, 'to remove,' does not signify that Sung continued to hold possession of the old territory;—it carried the people away and all the valuables of the State into its own territories. The affair would seem to be commemorated in the name of Suh-ts'een (??), a dis. of Seu-chow dep., in Keang-soo, which was within the limits of Sung. We shall find ? hereafter as a neuter verb, where the signification is different.
Par. 4. Lang,—see VIII. 1. Shing-k'ew is referred to the dis. of Tsze-yang (??), dep. Yen-chow. If this identification be correct, then the allied forces had moved from Lang; or perhaps they had separated, and the army of Sung gone north to Shing-k'ew. The Chuen says:— 'The armies of Ts'e and Sung were halting at Lang, when Yen, a son of duke Hwan, said, "The army of Sung is ill drawn up, and may be defeated. If Sung be defeated, Ts'e will be obliged to retire. I beg leave to attack the troops of Sung." The duke refused, but he stole out at the Yu gate, and having covered his horses with tigers' skins, fell upon the enemy. The duke followed to support him, when they inflicted a great defeat on the army of Sung at Shing-k'ew; and the army of Ts'e withdrew from Loo.'
Par. 5. Here for the first time, Ts'oo, a great Power, appears on the stage of the Ch'un T'sew, though we have met with it already more than once in the Chuen. King was the original name of Ts'oo, and in the Ch'un Ts'ew it is thus named down to the 1st year of duke He. The chiefs of Ts'oo were at first viscounts, with the surname Me (?); the bleating of a sheep), who traced their lineage up to the præhistoric times, pretending to be descended from Chuenheuh. The representative of the line in the times of Wan and Woo was Yuh-heung (? ?); and his great-grandson, Heung-yih (? ?), was invested by king Ch'ing with the lands of King Man (??), or 'King of the wild south,' and the title of viscount. His capital was Tan-yang (??), referred to a place, 7 le south-east from the pres. dis. city of Kweichow (??), dep. E-ch'ang (??), Hoopih. In B. C. 886, Heung-k'eu (??) usurped the title of king, which was afterwards dropped for a time, but permanently resumed by Heung T'ung (??), known as king Woo, in B. C. 703, who also moved the capital to Ying (?), 10 le north of the pres. dep. city of King-chow (? ?). The viscount of Ts'oo at this first appearance of the House in the text was king Wăn (??), a son of Woo, by name Heung-tsze (??).
Sin belonged to Ts'ae, and was in the borders of pres. dis. of Joo-yang (??), dep. Joo-ning, Ho-nan. Heen-woo (Kuh has ?) was the ?? of II. xvii. 5. The style of the par. is unusual, the name of the State—King—being mentioned, and no 'viscount of King,' or 'officer.' Too finds in this an evidence of the still barbarous condition of King or Ts'oo unacquainted with the forms of the States of 'the Middle country.'
The Chuen says:—'The marquis Gae of Ts'ae had married a daughter of the House of Ch'in, and the marquis of Seih had married another. When the latter lady [??'Kwei of Seih.' Kwei was the surname of Ch'in] on one occasion was going back to Seih, she passed by Ts'ae, and the marquis said, 'She is my sister-in-law." He detained her, therefore, and saw her, not treating her as a guest should be treated. When the marquis of Seih heard of it, he was enraged, and sent a messenger to king Wăn of Ts'oo, saying, 'Attack me, and I will ask assistance from Ts'ae, when you can attack it." The viscount of Ts'oo did so; and in autumn, in the '9th month, Ts'oo defeated the army of Ts'ae at Sin, and carried off the marquis, Heen-woo.'
Par. 6. T'an was a small State, whose lords were viscounts, within the circle of Ts'e. Its chief town was 70 le to the south-east of the dis. city of Leih-shing, dep. Tse-nan. This is the first instance in the text of the 'extinction' of a State. The term implies the destruction of its ruling House, the abolition of its sacrifices, and the absorption of the people and territory by the prevailing Power. The Chuen says:—'When the marquis of Ts'e [i.e., the present marquis] fled from the State [see the Chuen on VIII. 5], and was passing by T'an, the viscount showed him no courtesy. When he entered it again, and the other princes were all congratulating him, the viscount did not make his appearance. In winter, therefore, an army of Ts'e extinguished T'an, which had behaved so improperly. The viscount fled to Keu, having formerly made a covenant with the lord of it.'
XI. Eleventh year.
1 It was the [duke's] eleventh, year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Mow-yin, the duke defeated an army of Sung at Tsze.
3 In autumn, there were great floods in Sung.
4 In winter, a daughter of the king went to her home in Ts'e.
Par. 2. Tsze was in Loo,—in dep. of Yenchow; difft. from the Tsze in I.8. The Chuen says:—Because of the action at Shing-k'ew, Sung now made an incursion into our State. The duke withstood the enemy; and pressing on them before they were formed in order of battle, he defeated them at Tsze.' Then follows an explanation of various military terms:—'In all military expeditions, when an action is forced before the enemy's army is drawn up, the text says,..."defeated such and such an army." When both sides are drawn up, it is said,... "fought," "a battle was fought." When there has been a great overthrow, the style is,..."disgracefully defeated." When any one of extraordinary valour is taken, it is said,..."vanquished so and so." When the defeat is utter, it is said, "took such and such an army." When the army of the capital is defeated, it is said, "The king's army was disgracefully defeated in such and such a place."'
Par. 3. Comp. II. 1.5. The Chuen says:— 'In autumn, there were great floods in Sung, and the duke sent a messenger with his condolences, saying, "Heaven has sent down excessive rains, to the injury of the millet for sacrifice. I feel that I must condole with you." The answer was, "I am as an orphan, and must confess my want of reverence, for which Heaven has sent down this plague. And moreover I have caused you sorrow, and beg to acknowledge the condescension of your message." Tsang Wăn-chung said, "Sung must be going to flourish. Yu and T'ăng took the blame on themselves, and they prospered grandly. Keeh and Chow threw the blame on others, and their ruin came swiftly. Moreover when a State meets with calamity, it is the rule for the prince to call himself an orphan. With language showing anxious fear, and using the right name, Sung cannot be far from prosperity." Afterwards it was known that the answer was in the words of duke Chwang's son Yu-yueh, and then Tsang Sun-tah said, "This man deserves to be ruler. He has a heart of pity for the people."
Par. 4. See on I.3,4,7. Like his predecessor, duke Hwan of Ts'e had sought a royal bride; and the arrangements for the marriage had, as before, been put under the management of the marquis of Loo. Tso-she says that 'the marquis of Ts'e came to meet his bride, Kung Ke,' where Kung (?=?) is the honorary title by which the lady was known after her death.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In the action at Shing-k'ew, [in the 10th year] the duke with his arrow called Kin Puh-koo. [??? might be translated "Steel Servant-lady," but the last two characters are often written difftly.] shot Nan-kung Chang-wan, after which the spearman on the right, Chuen-sun, took him prisoner. He was subsequently released at the request of the people of Sung, but the duke of Sung ridiculed him, saying, "Formerly, I respected you; but since you have been the prisoner of Loo, I respect you no more." This annoyed Ch'ang-wan.']
XII. Twelfth year.
1 In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's first month, duke [Yin's] third daughter, [who had been married to the marquis] of Ke, went [from Loo] to Hwuy.
2 It was summer, the fourth month.
3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Keah-woo, Wan of Sung murdered his ruler Tseeh, and his great officer K'ew-muh.
4 In winter, in the tenth month, Wan of Sung fled to Ch'in.
Par. 1. The marriage of this lady, such as it was, was entered in I. vii. 1;—see the note on which par. We have seen in what circumstances the marquis of Ke finally abandoned his State (IV. 4), leaving his wife-proper unburied. It would seem that the lady in the text had then returned to Loo; but as the marquis' brother had been admitted into Ts'e with the city of Hwuy (III. 4), and there maintained the sacrifices to his ancestors, she considered that as her home, and now proceeded to it. Her husband was probably by this time among the departed chiefs, who had their shrines in the ancestral temple. Her conduct, from a Chinese point of view, was specially virtuous. The force of ? here='went to her home.'
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Wan of Sung murdered duke Min in Mung-tsih; and. meeting K'ew-muh in the gate, he killed him with a slap of his hand. He then met the chief minister, Tuh, [see II. ii. 1] on the west of the eastern palace, and also killed him. He raised Tsze-yew to the dukedom, while all the sons of former dukes fled to Seaou, except Y'u-yueh [see the Chuen on XI. 3], who fled to Poh, to besiege which Nan-kung New and Măng-hwoh led a force.'
The Wan here is, of course, the Nan-kung Chang-wan of the Chuen at the end of last year, the Chang () there being probably his designation. K'ew-muh was the name of the officer who was killed, and some critics, thinking it necessary to account for his being mentioned merely by his name, say there was nothing good about him worthy of commendation. The par. is one in point to show the futility of looking for praise or blame in such matters. The murderer is here mentioned by his name, and so also is the officer who died in attempting to punish him for his deed.
Par. 4. The Chuen is:—'In the 10th month, Shuh Ta-sin of Seau, and the descendants of the dukes Tae, Woo, Seuen, Muh, and Chwang, with an army of Ts'aou, attacked the force that was besieging Poh. They killed Nan-kung New in the fight, and afterwards killed Tsze-yew in the capital, raising duke Hwan [the Yu-yueh mentioned in two previous Chuen] in his place. Măng-hwoh fled to Wei, and Nang-kung Wan to Ch'in. Wan took his mother with him in a carriage [a barrow] which he himself pushed along, accomplishing all the journey [more than 70 miles] in one day. The people of Sung requested Wei to deliver up Măng-hwoh to them; and when there was an unwillingness to do so, Shih K'e-tsze said, 'Refuse him not. Wickedness is the same all under heaven. If we protect the man who has done wickedly in Sung, of what advantage will our protecting him be? To gain a fellow and lose a State; to favour wickedness and cast away friendship, is not wise counsel." On this the people of Wei gave Hwoh up. Sung also requested Nan-king Wan from Ch'in, offering a bribe at the same time. The people of Ch'in employed a woman to make him drunk, and then bound him up in a rhinoceros' hide. By the time that he reached Sung, his hands and feet appeared through the hide. The people of Sung made pickle both of him and Măng-hwoh.'
Thus Chang-wan paid the penalty of his guilt; but as we learn this only from the Chuen, and it is not said in the text ????, the critics have much to say on the condemnation of the people of Sung, which the silence of the text implies! Then it does not mention the burial of duke Min (??), whom Wan murdered, and that is understood to indicate Confucius' disapproval of him! It is surprising that the K'ang-he editors should not have been able to emancipate themselves from the bondage in which the early interpreters of the Ch'un Ts'ew held.
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the marquis of Ts'e, an officer of Sung, an officer of Ch'in, an officer of Ts'ae, and an officer of Choo, had a meeting at Pih-hăng.
2 In summer, in the sixth month, an army of Ts'e extinguished Suy.
3 It was autumn, the seventh month.
4 In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, when they made a covenant at Ko.
Par. 1. Pih-hăng was in Ts'e,—in the pres. dis. of Tung-o, dept. Yen-chow. The meeting here was called by the marquis of Ts'e, as Tsoshe says,'to settle the disorder of Sung.' But it has a greater historical interest as the first of the gatherings of princes of States under the presidency of one of their number, who was acknowledged, or wished to be acknowledged, as a sort of viceroy. Hwan of Ts'e was the first to attain to this position, and his leadership dates, according to many, from this year, B. C. 680, though it could hardly be said to be generally recognized till two years later. Whether he had the king's commission to undertake the pacification of Sung does not clearly appear.
Kuh-leang reads ?? instead of ??, though he believes that the marquis is really intended, and that the duke of Sung and the lords of Ch'in, Ts'ae, and Choo were the other ?, or 'men' present at the meeting, the calling them 'men' and denuding them of their titles being the device of Confucius to condemn their whole proceeding! The K'ang-he editors, maintaining the received text of ?, yet agree with Kuh in interpreting all the other ? of the princes. Of course, if the reading ? be retained, there can be no censure in the ?, as applied to the other princes, for Hwan was the greatest sinner of them all; and to interpret the word as 'people,' to indicate that the presidency of the States was now given by a kind of 'general consent' to Hwan, which is the view of Soo Ch'eh (??) and many others, only mystifies the whole subject. We must take ? as in the translation;—see I.i.5, II.xi.1, et al.;—as yet the other princes distrusted Ts'e, and only sent officers to the conference.
Par. 2. Suy was a small State, within the limits of Loo, and near to Shing (?), whose chiefs had the surname of Kwei (?), as being descended from Shun. Its chief town was 30 le to the north-west of the pres. dis. city of Ning-yang, dep. Yen-chow. Tso-she says that 'no officer had been sent from it to the meeting at Pih-hăng, and in the summer, a force from Ts'e extinguished it, and occupied it with a body of men on guard.' As to the translation of ? here by 'army,' see on I. ii. 2.
Par. 3. See I. vi. 3; et al.
Par. 4. Ko was in Ts'e,—in pres. dis. of Tung-o, dept. Yen-chow. Tso-she says that 'this covenant was the first step to peace between Loo and Ts'e.' Kung-yang relates a story in connection with it, which has obtained general currency and belief:—'When duke Chwang was about to meet with Hwan, the officer Ts'aou [the Ts'aou Kwei of the Chuen on X. 1] advanced to him and said, "What is your feeling, O marquis, in view of this meeting?" The duke said, "It were better for me to die than to live." "In that case," said Ts'aou, "do you prove yourself a match for the ruler, and I will prove myself a match for his minister."
"Very well," replied the duke; and the meeting was held. When the duke ascended the altar, Ts'aou followed him with his sword in his hand. Kwan Chung advanced, and said, "What does the marquis require?" Ts'aou replied, "Our cities are overthrown, and our borders oppressed. Does your ruler not consider it?" "What then does he require?" the other repeated, and Ts'aou said, "We wish to ask the restitution of the country on the north of the Wăn." Kwan Chung looked at Hwan, and said, "Does your lordship grant the request?" The marquis said, "Yes." Ts'aou then requested a covenant, and duke Hwan descended from the altar, and made a covenant. When this was done, Ts'aou threw away his sword, and took his leave. A forced covenant like this might have been disregarded, but duke Hwan did not break it. The officer Ts'aou might have been regarded as his enemy, but duke Hwan did not resent his conduct. The good faith of duke Hwan began from this covenant at Ko to be acknowledged throughout the kingdom.'
[The Chuen adds here:—'The people of Sung renounced the engagements at the meeting of Pih-hăng.']
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, an army of Ts'e, an army of Ch'in, and an army of Ts'aou, invaded Sung.
2 In summer, the earl of Shen joined in the invasion of Sung.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, King entered [the capital of] Ts'ae.
4 In winter, the earl of Shen had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, and the earl of Ch'ing, at Keuen.
Par. 1. This invasion was in consequence of the fact mentioned in the last Chuen. Hoo Gan-kwoh-says that the ? here indicates that 'the leaders were of inferior rank and the forces few,' but the K'ang-he editors demur to such a canon as applicable to all cases of the use of ?. He adds that for 20 years the marquis of Ts'e did not send out a 'great officer' in command of a military expedition, being occupied with consolidating the power of the State for the great object of his ambition; but this assertion they show to be false. No doubt, the ? here indicates that the princes of the States named did not themselves command the forces. I translate the term by 'army.'
Par. 2. The earl of Shen,—see on I.3. Tsoshe simply says:—'In summer, the earl of Shen joined them [the armies in the above par.], received the submission of Sung, and returned.' The marquis of Ts'e, as Too says, had requested the aid of the king to coerce Sung to the acknowledgement of its engagements; and the result was this mission of the earl of Shen. It was an important move of the marquis to obtain the royal sanction to his claim to be the leader of the princes.
[The Chuen gives here a long narrative about the affairs of Ch'ing:—'Duke Le [see II.xv. 9] of Ch'ing stole into the country from Leih; and at Ta-ling, he captured Foo Hea, who said, "If you let me go, I will undertake to effect your restoration." The duke, accordingly, made a covenant with him, and forgave him. In the sixth month, on Keah-tsze, Hea killed the actual earl [the text simply is ??, "a son of Ch'ing"] and his two sons, and restored duke Le.
'Before this, two serpents, one inside and one outside, had fought together in the southern gate of the capital, till the inside one was killed. It was six years after this when duke Le entered. The duke [of Loo] heard of the circumstance, and asked Shin Seu, saying, "Has Tuh's restoration come from that supernatural appearance?" The answer was, "When men are full of fear, their breath, as it were, blazes up, and brings such things. Monsters and monstrous events take their rise from men. If men afford no cause for them, they do not arise of themselves. When men abandon the constant course of virtue, then monstrosities appear. Therefore it is that there are monsters and monstrous events."
'When duke Le had entered Ch'ing, he put Foo Hea to death, and sent a message to Yuen Fan [see the Chuen, after I. v. 2. Fan had taken a principal part in the establishing of Tsze-e], saying, "Foo Hea was divided in his allegiance to me, and for such a case Chow has its regular penalty;—he has suffered for his crime. To all who restored me and had no wavering in their allegiance, I promised that they should be great officers of the first class; and now I wish to consider the matter with you, uncle. When I fled from the State, you had no words to speak for me in it; now that I have re-entered, you again have no thought about me:—I feel displeased at this." Yuen Fan replied, "Your ancestor, duke Hwan, gave command to my ancestor to take charge of the stone-shrines in the ancestral temple. While the altars of the land and grain had their lord [in the ruling earl], what greater treachery could there have been than to turn one's thoughts to another out of the State? So long as he presided over those altars, among all the people of the State, who was there that was not his subject? That a subject should not have a double heart is the law of Heaven. Tsze-e held the earldom for fourteen years;— did not those who took measures to call in your lordship show a divided allegiance? Of the children of duke Chwang, your father, there are still 8 men; if they were all to proffer offices, dignities, and other bribes, so as thereby to accomplish their object, what would become of your lordship? But I have heard your commands." And forthwith he strangled himself.']
Par. 3. King,—see X. 5. The Chuen says:— 'The marquis Gae [Heen-woo of X. 5] of Ts'ae, in revenge for the defeat at Sin, talked with the viscount of Ts'oo admiringly about the lady Kwei, wife of the marquis of Seih. The viscount went to Seih, and entered the city with the appliances of a feast to entertain the marquis, and took the opportunity to extinguish the State. He also took the marquis's wife back with him to Ts'oo, where she bore to him Too-gaou and another son, who was afterwards king Ch'ing; but all this time she never spake a word. The viscount asking the reason of her silence, she replied, "It has been my lot to serve two husbands. Though I have not been able to die, how should I venture to speak?" The viscount, considering that the marquis of Ts'ae had been the occasion of his extinguishing Seih, proceeded to invade Ts'ae [to please the lady]; and in autumn, in the 8th month, Ts'oo entered the capital of Ts'ae. The superior man may say that in the case of the marquis Gae of Ts'ae we have an illustration of what is said in the Books of Shang [Shoo, IV. vii. Pt.i.12] about the easy progress of wickedness, that it is "like a fire blazing out in a plain, which cannot be approached, and still less can be beaten out."'
Par. 4. Keuen was in Wei,—in the pres. dep. of Tung-ch'ang (??), Shan-tung, 20 le to the east of the city of Puh Chow (??). Tso-she says that this meeting was held 'because of the submission of Sung.' From this time, the position of the marquis of Ts'e may be said to have been fully acknowledged by all the States of what was the then 'China proper.' The presence of the earl of Shen, the king's representative, gave the royal sanction to his claim to be the leader of the other princes, and the lords of Sung, Wei, and Ch'ing, who had formerly resented his ambition and stood aloof from him, now gave in their adhesion.
XV. Fifteenth year.
1 1 In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, and the earl of Ch'ing, had a meeting at Keuen.
2 In summer, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang, went to Ts'e.
3 In autumn, a body of men from Sung, one from Ts'e, and one from Choo, invaded E.
4 A body of men from Ch'ing made an inroad into Sung.
5 It was winter, the tenth month.
Par. 1. We have the same princes here, as in the meeting at the same place a month or two before, with the addition of the marquis of Ch'in. Tso-she says that that now 'for the first time Ts'e was pa, or leader of the States,' which is true in so far as the representative of the king had returned to Chow, and without his presence, the other princes acknowledged the authority of Hwan. The earl of Ch'ing here, and at the previous meeting, was, of course, Tuh, or duke Le.
Par. 2. Here again the restless and unprincipled Wăn Keang appears. What now took her to Ts'e we do not know, but her going there was contrary to rule. The daughter of one State, married into another, might at certain times revisit her parents; but, after their death, she could only send a minister to ask after the welfare of her brothers and other relatives.
Par. 3. For ?here Kung-yang has ?. It is the same as in V. 3, and was afterwards known as 'little Choo (??' Tso-she says that 'the princes invaded E in the interest of Sung.' Sung is entered before Ts'e, as being the principal party in the expedition, which moreover was a small one. There is nothing in this circumstance inconsistent, as some think, with the presidency of the marquis of Ts'e.
Par. 4. While Sung was engaged with the expedition against E, Clring took advantage of the opportunity to make a raid upon it (Tso-she says, ?????h of Ch'ing owed his first elevation to the earldom to Sung, and subsequently the position which he main tained in Leih; but he had never been really on good terms with duke Chwang; and now that he was dead, and the ruling duke had his hands full, he took the opportunity to make the inroad in the text. His doing so was contrary to the obligations under which both Sung and Ch'ing stood to Ts'e.M
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1 It was the [duke's] sixteenth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, a body of men from Sung, one from Ts'e, and one from Wei, invaded Ch'ing.
3 In autumn, King invaded Ch'ing.
4 In winter, in the twelfth month, [the duke] had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, the earl of Hwah, and the viscount of T'ăng, when they made a covenant together in Yew.
5 K'ih, viscount of Choo, died.
Par. 2 This expedition was 'on account of Sung,'—to punish Ch'ing for its inroad on Sung in the previous autumn. Sung, as in the attack on E, commanded in the expedition, and its men are therefore mentioned before those of Ts'e.
Par. 3. Ts'oo or King here takes another step in advance, and comes more threateningly near to the States of the 'Middle kingdom.' Ch'in, Ts'ae, Heu, and Ch'ing had all to bear the brunt of its ambitious inroads; and from this time Ch'ing especially became the field of contention between it and Ts'e with the other Powers dominating in the north. The reason for its present invasion of Ch'ing is given by Tso-she:—'When the earl of Ch'ing entered the State from Leih [see the Chuen after XIV. 2], he was dilatory in announcing the thing to Ts'oo, in consequence of which Ts'oo this autumn in-s vaded Ch'ing, and penetrated as far as Leih:— because of the earl's want of the proper courte sy.'
[The Chuen adds:—'The earl of Ch'ing set himself to deal with those who had taken part in the disturbances connected with the death of Yung Kew [see the Chuen on II. xv. 4]. In the 9th month he put to death the Kung-tsze Oh [there must be a mistake here either of the name ? or of ??or ??and cut off the feet of K'eang-ts'oo [these men had been partizans of Chae Chung]. Kung-foo Ting-shuh [??s the clan-name; ? the designation; ?the hon. title] fled to Wei, but after 3 years the earl restored him, saying, "Kung-shuh [bro ther of duke Chwang, the Kung-shuh Twan of the Chuen, I. i. 3. He was grandfather to this Kung-foo Ting-shuh] must not be left without posterity in Ch'ing." He made him enter the city in the 10th month, saying that it was "a good month," with reference to ten as the completion of the numerals. The superior man may say that K'eang-ts'oo was not able to defend his feet [a poor joke on his punishment; meaning that he should have fled from the State].
Par. 4. This was no doubt an important gathering, and might be called the inauguration of the marquis of Ts'e's presidency. We have here the phrase ??they covenanted together,' which has not occurred before; and the critics make great efforts to determine its meaning. Kung makes it =??ovenanted with a common desire;' to which Kuh-leang adds that the common object was 'to honour Chow.' Tso-she says that the meeting was held with reference to the settlement of the affairs of Ch'ing and its submission (?? which makes Too define the phrase as =??lb/> 'the submission of all who had had a different mind,' i.e., had been unwilling to acknowledge the authority of Ts'e. Where the meaning is thus undetermined, the safe plan is to keep to a literal rendering. The contracting parties were numerous; they united in acknowledging the presidency of the marquis of Ts'e, and unde rtook with him to support the House of Chow. Yew, where the meeting was held, was in Sung,— in the pres. dis. of K'aou-shing (?? dep. Kwei-tih. Kung-yang reads ?before ? and certainly we must understand that it was duke Chwang himself who was present on the part of Loo. Too, indeed, supposes that the absence of any subject before indicates that the representative of Loo was some officer of inferior rank (?? while Hoo Gan-kwoh and others, believing that the duke was present, think that the ?was purposely left out to conceal the fact.
Up to this par., Wei has always taken precedence of Ch'in, where their marquises were mentioned together, but here and subsequently Ch'in is enumerated first. It is supposed that the marquis of Ts'e made this arrangement in honour of Shun, whose descendants held Ch'in, and to mark his sense of the importance of the State as a bulwark, though small in itself, against the encroachments of Ts'oo. Hwah here is difft. from the small State of the same name in III. 5. This was an earldom, whose descendants had the Chow surname of Ke (?) Its chief town was Fei (?) 20 le south of the pres. dis. city of Yen-sze, dep. Ho-nan. Between ?? and ?? Kung and Kuh both have ??.
Par. 5. This K'ih was the name of E-foo, lord of Choo, who appears in I.i.2. At that time Choo was only a State attached to Loo. Here its chief appears as a viscount. The only reasonable account of this is that given by Too Yu, that the marquis of Ts'e had obtained from the king a patent of nobility for Choo. Kuh-leang seems to think, absurdly enough, that the ennobling was from the pencil of Confucius!
[The Chuen here calls our attention to the affairs of Tsin:—'The king sent the duke of Kwoh to confer on the earl of K'euh-yuh the title of marquis of Tsin,—to maintain only one army.'
'Before this, duke Woo of Tsin had attacked E, and captured K wei-choo [E was in Chow; and the city held by Kwei-choo, a great officer of the court], whom, however, he let go on the petition of Wei Kwoh. But for this service, Kwoh got no acknowledgment, and he therefore raised an insurrection, and said to the people of Tsin, "Attack E with me, and take its territory.' Accordingly he attacked it with an army of Tsin, and killed Kwei-choo. Ke-foo, duke of Chow, fled to the State of Kwoh, and it was not till after the accession of king Hwuy that he was restored.']
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1 In the [duke's seventeenth year, in spring, the people of Ts'e made Chen of Ch'ing prisoner.
2 In summer, the men of Ts'e in Suy were all slaughtered.
3 In autumn, Chen of Ch'ing made his escape from Ts'e [to Loo].
4 In winter there were many deer.
Par. 1. This Chen (Kung has ?) was chief minister to Tsze-e earl of Ch'ing, when Tuh succeeded in regaining the State;—see the Chuen after XIV. 2. He had consented to the murder of Tsze-e by Foo Hea, and duke Le had retained him in his office. It is not clear why Ts'e seized him at this time. Tso-she says it was because Ch'ing had not been to the court of Ts'e. Kung-yang thinks it was because he was a worthless, artful man. The ?? seems to indicate that for whatever reason he was seized, the act met with general approval.
Par. 2. The extinction of Suy by Ts'e was related in XIII. 2, where the Chuen adds that Ts'e stationed men in guard over the territory. A sufficient number of the people, it appears, had been left to deal with the guards of Ts'e in the way here described. The Chuen says: —"The Suy clans of Yin, Ling, Kung-low, and Seu-suy reasted the guards of Ts'e, made them drunk, and killed them;—the men of Ts'e were all slaughtered." For ? Kungyang has ?, with the same meaning. Too Yu takes it in the sense of—'made a complete end of themselves,' attributing their slaughter to their own carelessness. The translation inverts the order of the text, in order to bring out the historical meaning.
Par. 3. The ? implies, of course, that it was to Loo that Chen came; and this brought on Loo the anger of Ts'e.
Par. 4. The me was a species of deer;—see Mencius I. Pt. I.ii.1. It is described as a species of the luh (?), by which latter term is meant the axis deer. But the me is larger and of a dark greenish colour; it is fond of marshy places, and is said to shed its horns about the time of the winter solstice. I think it must be our red deer, or a variety of it. These creatures appeared in such numbers, as to be a plague. So thinks Too; others think it so only the unusu alness of their appearing that is recorded.
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's third month, the sun was eclipsed.
2 In summer, the duke pursued the Jung to the west of the Tse.
3 In autumn there were yih.
4 It was winter, the tenth month.
Par. 1. The eclipse which is here intended took place on April 6th, B. C. 675, on the day Jin-tsze (??), the 1st of the 5th month. There is in the text therefore an error of one month, even if we suppose another intercalary. It will be observed that the record is imperfect, the day of the eclipse not being given.
[The Chuen relates here:—'This spring, the duke of Kwoh and the marquis of Tsin appeared at the king's court. The king feasted them, supplying them with new, sweet, spirits, and conferring gifts on them to encourage their festivity. To each of them he gave five pairs of jade ornaments and three horses;—which was contrary to propriety. When the king bestows his favours on the princes, as their titles and rank are different, so also should his offerings be. He does not take the offerings of one, and, as it were, lend them to another.'
'The duke of Kwoh the marquis of Tsin, and the earl of Ch'ing, sent duke Chwang of Yuen to meet the king's bride in Ch'in, who came accordingly to the capital. She became queen Hwuy.']
Par. 2. Tso says that the coming from the pursuit of the Jung is not mentioned and is in fact concealed; but surely it is implied in that pursuit of them. The Jung,—see I.ii.1. The Tse,—see the Shoo, III.Bk.I.Pt.i.20.
Par. 3. I cannot tell what the yih was or is;—see the She, II.v.V.8. The Shwoh-wăn defines it as ?? 'a short fox,' but that is merely another name for the creature. Too Yu gives the same name, and adds:—'It spurts out sand on men from its mouth.' The Pun-ts'aou calls it 'the archer.' The K'ang-he dict. quotes another account of it, that it is like a turtle, has three feet, is produced in the southern Yueh, and is also called 'the shadow-shooter,' because, being in the water and a man being on the shore, it can kill him by darting at his shadow. The same account adds that, acc. to some, it spurts sand on people, which penetrates their skin, and produces such an irritation, that it becomes quite a plague. These statements lead us to think of some kind of fly, produced from the water, and inflicting a painful bite. It was peculiar to the country south of Loo, and its appearing there in great numbers this autumn made the thing be recorded.
This perhaps is the proper explanation of the par.; but many critics consider that some kind of locust is intended, and that instead of * we should read—some say *, some say * This view is ingeniously supported by Wang Taou. A third view, that Chen of Ch'ing, who had taken refuge in Loo from Ts'e, (XVII.3), is intended, as a cheat and deceiver, ? being intended to suggest ?, must be at once rejected.
[To the last par. the Chuen appends:—'Before this, king Woo of Ts'oo had conquered K'euen, and entrusted the government of it to Tow Min, who held it and rebelled. The king besieged K'euen, took it, and put Min to death, removing also the people to Na-ch'oo, where he put them under the charge of Yen Gaou. When king Wan succeeded to Woo, he invaded Shin along with the people of Pa, when he so frightened the army of Pa, that the people revolted from Ts'oo, attacked Na-ch'oo, took it, and advanced to attack the gate of the capital. Yen Gaou made his escape from them by swimming across the Yung, but the viscount of Ts'oo, put him to death. His kindred in consequence raised an insurrection; and this winter, the people of Pa took advantage of their movement to invade Ts'oo.']
XIX. Nineteenth year.
1 It was the [duke's] nineteenth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 It was summer, the fourth month.
3 In autumn, Keeh, a son of duke [Hwan], was escorting to Keuen a daughter to accompany to the harem the wife of an officer of Ch'in, when he took occasion to make a covenant with the marquis of Ts'e and the duke of Sung.
4 [Duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang went to Keu.
5 In winter, a body of men from Ts'e, a body from Sung, and one from Ch'in, invaded our western borders.
Parr. 1, 2. See I. vi. 7; et al. [After par. 1, the last Chuen is continued:—'In spring, the viscount of Ts'oo met them, and sustained a great defeat at Tsin; and on his return to the city, Yuh-k'euen [the porter of the gate] refused to admit him. On this he proceeded to attack Hwang, and defeated its army at Tseoh-ling. As he was returning, he fell ill at Tseaou, and died in summer, on Kăng-shin, in the 6th month. Yuh-k'euen buried him in Seih-shih after which he killed himself, and was buried in Teehhwang.
'Before this, Yuh-k'euen had addressed a vehement remonstrance to the viscount, and when the viscount would not follow it, he proceeded to threaten him with a weapon, for fear of which the other adopted his advice. Yuhk'euen said, "I have frightened my ruler with a weapon; no crime could be greater." He then cut off his own feet. The people of Tsoo made him their grand porter, and styled him T'ae-pih, making the office also hereditary to his descendants. The superior man will say that Yuh k'euen loved his prince. He remonstrated with him till he led himself to a severe punishment; and after that punishment, he still did not forget to urge on his prince to what was good.']
Par. 3. ??????, 'Ying is the name used for escorting a young lady.' There is much difference of opinion about the par. Who the lady was, and who 'the man of Ch'in,' was, are questions greatly agitated. My own view in the translation is that defended by the K'ang-he editors, and I will give their note on the passage:—'Kung and Kuh both think that the young lady was a daughter of the House of Loo, who was being escorted to the harem of the wife of the marquis of Ch'in. Hoo is of opinion that "the man of Ch'in" was not the marquis, but some one of inferior rank. Ch'ing E, however, thinks that some great House of Keuen was marrying a daughter to an officer of Ch'in, and that Keeh is here escorting a daughter of his own by a concubine to go and accompany her to her harem. Now, according to K'ung Ying-tah, ladies intended for such a duty were escorted to the State from which the wife proper was to be married, that they might follow her from thence; and the words of the text, ?? "to Keuen" seem to determine infavour of Ch'ing's interpretation. Ying-tah, in deed, to meet the view of Kung and Kuh, says that Keuen belonged to Wei; that Ch'in was marrying a lady of the House of Wei; that Keeh was escorting his charge to Wei; and that when he got to Keuen, he halted with her, and made a covenant, as related. But if the case had been thus, we should have read ? ?, 'when he came to Keuen,' and not ? ?. That phrase shows that all the escorting was to Keuen.'
With regard to the action of Keeh's leaving or delaying the object of his journey, and making a covenant with Ts'e and Sung, of course he had no authority for it from duke Chwang. Great officers, however, had a discretionary power in such matters. If they could do good service to their State by taking occasion from the circumstances in which they found themselves to undertake a political office, they might do so:— but at their own risk.
Par. 4. Wăn Keang was a Messalina. The stories told in the "History of the States" of this and a subsequent visit to Keu are very filthy.
[The Chuen has here a narrative about trou bles at court:—'Before this, a lady Yaou had been a favourite with king Chwang, and bore him a son, called Tsze-t'uy, who also was a favourite, and had for his tutor Wei Kwoh. When king Hwuy succeeded to the throne, he took the garden of Wei Kwoh to make a park for himself. As the mansion of Peen Pih was near to the royal palace, he also appropriated it; and he took their fields as well from Tsze-k'in, Chuh Kwei, and Chen-foo, keeping back moreover the allowances of his cook.' Because of these things, Wei Kwoh, Peen Pih, Shih Suh [the cook], Chen-foo, Tsze-k'in, and Chuh Kwei raised an insurrection, and allied themselves with the Soo clan.'
'In autumn, the five great officers raised the standard of Tsze-t'uy to supersede the king; but they were unsuccessful, and fled to Wun, while the chief of the Soo clan fled to Wei with Tsze-t'uy. Then an army of Wei and one of Yen attacked Chow, and in winter placed Tszet'uy on the throne.']
Par. 5. The reasons for this confederation against Loo were, probably, its reception of Chen of Ts'ing, when he fled from Ts'e, (XVII. 3), and something connected with the proceed ings of Keeh, in the autumn of this year.
XX. Twentieth year.
1 In the [duke's] twentieth year, in spring, in the king's second month, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang, went to Keu.
2 In summer, there was a great disaster from fire in Ts'e.
3 It was autumn, the seventh month.
4 In winter, a body of men from Ts'e smote the Jung.
Par. 1. See on the 4th par. of last year.
[The Chuen here resumes the narrative introduced after par. 4 of last year:—'This spring, the earl of Ch'ing attempted to harmonize the royal House, but without success; but he seized Chung-foo of Yen. In summer, he brought the king back with him, who took up his residence in Leih. In autumn, the king and the earl entered into Woo, from which they surprised Ch'ing-chow, brought away the valuable articles from it, and returned to Leih. In winter, king Chwang's son T'uy feasted the five great officers, when all the royal music and pantomimic dances were performed. The earl of Ch'ing heard of it, and said to Shuh of Kwoh, "This I have heard, that when sorrow or joy is unseasonable, ealamity is sure to come. Now king Chwang's son T'uy is singing and dancing as if he were never tired; —it is being joyous over calamity. When the minister of Crime executes the penalty of death, the ruler does not have his table fully spread;— how much less would he dare to be joyous over calamity! What calamity could be greater than to take violent possession of the king's throne? When one, in a time of calamity, forgets to be sorrowful, sorrow is sure to come to him. Why should we not restore the king?" The duke of Kwoh said, "It is what I desire to do.."]
Par. 2. See II.xiv.4. Kung-yang, indeed, says that ??=??, 'great emaciation;' i.e., there was a great plague affecting people's health in Ts'e. But this meaning of ? cannot be applied to the other passages in the Classic where the term occurs.
Par. 4. Kuh-leang has ? instead of *. The two characters might easily be confounded; but the received reading is to be followed. Loo had been troubled with these Jung two years before;—the attack on them now by Ts'e was probably intended to conciliate Loo. The marquis of Ts'e had certainly been rather remiss in his position of pa. He ought not to have allowed Ch'ing to take the lead in supporting king Hwuy against the rebels in Chow.
XXI. Twenty-first year.
1 It was the [duke's] twenty-first year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Sin-yew, Tuh, earl of Ch'ing, died.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Mow-seuh, [duke Hwan's] wife, the lady Keang, died.
4 In winter, in the twelfth month, there was the burial of duke Le of Ch'ing.
Par. 2. Continuing the Chuen after the 1st par. of last year, Tso-she says:—"In the duke's 21st year, accordingly, in spring, they [the earl of Ch'ing and Shuh of Kwoh] pledged each other at Me; and in summer, they together attacked the royal city. The earl entered, along with the king, at the south gate, and Shuh of Kwoh entered at the northern, when they killed Tsze-t'uy and the five great officers. The earl of Ch'ing feasted the king in the apartment on the west of the gateway with the representations of the penal code. There was a complete service of music, and the king gave him what had formerly been granted to duke Woo,—all the territory eastward from Hoo-laou. The earl of Yuen said, "The earl of Ch'ing is following the bad example which he condemned in Tsze-t'uy. He also will meet with calamity." In the 5th month, duke Le of Ch'ing died.'
On Tuh who here passes off the stage, Chang Heah (; a writer of the 13th cent.) says —'Tuh was only the son of duke Chwang by a concubine, yet after his father's death he snatched the earldom from Hwuh; and tho' driven out for a time by Chae Chung, he entered again into Leih, and in the end made himself master of the State. Thus it is that we have no statement of Hwuh, We, and E's holding the earldom, because they could not keep it, and the different style about Tuh is understood to indicate that, first and last, he was able to maintain himself. Here then was a man, a usurper and a fratricide, and the Ch'un Ts'ew calls him ruler from his beginning to his end, and records moreover, however, how he died in his dignity:—it is in this way that it shows how mean men are permitted to get their wills, rebellious villains come to a good end, the royal laws have no course, and the world is thrown all into confusion!'
Par. 3. The reader is not sorry to have done with Wăn-Keang.
[The last Chuen is here completed:—'The king made a progress of survey of the fief of Kwoh, when the duke made a palace for him in Pung. The king granted to Kwoh the territory of Ts'ew-ts'euen. When the earl of Ch'ing feasted the king, the king had given him a queen's large girdle with the mirror in it. The duke of Kwoh now begged for something, and the king gave him a drinking cup. This was the first occasion of the hatred which the earl of Ch'ing [duke Wăn, son of Tuh] cherished against the king. In winter, the king returned from Kwoh.]
Par. 4. Something had occurred to make the burial be delayed beyond the regular time.
XXII. Twenty-second year.
1 In his twenty-second year, in spring, in the king's first month, [the duke] pardoned [all] inadvertent offences however great.
2 On Kwei-ch'ow we buried our duchess, Wăn Keang.
3 The people of Ch'in put to death Yu-k'ow, son of their marquis.
4 It was summer, the fifth month.
5 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ping-shin, the duke made a covenant with Kaou He of Ts'e in Fang.
6 In winter, the duke went to Ts'e, and presented the marriage-offerings of silk.
Par. 1. In the Shoo, II. i. 11, we read that it was a rule with Shun, ????, 'that inadvertent offences, and those caused by misfortune, were to be pardoned,' and how far he carried it, we learn from ii. 12, ????, 'You pardon inadvertent offences, however great.' Chwang, therefore, appears here to have done nothing more than was sanctioned by the example of Shun. I do not know why the critics should find such fault with him as they do. Kuh-leang followed by Kea Kwei, thinks the grace was done at this time, as some atonement for the wickedness of Wăn Keang, the duke's mother, who was about to be buried! For ? Kung has ?.
Par. 2. ???, — see Ana. XVI. xiv. According to the rule laid down there ?? ?, was the style for the wife of the prince of a State used by the people in speaking of her to the people of other States. ? takes the place of ?, as the entry here is in the annals of Loo itself. The marquis being styled duke after death, I have styled his wife duchess. Keang, we know, was her surname, as being of the House of Ts'e; Wăn was the honorary title given to her on account of her beauty and accomplishments, no account being taken of her extraordinary wickedness.
Par. 3. For Kung ? and Kuh read?. The real killer of Yu-k'ow was his father, — 'duke Seuen,' the reason for the deed being unknown. It is supposed that the statement in the text is according to the form in which the announcement was made to Loo,—to conceal the nature of the affair.
The Chuen says:—'In spring, the people of Ch'in killed the marquis's eldest son, Yu-k'ow, on which the Kung-tsze Hwan and Chuen-sun fled to Ts'e, and the latter thence to Loo. The marquis of Ts'e wanted to make King-chung [the designation of the Kung-tsze Hwan] one of his high ministers; but he declined, saying, 'Your subject is here an exile. I am fortunate if I obtain your forgiveness, and enjoy the advantage of your indulgent government. That you pardon my want of practice in the lessons of instruction, and hold me guiltless of crime, and remove me from a life of toil:—this is your lordship's kindness. What I obtain is much,— should I dare to disgrace a high position, and so accelerate the slanders of other officers ? Let me die if I do not decline the honour you propose. The ode says [this ode is not in the She],
'From that distant chariot, They call me with the bow? Do I not wish to go? But I am afraid of my friends.'" The marquis then made him superintendent of all the departments of labour. One day he was entertaining the marquis at his house, who became joyous over the spirits, and said, "Let us continue it with lights." But he refused, saying, "I divined about the day; but I have not divined about the night;—I dare not do it."
'The superior man will say, "In drinking there should be the complete observance of the rules; but not to carry it on to excess was righteousness. Completely to observe the rules with his prince, and then not to allow him to go to excess, was truly virtuous."
'At an earlier time, the great officer E consulted the tortoise-shell about giving his daughter in marriage to King-chung. His wife sought the meaning of the indication, and said. "It is fortunate. The oracle is
'The male and female phœnix fly together, Singing harmoniously with gem-like sounds." The posterity of this scion of the Kwei [sur name of the House of Ch'in] will be nourished among the Keang [surname of the House of Ts'e]. In five generations they will be prosperous, and the highest ministers in Ts'e; in eight, there will be none to compare with them for greatness."
'Duke Le of Ch'in was the son of a daughter of the House of Ts'ae. In consequence, the people of Ts'ae put to death Woo-foo [the same who is called T'o of Ch'in. See II.vi.4, and note], and raised him to the marquisate. He begat King-chung, during whose boyhood there came one of the historiographers of Chow to see the marquis of Ch'in, having with him the Chow Yih. The marquis made him consult it by the milfoil on the future of the boy, when he found the diagram Kwan , and then by the change of manipulation, the diagram P'ei . "Here," he said, "is the deliverance;"—'We be hold the light of the State. This is auspicious for one to be the king's guest. [See the Yih on the 4th line, counting from the bottom, of the diagram Kwan].' Shall this boy in his generation possess the State of Ch'in? or if he do not possess this State, does it mean that he shall possess another? Or is the thing foretold not of his own person, but of his descendants? The light is far off, and its brightness appears reflected from something else. K'wăn [*] represents the earth; Sun [*], the top part of the diagram Kwan], wind; K'een [*], heaven; Sun becoming K'een over earth [as in the diagram P'&ebreve;i], represents mountains, Thus the boy has all the treasures of mountains, and is shone on by the light of heaven:—he will dwell above the earth. Hence it is said, "We behold the light of the State. This is auspicious for him to be the king's guest." A king's guest fills the royal courtyard with the display of all the productions of his State, and the offerings of gems and silks, —all excellent things of heaven and earth; hence it is said—'It is auspicious for him to be the king's guest.'
'"But there is still that word—'behold,' and therefore I say the thing perhaps is to be hereafter. And the wind moves and appears upon the earth;—therefore I say it is to be perhaps in another State. If it be in another State, it must be in that of the Keang;—for the Keang are the descendants of the Grand-mountain [Yaou's chief minister]. But the mountains stand up as it were the mates of heaven. There cannot be two things equally great; as Ch'in decays, this boy will flourish."
'When Ch'in received its first great blow [B. C. 533], Ch'in Hwan [the representative of the Kung-tsze Hwan in the 5th generation] had begun to be great in Ts'e. When it finally perished [B. C. 477], the officer Ch'ing was directing the government of that State.'
[The descendants of the Kung-tsze Hwan became the T'een family (??), which gradually encroached on the authority of the House of Keang, and ended by superseding it in the possession of the State of Ts'e. The farrago of the Chuen is intended to show how all this was prognosticated beforehand. I call it a farrago, for it is no plainer in the original nor in the Manchu version, than it is in my translation.]
Par. 4. In an entry like this, giving merely the season and a month of it, the month ought to be the first of the season. Such is the rule observed throughout the Ch'un Ts'ew, excepting in this passage. Many of the critics hold that ? is a mistake for ?; but I prefer to think, with Sun Fuh and others, that the par. is imperfect, there remaining only the commencement of it, and that characters containing the account of some event have been lost. It is difficult to believe that some have held that Confucins purposely made the summer commence with the 5th month, to indicate his indignation at the marriage, which began to be gone about this year, of duke Chwang to the daughter of the man who murdered his father! Yet this is the view propounded by Ho Hew. And the K'ang-he editors think it worthy of being preserved, and call special attention to it!
Par. 5. Fang,—see I. ix. 6. There were reasons for this covenant on both sides; and though Ts'e had attacked Loc in the end of the duke's 19th year, it had since then smitten the Jung to propitiate Loo. Kung-yang thinks that the 'covenanter' on the part of Loo was 'an inferior person (??);' but we must understand ? before ?. Chaou K'wang (??) lays down a correct rule:—??,??? ????, 'In all accounts of covenants, where the agent of Loo is not specified, the duke is meant.'
Par. 6. The presenting of silks was the fourth step in treaties of marriage, on the part of the intending husband;—it was called ??. But when the prince of a State was a party concerned, these gifts were to be sent by a great officer. For the marquis himself to go to Ts'e with them was 'contrary to rule,' which he violated in another respect,—arranging for his marriage so soon after his mother's death. There must have been reasons for his urgency which we do not know. The common belief is that this marriage had been arranged for by Wăn Keang immediately after the young lady's birth, about 20 years before this, and that before her death she had insisted on Chwang's fulfilling the engagement immediately, without reference to that event, he having already delayed so long, unwilling to marry the daughter of his father's murderer. But he had not continued single all that time,—as we learn from the events of his 32d year. The marriage he now proceeded to enter into was an evil one for him. The lady was hardly better than her aunt, his mother, had been.
XXIII. Twenty-third year.
1 In his twenty-third year, in spring, the duke arrived from Ts'e.
2 Shuh of Chae came to Loo with friendly inquiries.
3 In summer, the duke went to Ts'e to see [the service at] the altar to the Spirits of the land.
4 The duke arrived from Ts'e.
5 An officer of King came to Loo with friendly inquiries.
6 The duke and the marquis of Ts'e met at Kuh.
7 Shuh of Seaou paid a court visit to the duke.
8 In autumn, the duke painted red the pillars of [duke] Hwan's temple.
9 In winter, in the eleventh month, Yih-koo, earl of Ts'aou died.
10 In the twelfth month, on Keah-yin, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, when they made a covenant at Hoo.
Par. 1,4. See II. ii. 9. Chang Heah observes here, that the practice, intimated in the ?, of announcing the return to the capital in the ancestral temple was after the example of the earliest sovereigns of the Shoo, and refers to II.i.10 of that Book, where it is related that Shun, on returning after the close of his tours of inspection, 'went to the temple of the Cultivated ancestor, and offered a sacrifice.'
Par. 2. By Chae Shuh we are to understand either the earl of Chae, or one of his brothers. He, or his father, is called 'duke of Chae,' in II. viii. 6, as being one of the king's three principal ministers. If the earl himself be here intended, as is most likely, the ? is his designation. From the form of the par., difft. from II. viii. 2, and others, we conclude that this visit was unauthorized, and undertaken for some private end,—was, as the phrase is, 'contrary to rule.'
Par. 3. This act of the duke was of the same kind as that of Yin in going to see the fishermen at T'ang—I. v. 1. There was something remarkable about the sacrifice in Ts'e which attracted visitors. Woo Ch'ing says:—The Shay (?) was an ordinary thing,—the sacrifice offered by princes to the Spirits of the land within their States; other princes did not go to witness it. But it was a custom in Ts'e to take the opportunity of this sacrifice to assemble its armies, and make a boastful display of their majesty and numbers, assembling others to witness it. It was this which afforded a pretext to the duke for going at this time to Ts'e. The Chuen has:—'When the duke was taking this step, which was contrary to rule, Ts'aou Kwei remonstrated with him, saying, "Do not go. The rules of ceremony are all designed for the right adjustment of the people. Hence there are meetings of the princes [at the royal court], to inculcate the duties severally incumbent on the high and low, and to lay down the amount of contributions which are to be severally made. There are court visits, to rectify the true position of the different ranks of nobility, and to arrange the order of the young and the old. There are punitive expeditions, to punish the disobedient. The princes have their services on the king's behalf, and the king has his tours of inspection among the princes;—when those meetings and visits are observed on a grand scale. Excepting on such occasions, a prince does not move from his own State. The ruler's movements must be written down. If there be written concerning you what was not according to the laws, how will your descendants look at it?"'
The Chuen adds here the following, about the affairs of Tsin:—'In Tsin, the circle of families descended from Hwan and Chwang [Hwan is the Hwan-shuh, or "Grand Success," of the Chuen appended to the 2d year of Hwan, where earl Chwang is also mentioned] began to press on duke Heen, [the marquis at this time], who was distressed by them. Sze Wei said to him, "Let us do away with the officer Foo, [Some take ??? as meaning—"Let us do away with the wealthy among them"] and then all the other descendants of the two princes may be dealt with." The duke asked him to attempt the thing, when Wei consulted with all the others, calumniated Foo to them, and then took him off.']
Par. 5. With this commenced Ts'oo's intercourses of courtesy with Loo, and indeed with any part of China proper.
Par. 6. Kuh,—see VII.4. This was but a hurried meeting; but it serves to show how anxious duke Chwang was to get his marriage treaty carried through.
Par. 7. Shuh of Seaou is the same as Shuh Ta-sin of Seaou, mentioned in the Chuen on XII. 4. Up to that time he had merely been a great officer of Sung, holding the city of Seaou; but because of the services he then rendered in the troubles of the State, duke Hwan erected Seaou into a Foo-yung or attached territory, of which this Shuh and his descendants were the lords. Here we find him paying a visit to the duke of Loo. The par. is not in the usual form, ????, because the visit was paid at Kuh, and not at the court of Loo. The city of Seaou was in the pres. dept. of Seu-chow (??), 10 le north from the dis. city of Seaou.
Par. 8. According to rule, the pillars were required to be of a very dark colour, nearly black. The painting them red, it is understood, was to dazzle the young wife who would soon be appearing in the temple, and to propitiate the spirit of Hwan, when the daughter of his murderer should be presented as the wife of his son!
Par. 10. Hoo was in Ch'ing,—in the northwest of the pres. district of Yuen-woo (), dep. Hwae-k'ing. It is supposed the meeting had reference to the impending marriage.
XXIV. Twenty-fourth year.
1 In the duke's twenty-fourth year, in spring, in the king's third month, he carved the rafters of [duke] Hwan's temple.
2 There was the burial of duke Chwang of Ts'aou.
3 In summer, the duke went to Ts'e to meet his bride.
4 In autumn, the duke arrived from Ts'e.
5 In the eighth month, his wife, the lady Keang, entered [the capital]
6 On Mow-yin, the great officers belonging to the ducal House, and their wives, had an interview with her, and presented offerings of silks.
7 There were great floods.
8 In winter, the Jung made an inroad into Ts'aou, when Ke of Ts'aou fled to Ch'in, and Ch'ih returned to Ts'aou.
9 The duke of Kwoh—
Par. 1. This act was of the same nature as the painting the pillars in par. 8 of last year. Tso-she says:—'This was another act contrary to rule. Yu-sun [the designation of K'ing (?), a great officer, the master of the Workmen. See the [??,???, 3d art.] remonstrated, saying, "Your subject has heard that economical moderation is the reverence of virtue, and that extravagance is one of the greatest of wickednesses. Our former ruler possessed that reverent virtue, and you are as it were carrying him on to that great wickedness;—is not this what should not be?"' Kuh-leang tells us that the rule for the rafters of the temple of a son of Heaven was that they should be hewn, and rubbed smooth, and then polished bright with a fine stone, while in that of the prince of a State the rafters were only hewn, and rubbed smooth, and in that of a great officer they were simply hewn.
Parr. 3, 4. The duke went himself, acc. to the ancient custom, to meet his bride, and then on his return, announced his arrival in the ancestral temple, which was also according to rule.
Par. 5. On this par. Maou K'e-ling says:— 'As the duke met the lady Keang in person, he ought to have entered with her on the same day. As to the reason of their entering on different days, Kung-yang (as expounded by Too Yu) thinks that as Măng Jin [the duke's earlier mistress of the harem], was in the palace, Keang was unwilling to enter, and must have made the duke agree to remove Măng Jin, while she herself came leisurely on. And so also it was that, when she entered the capital on the day Ting-ch'ow, she did not immediately present herself in the ancestral temple; but it was the next day, Mow-yin, when she repaired thither, and the ceremony of giving audience to the wives of the great officers who were related to the duke by consanguinity, was gone through.' Here surely is an example where the rule about the meaning of ?, mentioned on I. ii. 2, cannot be applied. Where was the hostility here on the part of the 'enterer,' or the 'unwillingness to receive' on the part of the 'entered?' Yet Kuhleang would make it out that the term indicates a kind of horror in the temple at the entrance of the daughter of the man who had murdered duke Hwan!
Par. 6. ??-????? ?, 'the wives of great officers of the same surname as the duke.' Many of them would have received other clan-names, but they were all Kes (?). ??????. 'The first interview, when introductory presents were used, was called ?.' The ?, used properly of gifts of silks, may also comprehend other offerings,—such as gems. The interview spoken of took place in the ancestral temple, on the new wife's first appearance there, nearly equivalent to our celebration of a marriage in a church. The great officers were there officially, and at such a time their wives accompanied them. In the compendious style of the narrative of the paragraph, the student may think that only the wives are spoken of, but we must take ?? as in apposition with ??, and not under its regimen. This appears clearly from the Chuen:—'In autumn, when Gae Keang arrived, the duke made the wives of the great officers, at their first interview, offer silks and gems;— which was contrary to rule. Yu-sun said, "The offerings of males are, the greatest of them, gems and silks, and the lesser, birds and animals [that ? sometimes ?, see the ?? ??,??],—the different things illustrating their rank. But the offerings of women, are only nuts, dates, and pieces of dried flesh,— to show their respect. Now males and females use the same offerings;—there is no distinction between them. But the distinction between males and females is a grand law of the State, and that it should be confounded by the duchess surely is what should not be."'
[The Chuen continues here the narrative after par. 3 of last year about the affairs of Tsin:— 'Sze Wei of Tsin again took counsel with all the other scions of the ruling House, and got them to put to death the two sons of the Yew family, He announced the fact to the marquis, saying "Things are in progress. It will not take more than two years to relieve you of all trouble."']
Par. 7. See on II. 1, 5.
Par. 8. Ke here is said by Too Yu to have been ???, 'the heir-son of Ts'aou.' He must therefore have succeeded to his father in the end of the last year (see XXIII. 9), and he is here mentioned without any title because of his weakness and incompetency to 'hold his own.' Too also says that Ch'ih was duke He, who follows, in the list of lords of Ts'aou, after duke Chwang. But the Historical Records say that He's name was E (?), and make no mention of any Ch'ih. We have not the information necessary fully to elucidate the paragraph. Kung-yang reads—??????, joining on the two characters of the next par., and understanding the whole thus:—There was a duke of Kwoh whose name was Ch'ih. He had lost his own territory, and now finding Ts'aou without a lord, he entered and took possession of it!
Par. 9. This paragraph is plainly incomplete, unless we suppose that ? should be ?, and then the meaning would be 'Kwoh perished.' Compare ??, in V. xix. 7.
The latter way of dealing with the par. is adopted by many, and in support of it a passage is quoted by Maou from the writings of the philosopher Kwan, the marquis of Ts'e's prime minister [This is a mistake. The passage is in Lew Heang's ??,??]:—'Duke Hwan of Ts'e went to Kwoh, and asked an old man how the State had come to ruin. The reply was. "It was because our lord loved the good and hated the evil." "According to your words," said the duke "he was a worthy prince. How could he come to ruin?" The old man answered, 'He loved the good, but he was unable to employ them. He hated the bad, but he was unable to put them away. Therefore it was the State perished."
Possibly, we ought to read ??; but even then, it is not known where this Kwoh was.
XXV. Twenty-fifth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring, the marquis of Ch'in sent Joo Shuh to Loo with friendly inquiries.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Kwei-ch'ow, Soh, marquis of Wei, died.
3 In the sixth month, on Sin-we, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed, when we beat drums, and offered victims at the altar of the land.
4 The duke's eldest daughter went to her home in Ke.
5 In autumn, there were great floods, when we beat drums, and offered victims at the altar of the land, and at the [city] gates.
6 In winter, duke [Hwan's] son Yew went to Ch'in.
Par. 1. ? is read as ?, Joo, the clan-name of a family of Ch'in, connected with the ruling house. ? is the individual's designation. Tso-she says that now 'first was a contract of friendship made with Ch'in;' meaning first since the invasion of the western borders of Loo by Ch'in in the duke's 19th year. He adds that the designation of the messenger is used and not the name, to express commendation of his mission; but such a canon for the use of names, &c., is without foundation. And so is the rule insisted on by Kuh-leang, that the designation shows that Joo's official appointment in Ch'in had been confirmed by the king.
Par. 2. Soh;—see II. xvi. 5; III. vi. 2.
Par. 3. This eclipse took place in the morning of the 18th May, B. C. 668. With regard to the ceremonies which are mentioned, the Chuen says they were 'extraordinary,' adding: —'Only on the first day of the moon in the 1st month [i.e., of summer], when no encroachment of the Yin influence [on the months of the year] had yet begun, on occasion of an eclipse of the sun, did they present offerings of silk at the altars of the land, and beat drums in the court.' The Chuen, on the 17th year of duke Ch'aou (?), par. 2, says that 'the king did not have his table spread so liberally as usual, and made drums be, beaten at the altars of the land; and that princes of States presented offerings of silk at the altars, and had drums beaten in their courts.' Now in the text the drums are beaten at the altars,—one irregular thing; and victims are offered instead of silks;—another. As to Tso-she's statement that the things he mentions were done only on the 1st month of summer, when the masculine energies of nature were all predominant, it may be doubted whether the ? in the sentence ????? is correctly taken by Too Yu (whom I have followed) in the sense of 'only.' The same observances took place, probably, at all eclipses. That in the Shoo, III.iv. 4, in connection with which we have them, was in the 9th month of Hea.
Par. 4. On the 1st par. of the 27th year, Too observes that 'the eldest Ke' here was duke Chwang's daughter. She must have been so, for any daughter of his father would, long ere this time, have been married away. Many critics dwell on the fact that nothing has been said here about the meeting of the lady, as in the marriage of duke Yin's daughter I. ii. 5. The point is unimportant. The husband was not the marquis of Ke, but his son.
Par. 5. The calamity of 'great floods' has been mentioned several times; but this is the first mention of special deprecatory services on such an occasion. Perhaps the regular ceremonies were now first departed from. The Chuen says:—'The observances here were also extraordinary. On all occasions of calamities from the hand of Heaven, there were offerings of silks, and not of victims. And drums were not beaten, excepting on the presage of calamities by the sun and moon.' Too defines ?as ??, 'the city gates,' which is doubtless correct. But the Chuen says nothing about the drumming and sacrificing at them. Kungyang says it was improper; but I do not know of any authority for his saying so.
[The Chuen, continuing the narrative of the affairs of Tsin, appended to par. 6 of last year, says:—'Sze Wei of Tsin got all the other scions of the ruling House to put to death all the branches of the Yew family, after which he walled Tseu for them to reside in. In winter, the marquis of Tsin besieged Tseu, and slew all the sons of the former marquises.']
Par. 6. This Yew was an own brother of duke Chwang,—a man of virtue and ability. His visit here to Ch'in was to return the 'friendly inquiries' from that State in the spring.
XXVI. Twenty-sixth year.
1 In his twenty-sixth year, in spring, the duke invaded the Jung.
2 In summer, the duke arrived from the invasion of the Jung.
3 Ts'aou put to death one of its great officers.
4 In autumn, the duke joined an officer of Sung and an officer of Ts'e in invading Seu.
5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Kwei-hae, the first day of the moon the sun was eclipsed.
Parr. 1,2,4. The 1st and 4th paragraphs are probably both descriptive of operations against the Jung. Accepting the position of the Jung which most troubled Loo as given correctly in the note on I. ii. 1, they were within the limits of the ancient Seu-chow of Yu,—see the Shoo III. i. Pt.i. 28; and though the State of Seu in the time of the Ch'un Ts'ew was not so extensive as the old Seu-chow, the Jung, we may conclude, found sympathy and support from it. We know that the Jung of Seu were a thorn in the State of Loo from its commencement;—see the Shoo, V.xxix. 1. Dukes Yin and Hwan kept on good terms with them (I. ii. 1, 4: II. ii. 8); but hostile relations prevailed in the time of Chwang [XVIII. 2). Ts'e attacked the Jung on behalf of Loo in his 20th year; but we find them here still unsubdued. That the marquis of Loo should join officers of Sung and Ts'e in the expedition against Seu seems to show that Loo was principally interested in it.
The lords of the State of Seu were viscounts, whose chief town was 80 le north from the pres. Sze-chow (??) in Gan-hwuy. They professed the same ancestry as the State of Ts'in (?), and were of course Yings (?).
[To parr. 1, 2. The Chuenappends:—'In spring, Sze Wei of Tsin became grand minister of Works, and in summer, he enlarged the walls of Keang, so as to secure a greater depth for the palace.']
Par. 3. Tso-she says nothing on this par. We do not know who the officer put to death was, nor what was the offence charged against him; and the par. should be left in this obscurity, like the 8th of the 24th year, also relating to the affairs of Ts'aou.
[To par. 4, the Chuen appends:—'In autumn, a body of men from Kwoh made an incursion into Tsin,; and in winter, another body did the same.']
Par. 5. This eclipse took place in the morning of the 3d. Nov., B. C. 667.
XXVII. Twenty-seventh year.
1 In his twenty-seventh year, in spring, the duke had a meeting with his eldest daughter, [married to the heir] of Ke, in T'aou.
2 In summer, in the sixth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, and the earl of Ch'ing, when they made a covenant together in Yew.
3 In autumn, duke [Hwan's] son, Yew, went to Ch'in to the burial of Yuen Chung.
4 In winter, the duke's eldest daughter—she of Ke—came [to Loo].
5 K'ing of Keu came to meet the duke's third daughter as his bride.
6 The earl of Ke appeared at our court.
7 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Shing-puh.
Par. 1. T'aou is said by Too Yu to have been in Loo; and the K'ang-he edition gives its site as 50 le to the south of the city of Puh Chow (??), dep. Ts'aou-chow. But Keang Yung (??) observes that Ke lay east from Loo, and that Puh Chow is in what was the western part of the State, so that it is not likely the lady would have crossed Loo to meet her father. He therefore concludes that ? is the same as ?, mentioned in the Chuen under par. 4 of the 7th year of duke Ch'aou, and to be referred to the pres. dis. of Sze-hwuy, dep. Yen-chow. This, no doubt, is the better identification.
Tso-she condemns the meeting, saying:— 'There was no proper occasion for it. The son of Heaven is supposed to make no tour of inspection unless it be for the publication of righteousness; the prince of a State to make no movement unless it be on the people's business; and a minister not to go beyond the boundaries of the State unless by his ruler's command.' Possibly, however, there may have been circumstances which justified it. Ch'oh Urh-k'ang (???; of the Ming dyn. 1st part of 17th cent.), for instance, supposes that the pride and jealousy of the duke's young Ts'e wife may have rendered a preliminary meeting necessary, before this daughter of the duke could pay the visit of duty mentioned in par. 4.
Par. 2. Comp. XVI. 4. The place of meeting here is the same, and we have also the phrase ??, in both para. Tso-she says the covenant was made 'on occasion of the submission of Ch'in and Ch'ing.' Too, in explanation, of the Chuen, refers to the troubles of Ch'in in Chwang's 22d year, when Ts'e received Kingchung who had fled from it, and to the fact of the earl of Ch'ing having made a treaty with Ts'oo in the 25th year, so that the loyal affection of the two States to Ts'e might be doubted, but a good understanding was now come to.
Par. 3. Yuen is the clan-name, and Chung the designation, which is here given, because, after the death of a minister, the rule was to mention him by it, and not his name. The Chuen says that the journey of Yew was 'contrary to rule,' and adds that Yuen-chung was an old friend of Ke Yew. But the journey, acc. to the Chuen on par. 1, was only 'contrary to rule,' if it was made without the prince's authority. Chang Heah, Woo Ch'ing, and Wang K'ih-hwan, all advocate the view that Ke Yew had obtained that sanction; and the K'ang-he editors further add that, if he had not done so, the character ? would not have been used of his journey.
Par. 4. The Chuen says this visit was ? ?, 'a return to salute her parents.' Such a visit was due once a year while the parents were alive. The Chuen gives also the following canon:—'When the daughter of the prince of a State comes back to visit her parents, only the word ? is used; when she returns divorced, the phrase ?? is employed. When the wife of a prince goes to visit her parents it is said— ??, "she goes to such and such a State;" when she goes back divorced, it is said — ???.'
[There is here a narrative about the affairs of Tsin:—'The marquis of Tsin was going to invade Kwoh, but Sze Wei said to him, " Do not do so now. The duke of Kwoh is arrogant. If he on an occasion has got a victory over us, he will be sure to cast off and neglect his own people. If when he has lost their sympathy, we then attack him, though he may wish to make head against us, who will co-operate with him? Now the cultivation of propriety and music, and the promotion of kindness and affection, are the means by which a spirit of fighting is produced. When the people are brought to be courteous in all their affairs, to delight in harmony, to love their relatives, and to grieve on the loss of them, then they can be employed to fight. Kwoh does not nourish those conditions, and, frequently engaging in hostilitics, its people will come to a condition of famine."']
Par. 5. Here K'ing, a great officer of Keu, comes himself to meet a daughter of the duke, whom he had sought in marriage. A great officer of Loo, of the surname Ke, would have been the agent of the duke in all the preliminary arrangements. That this has not been mentioned does not indicate that there was anything irregular or improper in the transaction.
Par. 6. In II. ii. 5 the lord of Ke has the title of marquis. As he has here only the title of earl, Too Yu concludes that his rank must have been reduced by the king;—which king is not known. It may have been Hwan, Chwang, He, or Hwuy.
[The Chuen adds here:—'The King sent Leaou, earl of Shaou, to convey to the marquis of Ts'e his appointment of him to the presidency of the States, and to ask him to attack Wei, because the marquis of it had raised Tsze-t'uy to the throne (See the 2d Chuen appended to XIX. 4).']
Par. 7. Shing-puh was in Wei,—in the pres. dis. of Ts'aou, dep. Ts'aou-chow. It was near to the borders of the State of Ts'aou. Too says this meeting was preliminary to the punishment of Wei, with which the king had charged the marquis of Ts'e. See the last Chuen.
XXVIII. Twenty-eighth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-eighth year, in spring, in the king's third month, on Keah-yin, an army of Ts'e invaded Wei. The men of Wei and the men of Ts'e fought a battle, when the men of Wei received a disgraceful defeat.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ting-we, So, viscount of Choo, died.
3 In autumn, King invaded Ch'ing.
4 The duke joined an officer of Ts'e and an officer of Sung in relieving Ch'ing.
5 In winter we enclosed Mei.
6 There was a great want of wheat and rice.
7 Tsang-sun Shin represented the case to Ts'e, [and obtained leave] to buy grain there.
. 1. ??,—see on II.xiii. 1. Tso-she says here:—'In spring, the marquis of Ts'e invaded Wei; defeated the army of Wei in battle; declared the command he had received from the king; took bribes and returned.' It appears from this account that the marquis of Ts'e himself took part, if we ought not to say commanded, in the invasion and defeat of Wei; and hence arises a difficulty in accounting for the first ??. Too Yu thinks that the announcement of the affair to Loo was so constructed as to make it appear that only an officer was in charge of the army, and so the shame of accepting bribes might be averted from the marquis. Whatever be thought of this view, it proceeds on the acknowledgment of ?? as properly meaning 'an officer of Ts'e,' and does not sanction the idea that the marquis is here purposely called 'a man,' or 'an officer,' to signify the sage's disapprobation of his conduct. But we need not depart from the usual application of ?. The marquis accompanied the army, but he did not command it. This is the view of Maou. Woo Ch'ing thought that the marquis remained in Shing-puh, expecting that a small demonstration would be enough to coerce Wei into submission, whereas the army of Wei rashly provoked a battle. This account of the matter derives confirmation from the ?? preceding ?? in the second part of the par.
[The Chuen here resumes its account of the affairs of Tsin:—'Duke Heen of Tsin married a daughter of the House of Ken, who had no child. Afterwards he committed incest with his father's concubine Ts'e Keang, by whom he had a daughter who became wife of duke Muh of Ts'in, and a son Shin-săng, whom he, after his father's death, acknowledged as his heir. Subsequently he married two ladies from among the Jung, the one of whom, called Hoo Ke of the great Jung, bore Ch'ung-urh, and the other, who was of the small Jung, bore E-woo. When Tsin invaded the Le Jung, their chief, a baron, gave him to wife his daughter, Le Ke, who bore a son called He Ts'e, while her younger sister bore him Ch'oh-tsze. Le Ke became the favourite with the duke, and wished to get her son declared his successor. In order to this, she bribed two officers, who were favourites with him,—Leang-woo, of the outer court, and another, Woo from Tungkwan, and got them to speak to the marquis to this effect:—"K'euh-yuh contains your lordship's ancestral temple; P'oo and Urh-k'euh are your boundary cities. They should not be without their lords residing in them. If your ancestral city be without its lord, the people will not feel awe; if the others be without their lords, that will lead the Jung to form encroaching projects. When they do so, the people will despise the government as being remiss;—to the harm of the State. If the heir-apparent be put in charge of K'euh-yuh, and Ch'ung-urh and E-woo be put in charge, the one of P'oo, and the other of Urh-k'euh, this will both awe the people and keep the Jung in fear, and display, moreover, your lordship's effective rule." She made them both say further, "The wide territory of the Teih will in this way be a sort of capital of Tsin. Is it not right thus to extend the country of the State?"
'The marquis was pleased with these suggestions, and in the summer he sent his eldest son to reside in K'euh-yuh, Ch'ung-urh to reside in the city of P'oo, and E-woo in K'eauh. Thus all his other sons were sent away to the borders, and only the sons of Le Ke and her sister were left in Keang. The end was that the two Woo and Le Ke slandered the others, and got He-ts'e appointed heir to the State. The people of Tsin called the two Woo the pair of ploughers.']
Par. 2. This So had been viscount of Choo for 12 years. He was succeeded by his son, Keu-ch'oo (??).
Parr. 3,4. King,—see on X.5. In par. 4, after ?? Kung-yang has ???. The Chuen has:—'Tsze-yuen, chief-minister of Ts'oo, wished to seduce the widow of king Wăn, and made a hall by the side of her palace, where he set on foot exhibitions of dancers. When the lady heard them, she wept, and said, "Our deceased lord by means of these dances practised preparations for war. But now the minister makes no use of them against our enemies, but exhibits them by the side of me, waiting solitary for my death;—is not this strange?" One of her attendants repeated these words to Tszeyuen, who said, "She does not forget the duty of surprising our enemies, while I on the contrary have forgotten it."
'In autumn, with 600 chariots, he invaded Ch'ing, and entered its territory by the barrier-gate of Keeh-teeh. He himself, with Tow Yu-keang, Tow Woo, and Kang-che Puh-pe, led the way with streamers flying; while Tow Pan, Wang-sun Yew, and Wang-sun He, brought up the rear. All the chariots entered by the Shun gate, and advanced to the market place on the high way. The portcullis gate, leading to the city, however, was open, and people were coming out who spoke the dialect of Ts'oo. Tsze-yuen said, "Ah, there are men in Ch'ing!" When the princes came to relieve it, the army of Ts'oo retreated in the night; and when the people of Ch'ing were about to flee to T'ung-k'ew, their spies brought word that there were birds-about the tents of Ts'oo, so they stopped their flight.'
Par. 5. Mei was a town of Loo of no great size,—in the west of pres. Tung-p'ing Chow, dept. T'ae-gan. Kung and Kuh both read ?. Tso-she says: 'Mei was not a city (?). All towns having an ancestral temple, with the Spirit-tablets of former rulers, were called cities (?); those without such a temple were called towns (?). Walling a town is called chuh(?); walling a city is called Shing (?).' According to this account, it is not said that Mei was now built, but only that it was enclosed, though not with the strong wall which would have served for the defence of a city.
[Tso-she's account of Too and Yih, cities and towns, is not very clear. Unless the capital of a State were changed, how could there be ancestral temples, with tablets of the former rulers, anywhere but in it? Maou observes that the clans springing from the descendants of the princes would of course have a tablet of the prince to whom they traced their origin in their ancestral temple; and the principal city held by them might be called a too. From the Chuen on I.i.3, it appears that the too were of three degrees. The ground of distinction between cities and towns in England is not in all cases clearly ascertained. There is an interesting coincidence between Tso's statement that an ancestral temple constituted a city in China and the view that it is the cathedral of a bishop which constitutes one in England.]
Par. 6. Ying-tah says on this:—'The wheat was ripe in the summer, and the labours with the rice were completed in autumn; but this entry is made under winter, because then there was fully discovered the insufficiency of the harvest in the other seasons.'
Par. 7. Tsang-sun Shin is better known by his designation and hon. title,—Tsang Wănchung (??). He belonged to a distinguished and loyal family in Loo. We have his great grandfather, Tsang He-pih, in the Chuen on I. v. 1; and his grandfather, Tsang Gae-pih, in that on II. ii. 4. Gae-pih appears again in the Chuen on III. xi. 3, by his surname and name,—Tsang-sun Tah. In that Chuen the name Tsang Wan-chung occurs, but the text must be corrupt. In Chwang's 6th year, Wănchung was but a young boy.
Kung and Kuh both take ? as ?, 'to ask leave,' but I prefer to take it as in the translation. Shin's proceeding, Tso-she says, was according to rule. But many critics condemn it, as if he had gone privately, unauthorized. There is a detailed account, however, in the ??,???, art. 4, where Wăn-chung recommends the measure to duke Chwang, and obtains leave to go to Ts'e. He took with him valuable offerings to duke Hwan to support his request, who, with the magnanimity proper to him, returned them, while he allowed grain to be sold to Loo.
Kung and Kuh say that there ought to have been no necessity, on one year's dearth, to apply for help to a neighbouring State; and that the prince who had not stores accumulated, sufficient for three years at least, was sure to lose his State. That there was not sufficient provision in the State itself for the emergency shows how inefficient the government of Chwang had been. Where there is no commerce with foreign nations, a kingdom can only provide for the occurrence of bad years by the accumulated superabundance of good ones; but such superabundance requires not only benignant skies, but a good government and a well-ordered, industrious, people as well. It must be long since China had a supply of one year's provisions accumulated in its granaries.
XXIX. Twenty-ninth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-ninth year, in spring he repaired his stables.
2 In summer, a body of men from Ch'ing made an incursion into Heu.
3 In autumn, there was [a plague of] fei insects.
4 In winter, [duke Yin's] third daughter—she of Ke— died.
5 We walled Choo and Fang.
Par. 1. Maou says, , ?????? 'the term ? denotes the repairing of the old.' This seems to be the correct interpretation. Ho Hew says that the repairing of an old thing is called ?; if additions be made to the old, the character ? is used; when a thing is made for the 1st time, we say ?. Others, however, will have it that in this case the old stables were removed, and entirely new ones erected. E.g. Ch'ing Twan-heoh (???; Yuen dyn.):—????????? ?. Kuh-leang says that by ?? we are to understand ?, the duke's stables.' The special import of is not know. We might translate it 'long;' and Wang Paou (? ?) aptly compares with it the 'long treasury (??),' mentioned Ana. XI. xiii. 1. As to the character of the transaction, Tso-she observes that 'it was unseasonable. The horses were let out of their stables at the vernal equinox, when the day and night were of equal length, and brought back at the autumnal.' The season of Chow's spring, or Hea's winter, therefore was not the time to repair the stables.
Par. 2. The Chuen here gives definitions of terms:—'An expedition with bells and drums was called ? (an attack or invasion); one without them, ? (a stealthy incursion); one made quickly and with a small force, ? (a surprise).'
Par. 3. Tso-she says that these fei constituted 'a plague;—and that the appearance of such creatures was not recorded unless they amounted to a plague.' The canon is probably applicable here, but the appearance of unusual things is also found, where the idea of their being a plague is inadmissible. But what the were is much disputed. Lew Heang, Ho Hew, and others, think they were a kind of bug, produced in Yueh, and extraordinary in Loo. More likely is the opinion of others that the fei was a kind of locust, that called the ?*,—the ?? of the She; known also as the ???. Lew Ch'ang (??; A.D. 1019—1077) absurdly identifies the fei with a monster mentioned in the ???—'like an ox, with a white head, one eye, and a dragon's tail,' &c.
Par. 4. ??, — see I. vii. 1: III. xii. 1. There was no State of Ke (?) now; but the lady for her worthiness retains her title.
Par. 5. Choo was 30 le to the south-west of the pres. dis. city of Choo-shing (??), dep. Ts'ing-chow. Fang has occurred several times. The Chuen says the walling of these was seasonable, and adds:—'With regard to all labours in building, when the first stars of the Dragon [see on the Shoo, I. 5] appeared [the 11th month of Chow], the labours of husbandry were finished, and the people were warned to prepare for these others. When the Ho (Fire) star appeared (after the previous ones), the materials were all ready for use. When Mercury culminated at dusk, the work should be going on. By the solstice, all should be finished.'
[The Chuen adds:—'P'e of Fan rebelled against the king.']
XXX. Thirtieth year.
1 It was the [duke's] thirtieth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, [our] troops halted at Ch'ing.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, a body of men from Ts'e reduced Chang.
4 In the eighth month, on Kwei-hae, we buried [duke Yin's] third daughter,—her of Ke.
5 In the ninth month, on Kăng-woo, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed, when we beat drums and offered victims at the altar of the land.
6 In winter, the duke and the marquis of Ts'e met on the Loo side of the Tse.
7 An officer of Ts'e invaded the hill Jung.
[The Chuen inserts after par. 1:—'In spring, the king commanded the duke of Kwoh to punish P'e of Fan; and in summer, in the 4th month, on P'ing-shin, the duke entered Fan, seized Chung-p'e, and carried him to the capital.']
Par. 2. Ch'ing,—see II. vi. 2. Tso-she's text has no ? before ?; but the want does not affect the meaning. By ? we are to understand a small body of troops under the command of a great officer. Maou observes that the ?, spoken of Loo, is equivalent to the ?, so often used in speaking of the troops of other States. The troops in the text had probably been despatched from the capital, in consequence of Ts'e's threastening Chang (in next par.);—to defend Chang, as Kuh-leang says, or to be prepared for any troubles on the borders of Loo. They stopped, however, at Ch'ing through fear of Ts'e.
[The Chuen continues here the narrative about the affairs of Tsoo from XXVIII. 4:— 'Yuen, son of king Woo of Ts'oo, on his return from the invasion of Ch'ing, took up his residence in the king's palace. Tow Yih-sze remonstrated with him, and afterwards seized him and put him in hand-cuffs.
'In autumn, Tow Pan, duke of Shin [as the viscount of Ts'oo had usurped the title of king, here one of his officers is styled duke], put Tsze-yuen to death. Tow T'oo-woo-t'oo became chief minister, and emptied his house of everything to alleviate the difficulties of the State.']
Par. 3. Chang was a small State, whose chief town was 60 le east of the city of Tung-p'ing Chow, dep. T'ae-gan. 1st chiefs were Keangs, and it is said to have been a Foo-yung of Ke (?). But it seems to have been too distant from that State to be attached to it. ? (heang), used actively, signifies to reduce. It indicates that little or no resistance was made;—Chang surrendered on the appearance of the enemy, and thenceforth was part of Ts'e.
Par. 4. Loo sent a great officer to superintend this service.
Par. 5. This eclipse took place on the 21st August, B. C. 663. As to the observances employed, see on XXV. 4.
Par. 6. The river Tse (see the Shoo. III.i.Pt. i. 20,27: Pt. ii. 10) served as part of the boundary line between Ts'e and Loo, and so we have ?? and ??, the Ts'e side and the Loo side of the Tse. The hurried meeting here is said by Tso-she, to have been to consult about the Hill Jung, who had reduced the State of Yen to great distress.
Par. 7. The Hill Jung, or northern Jung, had their seat in the pres. dep. of Yung-p'ing (??), Chih-le, in the north-east of that province. There is a most graphic account of this expedition in the ???,??? ?, but I fear it is mostly fabulous. It proceeds on the supposition that the marquis of Ts'e himself conducted his troops, attended by Kwan Chung. Kung and Kuh also both think that he did so, but their view proceeds on a false interpretation of the phrase ??. See the note by the K'ang-he editors in loc.
XXXI. Thirty-first year.
1 In his thirty first year, in spring, [the duke] built a tower in Lang.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, the earl of Seeh died.
3 [The duke] built a tower in Seeh.
4 In the sixth month, the marquis of Ts'e came and presented [to the duke some of the] prisoners and spoils of the Jung.
5 In autumn, [the duke] built a tower in Ts'in.
6 In winter, there fell no rain.
Parr. 1,3,5. This might be called a year of tower building. These various entries show how the duke was carrying his penchant in this respect to extravagance. Lang,—see I. ix. 4; et al. Seeh was in the south-east of the pres. dis. of T'ăng, dep. Yen-chow. Ts'in was a little way south of the pres. dis. city of Fan , dep. Ts'aou-chow.
Par. 2. See I. xi. 1. There we have the 'marquis' of Seeh, and here only the earl. It is supposed that the rank of marquis had been reduced, as in the case of Ke, XXVII. 6. Too Yu thinks that the name of the earl is not given, because Loo had never covenanted with him. Many of the canons for the style, however, delivered in this way, are questionable. Yu Kaou (??; Yuen dyn.) says here that the omission of the name and of the day of death is simply a defect of the text.
Par. 4. ? here ? in VI. 5. ? suggests the idea of spoils rather than of prisoners of war, but I suppose they should both be included here. ? is used of offerings by an inferior to a superior, and, as used here, must intimate that the whole thing was a piece of vainglory and display on the part of the marquis of Ts'e. The idea of a march past Loo, of the returning with all the spoils displayed, which many of the critics have adopted from Kung-yang, is properly rejected by the K'ang-he editors. The Chuen says:—'This affair was contrary to rule. When a prince has gained successes over any of the wild tribes, he presents the spoils to the king, who employs them to terrify other tribes. Spoils taken by one State from another are not so presented; and the princes do not send of their spoils to one another.'
Par. 5. This entry is made as of an unusual thing. Some of the critics say that as there were no crops on the ground, the want of rain could do no harm. It would, however, occasion much suffering.
XXXII. Thirty-second year.
1 In the [duke's] thirty-second year, in spring, he walled Seaou-kuh.
2 In summer, the duke of Sung and the marquis of Ts'e met in Leang-k'ew.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Kwei-sze, duke [Hwan's] son, Ya, died.
4 In the eighth month, on Kwei-hae, the duke died in the State-chamber.
5 In winter, in the tenth month, on Ke-we, the [duke's] son, Pan, died.
6 Duke [Hwan's] son, K'ing-foo, went to Ts'e.
7 The Teih invaded Hing.
Par. 1. Tso-she says that 'this walling of Seaou-kuh was on behalf of Kwan Chung:' and Too Yu adds, in explanation, that duke Chwang, moved by the virtue of Hwan of Ts'e, to gratify him walled the city which he had assigned to Kwan Chung, his adviser and minister. If this be correct, then Seaou-kuh was, as Too says, in Ts'e, the same as the Kuh in VII. 4, XXIII. 6. It occurs often hereafter, and always by the name of Kuh; and in a Chuen appended to X. xi. 9, it is said that duke Hwan walled it, and placed Kwan Chung in it. But that city is called Kuh, and never Seaou-kuh. Fan Ning, therefore, has many followers, when he says that this was a town of Loo; and they urge that if Tso-she's opinion were correct, the text would have ? before the name of the place. From the text alone we certainly conclude that Seaoukuh belonged to Loo.
Par. 2. Leang-k'ew was in Ts'e, 30 le to the east of the present dis. city of Shing-woo, dep. Ts'aou-chow. Tso-she says that 'the marquis of Ts'e, with a view to punish Ts'oo for its invasion of Ch'ing [in the duke's 28th year], called a meeting of the princes, and that the duke of Sung requested an interview with him before any of the others, in consequence of which they met here in Leang-k'ew.' Too adds that the marquis was so pleased with this zeal, that he made the duke appear before himself in the account of their meeting!
[The Chuen adds here a strange narrative:— 'In autumn, in the 7th month, there was the descent of a Spirit in Sin [Sin belonged to Kwoh]. King Hwuy asked Ko, the historiographer of the Interior, the reason of it, and he replied, "When a State is about to flourish, intelligent Spirits descend in it, to survey its virtue. When it is going to perish, Spirits also descend in it, to behold its wickedness. Thus there have been instances of States flourishing from Spirits appearing, and also of States perishing; cases in point might be adduced from the dynasties of Yu, Hea, Shang and Chow." The king then asked what should be done in the case of this Spirit, and Ko replied, "Present to it its own proper offerings, which are those proper to the day on which it came." The king acted accordingly, and the historiographer went to Kwoh, and presented the offerings. There he heard that the duke of Kwoh had been requesting the favour of enlarged territory from the Spirit, and on his return, he said, "Kwoh is sure to perish. The duke is oppressive, and listens to Spirits."
The Spirit stayed in Sin six months, when the duke of Kwoh caused the prayer-master Ying, the superintendent of the ancestral temple K'eu, and the historiographer Yin, to sacrifice to it, and the Spirit promised to give him territory. The historiographer Yin said, "Ah! Kwoh will perish. I have heard that, when a State is about to flourish, its ruler receives his lessons from the people; and when it is about to perish, he receives his lessons from Spirits. The Spirits are intelligent, correct, and impartial. Their course is regulated by the feelings of men. The slenderness of Kwoh's virtue extends to many things;—how can any increase of territory be obtained?"]
Par. 3. "Ya died."—He was in fact murdered, or done to death, and the statement in the text is fashioned to conceal the deed perpetrated. The Chuen relates:—'At an early time, the duke built a tower near the residence of the Chang family, from which he got a sight of Măng Jin [i.e., 'the eldest Jin.' Jin was the surname of the Changs], and followed her; but she shut the door against him. He then said he would make her his wife, when she consented to his desires, cutting at the same time her arm, and with the blood making a covenant with him. She afterwards bore a son to the duke, who was called Pan.
'On occasion of a sacrifice for rain, the duke was discoursing on the subject at the residence of the Leang family, while his daughter was looking on at what was taking place. The chief groom Loh was outside the wall, and attempted to made sport with her, which incensed her brother Pan, so that he ordered Loh to be scourged. When the duke heard of it, he said, "You should have had him put to death. He is not a man to be scourged. Loh is possessed of great strength, and can throw the cover of a carriage [The meaning of ? here is much disputed] over the south gate."
'When the duke was ill, he consulted his half-brother Shuh-ya about who should be his successor, and Ya said, 'K'ing-foo [Ya's own full brother] has ability." The duke also asked his full brother Ke-yew, who replied that he would support Pan to the death. "A little ago," said the duke, "Ya mentioned the ability of K'ing-foo." On this Ch'ing Ke [Ch'ing was the hon. title of Ke-yew] sent a messenger with the duke's order to command He-shuh [Shuh-ya. He was his hon. title] to wait in the family of the officer K'een-woo, where he made Keen Ke present poison to him, with the message, "Drink it, and your posterity shall be preserved in the State. If you do not drink it, you shall die, and your posterity shall be made no account of." He drank the poison, returned as far as K'weits'euen, and died. His son was made the first of the Shuh-sun family.'
The critics for the most part justify Ke-yew for taking off Shuh-ya in the manner described in the Chuen. Yew was the full brother of duke Chwang, and faithful, having the interests of the State at heart. K'ing-foo and Shuh-ya were half-brothers of Chwang, themselves full brothers; and King-foo's ambitious and crafty disposition was well known. He was carrying on a criminal intrigue with Gae Keang, and his aim was to become marquis himself. From what occurred at the duke's death-bed, it appeared to Ke-yew that Ya was confederate with his brother, and he therefore took him off, as the best way to weaken K'ing-foo, and secure the succession of Pan. Shih Keae (); A.D. 1005—1057) discourses on the subject in the following way:—'Affection between brothers, and righteousness between ruler and subject:—neither of these things can be dispensed with. But if a paramount sway be allowed to the affection, it may happen that the righteousness cannot be maintained; and if it be allowed to the righteousness, it may happen that the affection cannot have its course. When such cases occur, it requires sagely wisdom and virtue to deal in them aright. When king Woo died, his brothers Kwan and Ts'ae led on Woo-kăng to rebel. If the duke of Chow had regarded merely his affection for his brothers, the kingdom must have been ruined, and the young king imperilled. He would not sacrifice the kingdom to his own individual feelings, nor allow his private affection to overrule the righteousness due from him as a subject to his sovereign; and so, in the strength of great righteousness, he punished his brothers with death. In the case before us, Shuh-ya wanted to raise K'ing-foo to the lordship of Loo. If Keyew had regarded merely his affection for his brothers, K'ing-foo must have become marquis, and Loo would have been thrown into confusion. Yew would not allow his private feelings to prevent the discharge of his public duty, nor exchange for the life of one man the benefit of the whole State; and so, in the stern discharge of great public righteousness, he poisoned Ya. After ages can surely examine the nature of his deed. When the duke of Chow cut off his brothers Kwan and Ts'ae, he proclaimed their guilt. When Ke-yew poisoned Shuh-ya, he concealed the deed. The crime of the duke of Chow's two brothers was displayed; the crime of He-shuh was still hidden, and could not be known. And hence it is that it appears in the text as if he had died a natural death.'
Par. 4. ?? is explained by Kung, Kuh, and others, as ??, 'the right chamber.' See the note in the Shoo, on V. xxii. 10. The last or innermost of the gates of the king's palace, or of the palace of the prince of a State, was called ??, and inside it were the apartments called ts'in (?). That character means 'to sleep,' but the ts'in were not bedrooms, in our sense of the term. They did not form part of the harem. There were three of them,—the Kaou (?) or 'High' ts'in, the Loo ts'in, and the Seaou (?) or 'Small' ts'in. The Loo was the State chamber, where the king or prince gave audience to his ministers, and sometimes feasted his guests; and here it was proper he should die, open to the visits of his ministers, and with none of his wives or female attendants about him. The Chuen says that 'on the duke's death, his son Pan succeeded to him, and stopped in the house of the officer Chang [As appears from the previous Chuen, the house of his mother's family.]'
Par. 5. Here we have another concealment of the truth, for the new marquis was murdered, without any of the mitigating circumstances which have been urged to justify the deed of Ke-yew in putting Shuh-ya to death. The Chuen says:—'Kung-chung [K'ing-foo. Kung is the hon. title, and Chung the designation] employed the chief groom Loh to murder the young "marquis Pan in the house of the Chang family. Ch'ing Ke then fled to Ch'in, and another son of Chwang, known as duke Min, was raised to the marquisate.' With regard to the language of the paragraph, ?? simply means 'the son Pan.' Pan had, indeed, succeeded to his father, but Chwang was still unburied. The year, moreover, had not closed, and a new rule had not been publicly inaugurated. The new marquis, therefore, is not acknowledged as such. His rule was abortive. He is not called ? or ?, and his death is described by ? instead of ?. Instead of ?? Kung and Kuh read ??; but??was in the 11th month, not the 10th.
Par. 6. K'ing-foo had murdered Pan, and aimed to become marquis himself. Something, however, was in the way of his immediately accomplishing his object, and here he goes to Ts'e, probably to represent the things which had occurred in Loo in the manner most favourable to himself, and to pave the way for his further projects. Maou thinks that ? is a euphemism for ?; but there is no necessity for that view. But who had secured the succession of duke Min? The last two clauses of the last Chuen are ????,???. I have translated the concluding one passively; but the K'ang-he editors carry on ?? to as its subject. I do not see how Ch'ing Ke, himself compelled to flee the State, could effect the acknowledgment of Min. Probably K'ingfoo saw that if, after murdering one of Chwang's sons, he proceeded at once to set the other aside, public feeling would be too strong for him; and he therefore co-operated with other officers in the designation of Min, then only 8 years old;—meaning to deal with him ere long.
Par. 7. Hing was a marquisate held by descendants of the duke of Chow. Its chief town was at first in the pres. dis. of Hing-t'ae, (? ?), dep. Shun-tih, Chih-le; but, in two years after this time, at a place 12 le to the south-west of the pres. dep. city of Tung-ch'ang, Shantung. Teih is the general name for the wild tribes of the north. This is the first mention of them in the Ch'un Ts'ew.
BOOK V. DUKE HE.
I. First year.
1 It was the [duke's] first year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 An army of Ts'e, an army of Sung, and an army of Ts'aou halted at Neeh-pih, [in proceeding] to the rescue of Hing.
3 In summer, in the sixth month, Hing removed [its capital] to E-e.
4 The army of Ts'e, the army of Sung, and the army of Ts'aou walled [the new capital of] Hing.
5 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Mow-shin, duke [Chwang's] wife, the lady Keang, died at E, an officer of Ts'e taking her [body] back with him.
6 A body of men from Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.
7 In the eighth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the earl of Ch'ing, the earl of Ts'aou, and an officer of Choo, in Ch'ing.
8 In the ninth month, the duke defeated an army of Choo at Yen.
9 In winter, in the tenth month, on Jin-woo, duke [Hwan's] son Ye led an army and defeated an army of Keu at Le, taking Neu of Keu.
10 In the twelfth month, on Ting-sze, the coffin of duke [Chwang's] wife arrived from Ts'e.
Title Of The Book.—??, 'Duke He.' The mother of duke He was Ch'ing Fung, mentioned in the 2d narrative of the Chuen appended to Min's last year, and a concubine of duke Chwang. His name was Shin (?). His rule lasted 33 years, B. C. 658–626. His honorary title, He, denotes 'Careful and Cautious (? ?????).'
His 1st year synchronized with the 18th of king Hwuy; the 27th of Hwan of Ts'e; the 18th of Heen of Tsin; the 1st of Hwuy, duke Wăn (???), of Wei; the 16th of Muh of Ts'ae; the 14th of Wăn of Ch'ing; the 3d of Ch'aou of Ts'aou; the 34th of Seuen of Ch'in; the 14th of Hwuy of Ke; the 23d of Hwan of Sung; the 1st of Jin-haou, duke Muh (?? ??), of Ts'in; and the 13th of Ch'ing of Ts'oo.
Par. 1. See on I.i.1;III.i.1;IV.i.1. Tso, indeed, says needlessly, that the characters ?? are not found, 'because the duke was out of the State. He went out and re-entered, but there is no record of it;—to conceal the wickedness of the State; which was according to rule.'
Par. 2. The ? after ? is the reading of Kung and Kuh. Tso-she has ??, evidently a mistake. Neeh-pih was a place in Hing, north-east from the pres. dis. city of Leaoushing (??), dep. Tung-ch'ang. The Teih had again invaded Hing, which applied to Ts'e for help, and accordingly we have the armies of Ts'e and other States here proceeding to its relief. The phrases ??, &c., imply that, while the relieving forces were considerable, they were under the command of great officers, and not of the princes of the States themselves. The critics are much divided in their opinion on the allies' halting in their march to relieve Hing, most of them condemning it as improper in the urgency of the case. We do not know the circumstances sufficiently, however, to judge whether it was a prudent measure merely, or an artful one,—to make their help more prized by Hing when given at last.
Par. 3. E-e (Kung, ??),—see on III. xxxii. 7. ? is here used intransitively. The removal is spoken of as if it had been Hing's own act. The Chuen says:—'The princes were proceeding to relieve Hing, when the people dispersed, and fled to the allied armies, which then went on and drove out the Teih. They collected all the furniture and other articles of the people, and brought them away, without the soldiers appropriating anything to themselves. In summer, Hing removed to E-e.'
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'The princes walled the city for Hing, thus relieving it in its distress. It was the rule for the president of the princes to relieve the distressed, to distribute to the necessitous in times of calamity, and to punish offending States.'
Kaou K'ang (??; Sung Dyn.) observes: —'The marquis of Ts'e was dilatory at first in relieving Hing;—that was his fault. Finally he did succour it;—that was his merit. The sage does not conceal his fault on the ground of his merit, nor does he conceal his merit because of his fault;—this is royal law.'
Par. 5. The latter part of the Chuen on IV. ii. 5 has anticipated this par. The marquis of Ts'e, in his capacity of leader of the States, determined to execute justice on Gae Keang, notwithstanding his near relation to her, considering her too bad to be allowed to live. He therefore had her brought from Choo, whether she had fled from Loo, to E, somewhere in Ts'e, and there put her to death, or obliged her to strangle herself. The officer, who superintended the deed, took her body back to Ts'e;—so we must understand ??. Kuh-leang, and, after him, Hoo Gan-kwoh, take the characters as = 'sent her back to Loo;'—contrary to their general usage, and specially to par. 10. The marquis of Ts'e did not hesitate to execute his own sister, whose wickedness was so atrocious; but the Classic conceals the nature of her death.
Par. 6. Here for the 1st time we meet with the name ?, instead of which ? has hitherto been used. The same tree was called either Ts'oo or King, and the same usage obtained with the name of the State, though, as Too seems to intimate, the name Ts'oo was about this time publicly assumed. Tso-she says that Ts'oo attacked Ch'ing, 'because of its adherence to the alliance with Ts'e,' and that the meeting at Ch'ing was followed by a covenant at Loh (?), with a view to the relief of Ch'ing. [The Loh here in the Chuen may be, as Too says, another name for Ch'ing (?), or it may be that the princes, after their conference at Ch'ing, moved a little way off to another place, called Loh, and there covenanted.] Ch'ing (? in Kung-yang) was in Ch'ing, somewhere in the pres. Ch'in Chow, dep. K'ae-fung, Ho-nan.
Par. 8. Yen (Kung-yang, ?) was in Loo,— in pres. dis. of Pe, dep. Yen-chow. We do not know what grounds of quarrel there were at this time between Loo and Choo; and as duke He and an officer of Choo had been in good fellowship at the meeting in Ch'ing the month before, this makes the entry the more strange. Tso-she says the defeat was inflicted on 'the guards of Heu-k'ew, who were about to return.' Too Yu explains this by supposing that Heuk'ew was in Choo, and that Choo had stationed troops there, after sending Gae Keang to her death in Ts'e, intending that they should make an incursion into Loo. On finding, however, that Ts'e gave up the body of Gae Keang to Loo, and that the two States continued on good terms, Choo was afraid, and was proceeding to withdraw its troops, when duke He, having become aware of their original object, attacked and defeated them. A fatal objection to this explanation is, that Heu-k'ew must be assigned to Loo, according to the analogy of all the passages in which the duke of Loo is said to have defeated the forces of another power in any place. The most likely account of the collision which I have met with, is one suggested by Wang Taou,—that when Ke-yew fled with the prince Shin to Choo, on the murder of duke Min, they had made great promises to Choo, if that court would help them to regain Loo; and that Choo now, claiming the merit of their restoration and Shin's elevation to the marquisate, had sent a force to seize and keep possession of Heu-k'ew, to enforce his demand that the promises should be made good. He caught only loss, however, by his greed.
Par. 9. Le (Kung, ?; Kuh, ?) belonged to Loo. The Chuen says:—'In winter, an officer of Keu came seeking for bribes, but duke Hwan's son, Yew, defeated his troops at Le, and took Neu, the younger brother of the viscount of Keu.' Tso-she adds that Neu was not a high minister [intending thus to account, by one of his canons, for the mention of the individual simply by his name], and that the whole par. is in commendation of Ke-yew for the capture of Neu. After this, the Chuen resumes, 'The duke for this gave Ke-yew the fields on the north of the Wăn, and Pe.'
The Chuen on IV. ii. 5 tells us how Ke-yew bribed Keu to deliver up K'ing-foo. Not satisfied with what he had then received, the viscount had sent his troops to require further payment. Both Choo and Keu, we may assume, were presuming that the new rule would be too weak to resist their demands.
? most naturally leads to the conclusion that Neu was captured alive; which is inconsistent with a version of the transaction given by Kuh-leang:—that Ke-yew proposed to Neu that they two should decide the contest by boxing, and let their troops look on, and that then, when he found he was getting the worst, he disposed of his antagonist with a dagger which he carried about his person.
Par. 10. The want of ? here before ? is evidently a simple error of the text. It is astonishing what nonsense even the K'ang-he editors write, on the supposition that 'Confucius could not express his condemnation so well as by leaving out her surname in this place.' Tsoshe observes that the superior man may say that 'the people of Ts'e dealt too severely with Gae Keang in putting her to death; for that a woman follows—has her obediences to be rendered to— the determinate male relatives.' His meaning seems to be that, as she had married from Ts'e into Loo, it belonged to Loo to deal with her; she was no longer amenable to Ts'e. Comp. II. xviii. 2.
II. Second year.
1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's first month, we [aided in the] walling of Ts'oo-k'ew.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Sin-sze, we buried our duchess, Gae Keang.
3 An army of Yu and an army of Tsin extinguished Heayang.
4 In autumn, in the ninth month, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, an officer of Keang, and an officer of Hwang, made a covenant in Kwan.
5 In winter, in the tenth month, there was no rain.
6 A body of men from Ts'oo made an incursion into Ch'ing.
Par. 1. Ts'oo-k'ew was the new capital of Wei. The abandonment of the old capital [See on I. ii. 9], and the subsequent destruction of it by the Teih, have been described in the Chuen on IV. ii. 7, where also it is stated how the shattered remnant of the State collected again in Ts'aou. The marquis of Ts'e, however, decided that Ts'oo-k'ew [difft. from another place of the same name, also in Wei, mentioned in I. vii. 7], —60 le east of the pres. dis. city of Hwah (?), dep. Ta-ming, Chih-le,—would be a better site for a capital, and arranged with the other princes to raise its walls. The Chuen says:—'In spring, the princes walled Ts'ook'ew, and established Wei there.' Tso thinks that no mention is made in the text of any previous meeting of the princes for this purpose, because Loo was late in arriving!
In par. 2 of the previous year, it is stated that the armies of the States 'walled Hing (? ?),' the reason being that the marquis and people of Hing had already taken up their quarters in E-e, as the head-city of their revived State. Here it is not said that the armies 'walled Wei (??),' because the marquis and people were still at Ts'aou, and would remove to Ts'oo-k'ew only when it was ready for their reception.
Par. 2. See III. xxii. 2.
Par. 3. For the 1st time the States of Yu and Tsin appear in the text of the Ch'un Tsk'ew: —the former on the eve of its extinction; the latter soon to develope into one of the greatest Powers of the period. Yu was held by the descendants of Chung-yung (??), second son of king T'ae, grandfather of king Wăn, with the title of duke. Its capital was 45 le east of the pres. dis. city of Ping-luh (??), Keae Chow (??), Shan-se. Tsin was a marquisate, held by the descendants of Shuh-yu (? ?), a son of king Woo. Its capital at this time was at Keang, which has left its name in the pres. Keang Chow (?) of Shan-se. Its position allowed Tsin great opportunity for enlarging its territory, and this was the main cause of the great progress which it made. Hea-yang (Kung and Kuh, ??) was the second city of the State of Kwoh, in the north-east of the pres. dis. of P'ing-luh (??), dep. P'ing-yang. The possession of Hea-yang was all important to Kwoh, the State to which it belonged, and indeed to Yu also. Tsin by acquiring Hea-yang could go on without difficulty to annex both the States.
The Chuen says:—'Seun Seih of Tsin requested leave from the marquis to take his team of Keuh horses and his peih of Ch'uy-keih jade, and with them borrow a way from Yu to march through it and attack Kwoh [Yu was on the south of Tsin, and Kwoh again on the south of Yu]. "They are the things I hold most precious," said the marquis. Seih replied, "But if you get a way through Yu, it is but like placing them in a treasury outside the State for a time." "There is Kung Che-k'e in Yu," objected the duke. "Kung Che-k'e," returned the other, "is a weak man, and incapable of remonstrating vigorously. And, moreover, from his youth up he has always been with the duke of Yu, who is so familiar with him, that though he should remonstrate, the duke will not listen to him." The marquis accordingly sent Seun Seih to borrow a way through Yu, with this message:— "Formerly, K'e [a small State], against right and reason, entered your State from Teen-ling, and attacked the three gates of Ming. It suffered for its doing;—all through your Grace. Now Kwoh, against right and reason, has been keeping guards about the travellers' lodges, to make incursions from them into my southern borders, and I venture to beg a right of way from you to ask an account of its offence." The duke of Yu granted the request, and even asked to take the lead in invading Kwoh. Kung Che-k'e remonstrated with him, but in vain; and he raised his army for the enterprize.
'In summer, Le K'ih and Seun Seih brought on the army of Tsin, made a junction with that of Yu, and invaded Kwoh, when they extinguished Hea-yang.
'The army of Yu is mentioned first, because of the bribes which the duke accepted.'
To speak of 'extinguishing Hea-yang,' which was not a State, sounds strange; but Kuh-leang accounts for the language on the ground of the importance of the place. Maou K'e-ling even says that Hea-yang is here another name for Yu.—See Mencius, V. Pt.i.IX.2.
Par. 4. Keang was a small State, held by Yings (?),—in pres. Ho-nan. Its exact place is not determined,—some placing it in dis. of Ching-yang (??), dep. Joo-ning; and some in dis. of Seih (?), Kwang-chow (??). Hwang was also a small State, held by Yings, in the same Kwang-chow. Both Keang and Hwang acknowledged the superiority of Ts'oo; their now transferring their allegiance to Ts'e is indicative of the approaching struggle between those two great States. Tso says this meeting was held to receive the submission of Keang and Hwang. Kwan (Kung, ??) was in Sung,—10 le south-east from dis. city of Ts'aou, dep. Ts'aou-chow.
[The Chuen adds here:—1st. 'Teaou of Ts'e, chief of the eunuchs, for the 1st time let out the contemplated expedition of duke Hwan in To-yu.'
2d. 'The duke of Kwoh defeated the Jung at Sang-t'een. The diviner Yen of Ts'in said, "Kwoh is sure to perish. The duke is not afraid, though he has lost Hea-yang, but goes on to acquire more military fame;—Heaven is taking away his insight, and increasing his disease. He is sure to take his difficulties with Tsin easily, and show no kindness to his people. He will not have five more harvests.']
Par. 5. See III. xxxi. 6.
Par. 6. The Chuen says that, at this time, 'Tow Chang carried off prisoner T'an Pih of Ch'ing.'
III. Third year.
1 In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first month, it did not rain.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, it did not rain.
3 A body of men from Seu took Shoo.
4 In the sixth month, it rained.
5 In autumn, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, an officer of Keang, and an officer of Hwang, had a meeting at Yang-kuh.
6 In winter, duke [Hwan's] son, Yew, went to Ts'e to make a covenant.
7 A body of men from Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.
Parr. 1, 2, 4. The Chuen says:—'In spring it did not rain, but in summer, in the 6th month, it did. From the 10th month of the previous year to the end of the 5th month of this, there had been no rain; but as it is not said "there was a drought," it had not amounted to a calamity.' The mention of its raining in the 6th month is dwelt on by the critics. They contrast the three—I might say four—entries here about rain, with VI. ii. 4, where seven months' want of rain is summed up in one par., saying that the various entries here, and especially the last one, show how duke He must have sympathized with the suffering of the people.
Par. 3. Seu,—see III. xxvi. 4. Shoo was a small State;—in pres. dis. of Leu-keang (? ?), dep. Leu-chow, Gau-hwuy. It is not easy to determine the force of ?, 'took,' which has occurred once before in III. ix. 6, with rather a difft. application. Kung-yang thinks that ? indicates the ease with which the capture was made, and Too that it indicates that only a small force was employed against Shoo. Some think that ? is here = ?, 'extinguished;' but the meaning is not so intense as that. The K'ang-he editors approve the view of Le Leen (??; end of the Yuen dyn.), which is reasonable;—that Shoo belonged to the party of Ts'oo, and that Seu now took, and held it for a time, in the interest of Ts'e, to facilitate the progress of the contemplated expedition to the south.
Par. 5. Tso says this meeting was 'to plan about the invasion of Ts'oo.' See on p. 4 of last year. The K'ang-he editors agree with Tso's account of the object of the meeting, though Kung and Kuh do not mention it. They say that the expedition against Ts'oo had been determined on in the meeting at Ch'ing (?), in He's 1st year, and that the subsequent meeting at Kwan, and this at Yang-kuh, were held specially to secure the adherence of the powerful Sung, and of the distant Keang and Hwang. Yang-kuh was in Ts'e, 30 le north-east from the pres. dis. city of same name, dep. Yen-chow.
Par. 6. Kuh has?before?.Both he and Kung read ? for ?, ?=?'to go to and take part in.' The covenant here was a sequel of the meeting at Yang-kuh (Tso says: —??????????), Loo had not been represented at the meeting, but the duke here, at the request of Ts'e, sends Ke-yew to take part in the covenant.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'On this occasion, the earl of Ch'ing wanted to make peace with Ts'oo, but K'ung Shuh objected, saying, "Ts'e is now actively engaged on our behalf. It will not be an auspicious movement to cast away its kindness."'
[The Chuen adds:—'The marquis of Ts'e and Ke of Ts'ae [one of his ladies] were in a boat on a lake in the park, when she made it rock. The marquis was afraid, changed colour, and forbade her; but she persisted. The marquis was angry, and sent her back to Ts'ae, without absolutely putting her away. They married her away there, however, to another.]'
IV. Fourth year.
1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke joined the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, in an incursion into Ts'ae. [The people of] Ts'ae dispersed, when the [allies] proceeded to invade Ts'oo, and halted at Hing.
2 In summer, Sin-chin, baron of Heu, died.
3 K'euh Hwan of Ts'oo came to make a covenant in [the camp of] the armies. The covenant was made at Shaouling.
4 The army of Ts'e made Yuen T'aou-t'oo of Ch'in prisoner.
5 In autumn, [the duke], with an officer of Keang and an officer of Hwang, invaded Ch'in.
6 In the eighth month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Ts'oo.
7 There was the burial of duke Muh of Heu.
8 In winter, in the twelfth month, Kung-sun Tsze led a force, and joined an officer of Ts'e, an officer of Sung, an officer of Wei, an officer of Ch'ing, an officer of Heu, and an officer of Ts'aou, in an incursion into Ch'in.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'In this year, in spring, the marquis of Ts'e, with the forces of many of the princes, made an incursion into Ts'ae, and, when the marquis and people dispersed and fled, proceeded to invade Ts'oo. The viscount of Ts'oo sent a messenger to the allied army to say to the marquis, "Your lordship's place is by the northern sea, and mine is by the southern; so remote are our boundaries that our cattle and horses, in the heat of their excitement, cannot affect one another. Without my having any idea of it, your lordship has come to my country. What is the reason of your doing so?" Kwan Chung replied, "Duke K'ang of Shaou delivered the charge to T'ae-kung, the first lord of our Ts'e, saying, 'Do you undertake to punish the guilty among the princes of all the five degrees, and the chiefs of all the nine provinces, in order to support and help the House of Chow.' So there was given to our founder rule over the land, from the sea on the east to the Ho on the west, and from Muh-ling on the south to Woo-te on the north. Your tribute of covered cases of the three-ribbed rush [Shoo III. i. Pt. i. 52] is not rendered, so that the king's sacrifices are not supplied with it, and there is nothing with which to strain the spirits;—of this we have to ask you an account. King Ch'aou moreover never came back from the expedition which he undertook to the south [king Ch'aou had been drowned in the Han, in B. C. 1,016. How the thing happened, was never clearly known. Kwan Chung seems to insinuate that there had been some treachery on the part of Ts'oo. But it was late now to be inquiring into an event more than three centuries back]; and into this also we have to inquire." The messenger replied, 'That the tribute has not been forwarded is the fault of our lord;—how should he presume not to pay it? As to king Ch'aou's not returning from the south, you should inquire about it along the banks of the river." After this the army of the allies advanced, and halted at Hing.'
Hing was in Ts'oo,—in pres. dis. of Yen-shing (??), Heu-chow (??), Ho-nan. The inroad into Ts'ae was a feint, intended to conceal the great object of the expedition, so that the allies might be able to fall on Ts'oo unprepared. The incident mentioned in the Chuen at the end of last year furnished a pretext for it.
The marquis of Ts'e said that he had meant to recal the lady, and that Ts'ae had no right to marry her away to another. ?=?, 'to disperse.' On VI. iii. 1, Tso-she defines the term as expressing 'the flight of the people from their lord (??????).' They disappear like water (???????). Ts'e certainly does not appear with advantage in the conference with the messenger of Ts'oo. For three years preparations had been making for the expedition. The marquis and Kwan Chung ought to have declared openly and boldly the grounds on which they were conducting all the States of the north to attack Ts'oo, instead of urging merely trivial matters. There is something to be admired, however, in the approval which a hundred critics give to the way in which matters were conducted, so as to obtain the submission of Ts'oo without the effusion of blood; but they overlook the fact that it was only a feigned submission which was obtained.
Par. 2. Tso-she says, on p. 7, that the baron 'died in the army,' which is probably correct, though Lew Ch'ang and other critics say he had returned from the army ill, and died in Heu. Kaou K'ang says that this Sin-chin was the same as Heu Shuh of II. xv. 6, and that he had ruled his State for 42 years.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo sent K'euh Hwan to the army of the allies, which retired, and halted at Shaouling. The marquis of Ts'e had the armies of all the princes drawn up in array, and took K'euh Hwan with him in the same carriage to survey them. He then said, "Is it on my unworthy account that these are here? No, but in continuation of the friendship of the princes with my predecessors. What do you think of Ts'oo's being on the same terms of friendship with me?" K'euh Hwan replied, "If from your lordship's favour the altars of our land and grain may receive blessing, and you will condescend to receive our prince, this is his wish." The marquis then said, "Fighting with these multitudes, who can withstand me? What city could sustain their attack?" "If your lordship," was the reply, "by your virtue, seek the tranquillity of the States, who will dare not to submit to you? But if you depend on your strength, our State of Ts'oo has the hill of Fang-shing for a wall, and the Han for a moat. Great as your multitudes are, you could not use them.' K'euh Hwan made a covenant, on the part of Ts'oo, with the princes.'
Shaou-ling was in Ts'oo,—45 le east from the dis. city of Yen-shing, Heu Chow, Ho-nan. From the text it might be concluded that two covenants were formed; but it was not so. K'euh Hwan came to the camp of the allies, and intimated the wish of the viscount of Ts'oo to make a covenant with them, if they would retire a little;—which was done. It will appear on the whole that there was here a lame and impotent conclusion to Ts'e's expedition against Ts'oo.
Par. 4. The reason of this seizure is given in the Chuen:—"Yuen (Kung and Kuh have ?, without the ?) T'aou-t'oo, a great officer of Ch'in, said to Shin How, a great officer of Ch'ing, "If the armies march through Ch'in and Ch'ing, our States will be very much distressed. If they go by the eastern regions, and show their grand array to the wild tribes there, returning along the sea-coast, it will be better." Shin How approved of the proposal, which T'aou-t'oo then laid before the marquis of Ts'e, who agreed with it. After this, Shin How had an interview with the marquis, and said, "The army has been in the field a long time. If it march through the eastern regions, and meet with enemies, I fear the soldiers will not be fit for use. If it march through Ch'in and Ch'ing, which can supply them with provisions and sandals, it will be a better arrangement." The marquis was pleased, and gave Shin the town of Hoo-laou, while he seized at the same time Yuen T'aou-t'oo.'
Par. 5. Tso-she says this was done 'to punish Ch'in for its unfaithfulness.' It would appear, then, that the marquis of Ch'in had been privy to the artful counsel of Yuen T'aou-t'oo; or perhaps, as Wang Ts'eaou [??; Ming dyn., of the 16th century] supposes, he had otherwise indicated his intention to join the side of Ts'oo. This is more likely. The marquis of Ts'e had devolved the punishment of Ch'in on Loo, Keang, and Hwang.
Par. 6. Kuh-leang here lays down a rule, that if the duke had been absent on two engagements, then the entry of his return should be associated with the latter; but if the second were smaller than the other, then with the first. But such a rule is unnecessary. The attack of Ch'in was only an incident growing out of the invasion of Ts'oo.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Duke Muh (? Kung, ?) of Heu died in the army, and was buried with the ceremonies due to a marquis. As a rule, when a prince died on a visit to the king, or at a meeting with the other princes, his rank was advanced one degree. If he died while engaged in the king's business, it was advanced two degrees. On this occasion, Muh might have been laid in his coffin with a duke's robe.'
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'Shuh-sun Tae-pih [This was the Kung-sun Tsze (Kung, here and afterwards, gives the name as ?). He was grandson of duke Hwan, and chief of the Shuh-sun clan. Tae is the hon. title, and Pih his designation as the eldest of his family] led a force, and joined the forces of the other princes in an incursion into Ch'in, which now sought peace, and Yuen T'aou-t'oo was restored to it.'
[The Chuen here brings up the affairs of Tsin:—"Before this, duke Heen of Tsin had wished to make Le Ke his wife. The tortoiseshell indicated that the thing would be unlucky, but the milfoil pronounced it lucky. The duke said, "I will follow the milfoil." The diviner by the tortoise-shell said, "The milfoil is reckoned inferior in its indications to the tortoise-shell. You had better follow the latter. And moreover, the oracle was:—
'The change made by inordinate devotion Steals away the good qualities of the duke. There is a fragrant herb, and a noisome one; And ten years hence the noisomeness will continue.' Do not do as you propose." The duke would not listen to this advice, and declared Le Ke his wife. She gave birth to He-ts'e, and her sister bore Ch'oh-tsze.
'When the duke was about to declare He-ts'e his heir, having determined on his plans with the great officers about the court, Ke [i.e., Le Ke] said to his eldest son, "The duke has been dreaming about Ts'e K'eang [the eldest son's mother]; you must soon sacrifice to her." The young prince sacrificed to his mother in K'euhyuh, and sent some of the sacrificial flesh and spirits to the duke, who was hunting when they came. Ke kept them in the palace six days, and when the duke arrived, she poisoned them and presented them to him. The duke poured some of the spirits on the ground, which was agitated by them. He gave some of the flesh to a dog, which died; and some of the spirits to one of the attendants, who also died. Ke wept and said, "This is your eldest son's attempt to murder you." The son fled to the new city [K'euh-yuh]; but the duke put to death his tutor, Too Yuen-kwan. Some one said to the son, "Explain the matter. The duke is sure to discriminate." The son, however, said, "Without the lady Ke, my father cannot enjoy his rest or his food. If I explain the matter, the guilt will be fixed on her. The duke is getting old, and I will have taken his joy from him." The friend said, "Had you not better go away then?" "The duke," replied the prince, "will not examine into who is the guilty party; and if I, with the name of such a crime, go away from the State, who will receive me?" In the 12th month, on Mow-shin, he strangled himself in the new city.
'Ke then slandered the duke's two other sons, saying that they were both privy to their brother's attempt, on which Ch'ung-urh fled to P'oo, and E-woo fled to Keuh.']
V. Fifth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifth year in spring, the marquis of Tsin put to death his heir-son Shin-săng.
2 Duke Chwang's eldest daughter came from Ke, and presented her son at our court.
3 In summer, Kung-sun Tsze went to Mow.
4 The duke, and the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, had a meeting with the king's heir-son in Show. che.
5 In autumn, in the eighth month, the [above] princes made a covenant in Show-che.
6 The earl of Ch'ing stole away home, and did not join in the covenant.
7 An officer of Ts'oo extinguished Heen. The viscount of Heen. fled to Hwang.
8 In the ninth month, on Mow-shin, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
9 In winter, the people of Tsin seized the duke of Yu.
[The Chuen says:—'On the day Sin-hae, of the king's first month in this year, being the 1st day of the month, there was the winter solstice. The duke, having given out the 1st day of the moon, ascended his observatory to survey the heavens, and caused the record of the fact to be made;—in accordance with rule. At the equinoxes, the solstices, and the commencement of each season, there was required a record of the appearances of the clouds, and their indications, in order to make what preparations should be necessary.' But the winter solstice this year fell on Keah-yin (??), three days later than Sin-hae. Chinese astronomers have themselves called attention to this:—see Keang Yung's ????, p. 4.]
Par. 1. According to the Chuen, at the end of last year, Shin-săng committed suicide, driven to do so by his father, in the winter of that year. Too explains the entry here, by saying that 'it follows the announcement from Tsin.' Tsin in fact followed the calendar of Hea. Tso-she's narrative is according to that calendar, and the entry here is also correct, according to the calendar of Chow. It seems desirable to translate ?? differently from ??, and I know not how to do so but by using the term 'heir-son.'
The Chuen has here:— 'Before this, the marquis of Tsin had employed Sze Wei to wall P'oo and Keuh for his sons, Ch'ung-urh and E-woo. Wei did not look carefully after the work, and placed faggots between the back and facing of the walls. E-woo represented the matter to the marquis, who caused Wei to be reprimanded That officer, having bowed his head to the ground, replied, "I have heard the sayings that when there is grief in a family where death has not occurred, real sorrow is sure to come, and that when you fortify a city when there is no threatening of war, your enemies are sure to hold it. In walling a place to be held by robbers and enemies, what occasion was there for me to be careful? If an officer with a charge neglect the command given to him, he fails in respect; if he make strong a place to be held by enemies, he fails in fidelity. Failing in respect and fidelity, how can he serve his lord? As the ode (She, III. ii. X. 6) says,
'The cherishing of virtue insures tranquillity; The circle of relatives serves as a wall' Let our ruler cultivate his virtue and make sure all the circle of his House;—there is no fortification equal to this. In three years we shall have war; why should I be careful?" When he withdrew, he sang to himself,
"Shaggy is the fox fur; Three dukes in one State:— Which shall I follow?" 'When the trouble came, the duke sent the eunuch P'e to attack P'oo. Ch'ung-urh said, "The command of my ruler and father is not to be opposed;" and he issued an order to his followers, saying, "He who opposes it is my enemy." He then was getting over the wall to run, when P'e cut off his sleeve. He made his escape, however, and fled to the Teih.'
Par. 2. We have the marriage of this daughter of Loo in the 25th year of duke Chwang, her father. It is disputed whether she was a full or only a half sister of duke He;—it is most likely that she was his full sister. Yingtah puts a stop at ?, and makes ??? =???, 'Pih Ke of Ke came to Loo [to visit her mother]; her son appeared at the court.' To suppose that she came to Loo for any purpose but to pay a dutiful visit to her mother would be contrary to all Chinese rules of propriety; but as the text stands, I cannot but conclude that the presentation of her son at his uncle's court was the reason for her visit.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Kung-sun Tsze went to Mow;—to marry a lady of Mow:' on which Too remarks, 'Shuh-sun Tae-pih was marrying a lady of Mow. As a minister could not leave the State without his ruler's orders, he therefore received the duke's command to go to Mow with friendly inquiries, and took the opportunity to meet his bride, and bring her to Loo.' Mow,—see on II. xv. 8.
Par. 4. Show-che (Kung has ??) was in Wei,—in the south-east of the present Suy Chow (??), dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. Tsoshe says that the meeting at this place with the king's eldest son Ch'ing was 'to consult about measures to keep Chow tranquil.' The king had it in contemplation to degrade his eldest son, and give the right of succession to a younger,— the son, of course, of another mother; and to prevent the confusion to which such a proceeding would give rise, the marquis of Ts'e assembled the States, that they might thus publicly acknowledge Ch'ing as the heir to the Kingdom; —much to the dissatisfaction of the king, as we shall see.
[The Chuen introduces here:—'Yuen Seuenchung [the Yuen T'aou-t'oo of IV. 4] of Ch'in, resenting how Shin How of Ch'ing had been treacherous to him at Shaou-ling, advised him to wall the town which Ts'e had conferred upon him, saying "To wall it well will give you a great name, which your descendants will not forget; and I will aid you by asking leave for you to do it." Accordingly, he asked permission for the undertaking, in behalf of Shin, from the princes, and the town was fortified beautifully. Yuen then slandered Shin to the earl of Ch'ing, saying that he had fortified the city he had received so admirably with the intention of rebelling; and from this time Shin How was looked upon as an offender.']
Par. 5. The princes had had a meeting with the king's son, but they did not presume to make a covenant with him. They now made a covenant among themselves, to carry out the measures determined on to secure his succession to the throne.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, when the princes were about to covenant, the king made the duke of Chow call the earl of Ch'ing, and said to him, "I encourage you to follow Ts'oo;—with it and the help of Tsin, you may enjoy a little rest." The earl was delighted to receive the king's commands; and being afraid because he had not paid a court-visit to the marquis of Ts'e, he stole away to Ch'ing, and did not join in the covenant. K'ung Shuh tried to stop him, saying, "The ruler of a State should not act lightly. By doing so he loses his friends; and when he has lost them, calamity is sure to come. When in his extreme distress, he has to beg for a covenant;—what he loses is great. Your lordship will surely repent of your course." The earl would not listen to this remonstrance, but stole away from his troops, and returned to Ch'ing.'
Par. 7. Heen was a State, held by Weis (?), in the pres. dis. of K'e-shwuy (??), dep. Hwang-chow, Hoo-pih. Some refer it to a part of Kwang Chow (??), Ho-nan; but this is a mistake,—occasioned, some suppose, by the fugitive viscount's having finally taken up his residence there. The Chuen says:—'Tow T'oowoo-t'oo [See the Chuen appended to III. xxx.2] of Ts'oo extinguished Heen, when the viscount of Heeu fled to Hwang. At this time, Keang, Hwang, Taou, and Pih, which were in friendly relations with Ts'e, had affinities by marriage with Heen. The viscount, depending on their help, would not perform service to Ts'oo, and moreover did not make preparations for an emergency; and so he came to ruin.'
Par. 8. This eclipse took place August 11th, B. C. 654.
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Tsin again [See on II. 3] borrowed a way through Yu to attack Kwoh. Kung Che-k'e remonstrated with the duke of Yu, saying, "Kwoh is the external defence of Yu. If Kwoh perish, Yu is sure to follow it. A way should not be opened to the greed of Tsin; robbers are not to be played with. To do it once was more than enough; and will you do it a second time? The common sayings, 'The carriage and its wheel-aids depend on one another,' 'When the lips perish, the teeth become cold,' 'illustrate the relation between Kwoh and Yu." The duke said, "The princes of Tsin and Yu are descended from the same ancestor. How should Tsin injure us?" The minister replied, 'T'ae-pih and Yu-chung were sons of king T'ae; but because T'ae-pih would not follow him against Shang, he did not inherit his State. Kwoh Chung and Kwoh Shuh were sons of king Ke, and ministers of king Wăn. Their merits in the service of the royal House are preserved in the repository of covenants. If Kwoh be extinguished by Tsin, what love is it likely to show to Yu? And can Yu claim a nearer kindred to Tsin than the descendants of Hwan and Chwang [See the Chuen after III. xxiii.3], that Tsin should show love to it? What crime had the families descended from Hwan and Chwang been guilty of? and yet Tsin destroyed them entirely, feeling that they might press on it [See the Chuen after III. xxv. 5]. Its near relatives, whom it might have been expected to favour, it yet put to death, because their greatness pressed upon it;—what may not Tsin do to you, when there is your State to gain?" The duke said, "My sacrificial offerings have been abundant and pure; the Spirits will not forsake, but will sustain me." His minister replied, "I have heard that the Spirits do not accept the persons of men, but that it is virtue to which they cleave. Hence in the Books of Chow we read, 'Great Heaven has no affections; —it helps only the virtuous [Shoo, V. xvii.4];' and, 'It is not the millet which has the piercing fragrance; it is bright virtue [Shoo, V. xx. 3]; and again, 'People do not slight offerings, but it is virtue which is the thing accepted [Shoo, V.v.3].' Thus if a ruler have not virtue, the people will not be attached to him, and the Spirits will not accept his offerings. What the Spirits will adhere to is a man's virtue. If Tsin take Yu, and then cultivate bright virtue, and therewith present fragrant offerings, will the Spirits vomit them out?" The duke did not listen to him, but granted the request of the messenger of Tsin.
'Kung Che-k'e went away from Yu, with all the circle of his family, saying, 'Yu will not see the winter sacrifice. Its doom is in this expedition. Tsin will not make a second attempt.'
In the 8th month, on Keah-woo, the marquis of Tsin laid siege to Shang-yang [the chief city of Kwoh], and asked the diviner Yen whether he should succeed in the enterprise. Yen replied that he should, and he then asked when. Yen said, "The children have a song which says,
'Towards day break of Ping, Wei of the Dragon lies hid in the conjunction of the sun and moon. With combined energy and grand display, Are advanced the flags to capture Kwoh. Grandly appears the Shun star, And the T'een-ts'ih is dim. When Ho culminates, the enterprise will be completed, And the duke of Kwoh will flee.' 'According to this, you will succeed at the meeting of the 9th and 10th months. In the morning of Ping-tsze, the sun will be in Wei, and the moon in Ts'ih; the Shun-ho will be exactly in the south:—this is sure to be the time."
'In winter, in the 12th month, on Ping-tsze, the 1st day of the moon, Tsin extinguished Kwoh, and Ch'ow, the duke, fled to the capital. The army, on its return, took up its quarters in Yu, surprised the city, and extinguished the State, seizing the duke, and his great officer Tsing-pih, whom the marquis employed to escort his daughter, Muh Ke, to Ts'in. The marquis continued the sacrifices of Yu in Tsin, and presented to the king the tribute due from it. The brief language of the text is condemnatory of Yu, and expresses, besides, the ease with which Tsin annexed it.'
VI. Sixth year.
1 It was the [duke's] sixth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, the duke joined the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, and the earl of Ts'aou, in invading Ch'ing, when they besieged Sin-shing.
3 In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo besieged Heu, and the princes went from Ch'ing to relieve it.
4 In winter, the duke arrived from the invasion of Ch'ing.
[The Chuen here continues the affairs of Tsin:—'The marquis of Tsin sent Kea Hwa to attack Keuh. E-woo was unable to maintain it, so he made a covenant and went away. He thought himself of fleeing to the Teih, but K'eoh Juy said, "Following after your brother [Ch'ungurh], and fleeing to the same place, it will appear as if you had been criminals together. You had better go to Leang; it is near to Ts'in, and is kindly regarded by it." E-woo went accordingly to Leang.]
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'In summer, the princes invaded Ch'ing, because the earl had stolen away from the covenant at Show-ch'e. They laid siege to Sin-meih which Ch'ing had fortified, though it was not the season for such an undertaking.' The Chuen calls the place Sinmeih, or 'New Meih,' and the text calls it Sinshing, or 'the New city,' referring to its having been recently walled. It was 30 le to the southeast of the pres. dis. city of Meih, dep. K'ae-fung.
Par. 3. 'Besieged Heu,' i. e., laid siege to the principal city of Heu. So we are to understand other passages, where, apparently, the siege of a State is spoken of. The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo besieged Heu, in order to relieve Ch'ing. The princes relieved Heu, and he retired.' The ? implies, as in the translation, that the princes marched their troops from Ch'ing to Heu.
[The Chuen adds here a narrative which shows of what little use the expedition against Ts'oo had been. The States in the south continued to feel that it was better for them to keep in alliance with the aggressive Power.—'In winter, the marquis Muh of Ts'ae went along with duke He of Heu, and had an interview with the viscount of Ts'oo in Woo-shing. The baron of Heu appeared with his hands tied behind his back, and holding a peih in his mouth. His great officers wore head-bands and other clothes of the deepest mourning, and the inferior officers pushed a coffin along on a carriage. The viscount asked Fung Pih what he should do, who replied, "When king Woo had vanquished Yin, K'e, viscount of We, appeared before him in this fashion. King Woo with his own hands loosed his bands, received his peih, ordered away the emblems of doom, burned his coffin, treated him courteously, and robed him, sending him back to his place." The viscount of Ts'oo followed this example.']
VII. Seventh year.
1 In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, an officer of Ts'e invaded Ch'ing.
2 In summer, the viscount of Little Choo paid a court visit [to Loo.]
3 Ch'ing put to death its great officer, Shin How.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, Kwan, heir-son of Ch'in, and Hwa, heir-son of Ch'ing, when they made a covenant in Ning-moo.
5 Pan, earl of Ts'aou, died.
6 Duke [Hwan's] son, Yew, went to Ts'e.
7 In winter, there was the burial of duke Ch'aou of Ts'aou.
Par. 1. Ch'ing was in an evil case between Ts'oo and Ts'e, and experienced the general fate of trimmers. The Chuen says :—'On this occasion, K'ung Shuh said to the earl of Ch'ing, "The proverb says, 'When a man is incapable of firm resolve, why should he feel it a pain to be humble?' You are not able to be strong, and you are not able to be weak:—it is the way to ruin yourself; the State is in peril. Let me entreat you to submit to Ts'e, in order to save the State." The earl said "I know how peace with Ts'e can be brought about. Have patience with me for a little." The officer replied, "When we know not in the morning that we shall reach the evening, how can we wait for your determination?"'
Par. 2. Seaou or Little Choo is the same as E (?) of III. v. 3; xv. 3. Its chief E-lae, it is said, had been very assiduous in serving the marquis of Ts'e, who got the king to confer on him a patent of nobility, and raise him to the rank of viscount. He is here in consequence of his elevation, paying a court visit to Loo. The name adopted for the new State was little Choo, because the viscounts of Choo and the lords of E were descended from the same ancestor.
Par. 3. See on IV. 4; and the narrative after V. 4. The Chuen says here:—"Ch'ing put to death Shin How to please Ts'e, and because of the ill report of him given by Yuen T'aou-t'oo. Shin How was a native of Shin [?; a son of the marquis of Shin by a daughter of Ts'oo], and had been a favourite with king Wăn of Ts'oo. When king Wan was about to die, he gave How a peih, and sent him away, saying, "It is only I that know you. You are all bent on gain, insatiable. I have given to you, and allowed you to beg from me, without dwelling on your faults; but my successor will require much from you, and you are sure not to escape the consequences of your conduct. You must quickly leave Ts'oo; and do not go to a small State, for it will not be able to bear you." When king Wăn was buried, Shin How fled to Ch'ing, where also he became a favourite with duke Le. When Tszewăn [Tow T'oo-woo-t'oo, chief minister of Ts'oo] heard of his death, he said, "The ancients have well said, 'No one knows a minister like his ruler. How's nature could not be changed."'
Par. 4. Ning-moo (Kuh-leang has ??) was in Loo, 20 le east of the pres. dis. city of Yu-t'ae, dep. Yen-chow. This was 'a meeting in robes (????);' i.e., the princes did not have any military following. The K'anghe editors say that 'the lords of Ch'in and Ch'ing sent their heir-sons. Both of these States had lately been attacked by Ts'e. Ch'in would fain have declined the covenant, but did not venture to do so. Ch'ing would fain have been present at it, but was not permitted to be so. They therefore did not present themselves, but sent their sons.' The Chuen says:—'This meeting at Ning-moo was to consult about Ch'ing. Kwan Chung said to the marquis of Ts'e, "I have heard the sayings, 'Call the wavering with courtesy; cherish the remote with kindness; when kindness and courtesy are shown invariably, there are none but will be won."' The marquis accordingly manifested courtesy to the princes, and their officers received from him the list of the tribute their territories had to pay to the king. The earl of Chi'ng having sent his eldest son Hwa to receive the commands of the meeting, the young prince said to the marquis, "It was the three clans of Seeh, K'ung, and Tsze-jin, who opposed your lordship's orders. If you will remove them as the basis of a pacification, I will become, at the head of Ch'ing, as one of your own subjects, and your lordship will be a gainer in every way:"
'The marquis was about to agree to his proposal; but Kwan Chung said, "You have bound all the princes to you by your propriety and truth; and will it not be improper to end with an opposite policy? Here we should have propriety in the form of no treachery between son and father, and truth in that of the son's observing his father's commands according to the exigency of the times. There cannot be greater criminality than that of him who acts contrary to these two things." "We princes," replied the duke, "have tried to punish Ch'ing, but without success. And now when such an opportunity is presented to me, may I not take advantage of it?" "Let your lordship," said Kwan, "deal gently with the case of Ch'ing in kindness, and add to this an instructive exposition of it, and then, when you again lead the princes to punish the State, it will feel that utter overthrow is imminent, and will be consumed with terror. If on the contrary you deal with it, adopting the counsel of this criminal, Ch'ing will have a case to allege, and will not be afraid. Consider too that you have assembled the princes to do honour to virtue, and if at the meeting you give place to this villain, and follow his counsel, what will there be to show to your descendants? And further, the virtue, the punishments, the rules of propriety, and the righteousness, displayed at the meetings of the princes, are recorded in every State. When a record is made of the place given to such a criminal, there will be an end of your lordship's covenants. If you do the thing and do not record it, that will show that your virtue is not complete. Let not your lordship accede to his request. Ch'ing is sure to accept the covenant. And for this Hwa, the earl of Ch'ing's eldest son, to seek the assistance of a great State to weaken his own:—he will not escape without suffering for it. The government of Ch'ing, moreover, is in the hands of Shuh-chen, Too Shuh, and Sze Shuh, those three good men:—you would find no opportunity now to act against it."
'On this the marquis of Ts'e declined the proffers of the prince, who in consequence of this affair was regarded as a criminal in Ch'ing. The earl begged from Ts'e the favour of a covenant.'
Par. 5. For ? Kung has ?.
[After p. 7, the Chuen says:—'In the intercalary month [which must thus have been a double twelfth], king Hwuy died. King Seang, in consequence of the troubles that were occasioned by T'ae-shuh Tae, and fearing his accession might not be secured, did not make his father's death public, and sent an announcement of his difficulties to Ts'e.']
VIII. Eighth year.
1 In his eighth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke had a meeting with an officer of the king, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the baron of Heu, the earl of Ts'aou, and Kwan, heir-son of Ch'in, when they made a covenant in T'aou.
2 The earl of Ch'ing begged [to be admitted to] the covenant.
3 In summer, the Teih invaded Tsin.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke offered the great sacrifice in the grand temple, and [at the same time] placed the tablet of [duke Chwang's] wife in his shrine.
5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ting-we, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
Parr. 1,2. The T'aou here is different from that in III.xxvii. 1. This was in Ts'aou,—50 le south-west from the prea. city of Puh Chow (??), dep. Ts'aou-chow. The Chuen says: —'The object of the covenant was to concert measures about the royal House. The earl of Ch'ing begged leave to take part in it, asking that Ts'e would accept his submission. The succession of king Seang was settled, and he proceeded to publish his father's death.'
The king's death, according to the Chuen, took place in the end of last year, whereas the 5th par. here states that it occurred in the 12th month of this year. Woo Ch'ing, Wang Ts'eaou, and many other critics, think that Tso-she must be in error as to the date of the death. It is, indeed, not easy to understand how so important an event could have been concealed for twelve months. The queen and her son Shuh Tae who were anxious to prevent the succession of Ch'ing, could not have remained ignorant of it all that time.
The earl of Ch'ing now felt that there was no course for him but to humble himself. He had withdrawn from the meeting in the 5th year, which was to recognize the right of the king's son Ch'ing to the throne; and now he is obliged to beg to be allowed to take part in the meeting which recognized him.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Le K'ih had commanded a force against the Teih, with Leang Yew-me as his charioteer, and Kwoh Yih as the spearman on the left. He defeated them at Ts'ae sang, when Leang said to him, "The Teih are not ashamed to fly. If you follow them, you will obtain a great conquest." Le K'ih replied, "It is best to frighten them only. Don't let us accelerate a rising of all their tribes." Kwoh Yih said, "Let a year be completed, and the Teih will be here again. We are only showing them our weakness." Sure enough, this summer, the Teih invaded Tsin, to avenge their defeat at Ts'aesang. The exact month of the year had come round again.'
Par. 4. There are two things recorded in this par.; first, the offering of the te sacrifice and next, the taking occasion at it (indicated by the ?=?) to introduce a lady, the wife of some duke, into the grand temple, or the temple of the duke of Chow, ancestor of the House of Loo.
1st. The te sacrifice here is to be distinguished from the ??, or 'fortunate te,' mentioned IV. ii. 2. It is the. 'great sacrifice (??) offered once in 3 years, according to Too Yu, or once in 5 years, according to others. The individual sacrificed to in it was the remotest ancestor to whom the kings, or the princes of States ruled by offshoots from the royal House, traced their lineage. The kings would thus sacrifice to the ancient emperor Kuh (??); and the marquises of Loo to king Wăn. Whether Loo did arrogate the right to offer the sacrifice to the emperor Kuh, pleading a special grant to do so given to the duke of Chow by king Ch'ing, is a question that need not be considered here. This 'great sacrifice' is that here spoken of, and we have the record of it this year, and not on other years of its occurrence, because of the extraordinary use that was made of it, as related in the latter part of the par.
2d. Who was the lady intended here by ? ?? Tso-she says she was Gae Keang, duke Chwang's wife:—'He offered the te sacrifice, and introduced the tablet of Gae K'eang;—which was contrary to rule. In the case of the death of a duke's wife, if she died not in her proper chamber; or the passage of her coffin were not announced in the ancestral temple; or her demise were not communicated to the princes who had covenanted with her husband; or her tablet had not been temporarily placed by that of her husband's father's wife;—then her tablet could not be placed in her husband's shrine.' ? is here employed in the sense given by Too Yu:—?????????, ?????All the conditions required for this ceremony had been observed in the case of Gae Keang, excepting the first. She had not died in her chamber, but through her own wickedness had been put to death in Ts'e; and though duke He had brought her body back to Loo, and buried it with all the usual forms, yet one important element was wanting, sufficient, in Tso-she's opinion, to vitiate this final honour attempted to be paid to her.
Kung-yang took a difft. view. Acc. to him, the 'wife' here is duke He's own wife. He had arranged to marry a daughter of Ts'oo; but a lady of Ts'e. intended for the harem, arriving before her, duke He was obliged by the power of Ts'e to make her his wife, by the ceremony of introducing her on this occasion into the temple. But this appears to be merely a story concocted by Kung to explain the text in some likely way.
Kuh-leang seems to think that the lady was Ch'ing Fung, duke He's mother; and if ? be spoken of her Spirit-tablet this view is absurd, because she did not die till the 4th year of duke Wăn. Lew Ch'ang, Chang Heah, however, and a host of other critics, adopt a modification of this view, that duke He somehow took this occasion to instal his own mother as duke Chwang's proper wife. But they fail to show that such a proceeding was in any way competent to a son. —On the whole Tso-she's view most commends itself to our acceptance.
Par. 5. See what has been said on the date of the king's death under par. 1. Tso-she says here, that 'an officer of the king came now to announce his death, and that the announcement was made so late, because of the difficulties connected with the succession.'
[The Chuen adds here:—'The duke of Sung being ill, his eldest son by his recognized wife, Tsze-foo, earnestly entreated him, saying, "My brother, Muh-e, is older than I, and is entirely virtuous. Do made him your succeessor." The duke gave charge to Tsze-yu [the above Muh-e] that so it should be, but he refused, saying, "What greater virtue could there be than for him thus to decline the dignity of the State?— I am not equal to him. And moreover, the thing itself would not be in accordance with what is right." With this he ran out of the duke's presence.']
XI. Ninth year.
1 In the duke's ninth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Ting-ch'ow, Yu-yueh, duke of Sung, died.
2 In summer, the duke had a meeting with the [king's] chief minister, the duke of Chow, and with the marquis of Ts'e, the son [of the late duke] of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Tsaou, in K'wei-k'ew.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Yih-yew, the duke's eldest daughter died.
4 In the ninth month, on Mow-shin, the princes made a covenant in K'wei-k'ew.
5 On Keah-tsze, Kwei-choo, marquis of Tsin, died.
6 In winter, Le K'ih put to death He-ts'e, the son of his [deceased] ruler.
Parr. 1,2. Yu-yueh,—see the events of his accession in the Chuen on III.xii 3,4. He was succeeded by his son Tsze-foo (??), known as duke Seang (??). In the period of his early mourning, before his father was buried, Tsze-foo came in mourning garb to this meeting at K'wei-k'ew, and therefore he is mentioned in p.2 as ??, 'son, or new duke, of Sung.' Tso-she lays down the canon, that the successor to the throne, while his predecessor was unburied, was called Seaou-t'ung (??) or 'boy;' and the successor to a State, in like circumstances, Tsze (?), or 'the son.' Kung and Kuh for ?? read ??, and ? for ?. K'weik'ew was in Sung,—30 le east from the pres. dis. city of K'aou-shing (??), dep. K'aefung. The Chuen says:—'The meeting at Kwei-k'ew was to repeat the former covenant [that in VIII. 1], and to cultivate the good relations among the princes themselves;—which was proper. The king sent his prime minister [the ?? of the Shoo, XX.v.1] K'ung to present to the marquis of Ts'e some of his sacrificial flesh, with the message, "The son of Heaven has been sacrificing to Wăn and Woo, and sends K'ung to present a portion of the flesh to his uncle of a different surname." The marquis was about to descend the steps, and do obeisance, when K'ung said, "There was another command. The son of Heaven charged me to say that, in consideration of his uncle's 70 years, he confers on him an additional degree of distinction,— that he shall not descend and do obeisance." "Heaven's majesty," replied the marquis, "is not far from me,—not a cubic, not 8 inches. Shall I, Seaou-pih, dare to covet this command of the son of Heaven, and not descend and do obeisance. If I did so, I should fear that majesty was falling low, and left a stigma on the son of Heaven. I dare not but descend and do obeisance." With this he descended the steps, did obeisance, ascended again, and received the flesh.'
Par. 3. Kung-yang says:—'This lady had not been married;—how is her death recorded here? She had been engaged to be married. When that took place, the daughter was called by her designation in the family, and her hair was bound up with the pin. If she died before being married, the ceremonies used were those of a full-grown woman.'
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the marquis of Ts'e made the covenant with the princes in K'wei-k'ew to this effect:—"All we who have united in this covenant shall hereafter banish everything contrary to good relations among us." The prime minister K'ung had previously left to return to the capital; and when on the way, he met the marquis of Tsin, and said to him, "You need not go on to the meeting. The marquis of Ts'e does not make virtue his first object, and is most earnest about what is remote. Thus in the north he invaded the Hill Jung; on the south, he invaded Ts'oo; and in the west, he has assembled this meeting. As to what he may do hereafter eastward, I do not know, but he will do nothing to the west. Is Ts'e going to fall into disorder? Let your lordship set yourself to still all disorder in Tsin, and not be anxious about going on to this meeting."'
The K'ang-he editors say they agree with many crities of former dynasties in doubting the truth of this narrative.
Parr. 5,6. There is a difficulty here with the date, the day Keah-tsze being really 4 days earlier than Mow-shin of the 4th par. I think, therefore, that Keah-seuh (??), Kungyang's reading, is here to be preferred, though the received text does not follow him, while it follows Kuh-leang in giving ?? instead of Tso's ??.
The Chuen says:—'On the death of duke Heen [whose name was Kwei-choo] of Tsin, Le K'ih and P'e Ch'ing wished to raise Ch'ung-urh, who was afterwards duke Wăn, to the marquisate, and therefore raised an insurrection with his partizans, and those of his brothers, Shin-săng and E-woo. Years before this, duke Heen had appointed Seun Seih to superintend the training of He-ts'e; and when he was ill, he called Seih to him, and said, "I ventured to lay on you the charge of this child; how will you now do in reference to him?" Seih bowed his head to the ground, and replied, "I will put forth all my strength and resources on his behalf, doing so with loyalty and sincere devotion. If I succeed, it will be owing to your lordship's influence; if I do not succed, my death shall follow my endeavours." "What do you mean by loyalty and sincere devotion?" asked the duke. "Doing to the extent of my knowledge whatever will be advantageous to yonr House is loyalty. Performing the duties to you, the departed, and serving him, the living, so that neither of you would have any doubts about me, is sincere devotion."
'When Le K'ih was fully purposed to kill He-ts'e, he first informed Seun Seih, saying, "The friends of Ch'ung-urh and his brothers, all full of resentment, are about to rise; Ts'in and Tsin will assist them:—what can you do in such a case?" "I will die with He-ts'e," replied Seih. "That will be of no use," urged the other. Seun Shuh said, "I told our departed marquis so, and I must not say another thing now. I am able and willing to make good my words, and do you think I will grudge my life to do so? Although it may be of no use, how can I do otherwise? And in their wish to show the same virtue for their side, who is not like me? Do I wish to be entirely faithful and one for my protege, and can I say that others should refrain from being so for theirs?"
'In the 10th month, Le K'ih killed He-ts'e in his place by his father's coffin. Seun Seih was about to die at the same time, but some one said to him, "You had better raise Ch'oh-tsze to his brother's place, and give your help to him." Seih did so, and directed the new marquis in the burial of duke Heen.
'In the 11th month, Le K·ih slew Ch'oh in the court, and Seun Seih died with him. The superior man may say that in Seun Seih we have what is declared in the ode [The She, IV. iii. II.5],'
"A flaw in a white gem May be ground away; But for a flaw in speech Nothing can be done"' It may be well to observe here that these murders in this Chuen were not done by K'ih himself; though, as the instruments were employed by him, he is justly charged with them.
In p. 6. Kung-yang reads ? for ?. Hets'e became marquis of Tsin on the death of his father, and was K'ih's ? or ruler. Kung-yang says he is here styled ? or son merely, because the year of his father's death was still running; but such a canon does not hold in many other instances. We might, indeed, read ???, ?—after the analogy of p. 2; but the peculiar style here, ????, must be due to the circumstances of the case:—the youth of Hets'e; his want of a real title to the place; and his early death.
[The Chuen adds three notices here:— 1st. 'The marquis of Ts'e, with the armies of the princes, invaded Tsin, and returned, after advancing as far as Kaou-leang. The expedition was to punish and put down the disorders of the State. The order about it did not reach Loo, and so no record of it was made.'
2d. 'K'eoh Juy made E-woo offer heavy bribes to Ts'in, to obtain its help in entering Tsin, saying to him, "The State is really in the possession of others; you need grudge nothing. If you enter and can get the people, you will have no difficulty about the territory." E-woo followed his counsel. Seih P'ăng of Tse led a force and joined the army of Ts'in; and they placed E-woo or duke Hwuy in duke Heen's place.
'The earl of Ts'in said to K'eoh Juy, "Whom has the duke's son [E-woo] to rely on in Tsin?" Juy replied, "I have heard the saying that a fugitive should have no partizans; for if he have partizans. he is sure to have enemies also. When E-woo was young, he was not fond of play; he could show fight, but in moderation. When he grew up, there was no change in these traits. Anything else about him I do not know." The earl then said to Kung-sun Che, '·Will E-woo settle the State?" Che replied, "I have heard that only the pattern man can settle a State. In the She it is said of king Wăn (III.i. VII. 7),
'Without the consciousness of effort, You accord with the pattern of God.' It is also said [III.iii.II. 8], 'Committing no excess, inflicting no injury; There are few who will not take you as their model.' This is spoken of him who loves not nor hates, who envies not nor is ambitious. But now Ewoo's words are full of envy and ambition;—it will be hard for him to settle the State!" The earl said, "Being envious, he will have many to resent his conduct; how can he succeed in his ambition? But this will be our gain."'
3d. 'When duke Seang succeeded to Sung, from regard to the virtue of his brother Muh-e [see the Chuen at the end of last year], he made him general of the left, and administrator of the government. On this Sung was finely ruled, and the office of general of the left became hereditary in the Yu family (Yu was the clan-name of Muh-e's descendants)']
X. Tenth year.
1 In his tenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke went to Ts'e.
2 The Teih extinguished Wăn; and the viscount of Wăn fled to Wei.
3 Le K'ih of Tsin murdered his ruler Ch'oh, and the great officer Seun Seih.
4 In summer, the marquis of Ts'e and the baron of Heu invaded the northern Jung.
5 Tsin put to death its great officer Le K'ih.
6 It was autumn, the seventh month.
7 In winter, there was a great fall of snow.
Par. 1. Tan Tsoo (??; T'ang dyn., 8th century) says that the character ? is always used of journeys by the duke and ministers of Loo, to visit other courts or present friendly inquiries. Duke He here goes to Ts'e to appear at the court of the marquis as the leader of the States.
Par. 2. The viscount of Wăn, or the viscount of Soo, was one of the descendants of the duke of Soo [called duke as being one of the three kung or highest ministers of the king], minister of Crime to king Woo. Out of the court, they were viscounts of Soo, or of Wăn, Wăn being the name of their principal city,—30 le west of the pres. dis. city of Wăn, dep. Hwae-k'ing (? ?), Ho-nan. In the 1st nar. appended to I. xi. 3, the king grants the territories of the House of Soo to Ch'ing. That House, however, must have been subsequently re-instated in them. In one of the Chuen appended to III.xix. 4, the viscount of Soo appears as confederate against the king with Tsze-t'uy, who flies on his defeat to Wăn; and they further retreat together to Wei.
The Chuen says:—'The Teih extinguished Wăn, because the viscount of Soo was a man without faith. He rebelled against the king, and went off to the Teih; but he could do nothing among them, and they attacked him. The king did not relieve him, and so his State was annihilated, and he himself fled to Wei.'
Par. 3. See the Chuen on the 6th par. of last year. That Chuen says Ch'oh was murdered in the 11th month of last year, while here the deed appears under the spring of this;—but see what is said, on V. 1, upon the difference of dates in the King and Chuen. Duke Heen had been buried, and Ch'oh or Ch'oh-tsze appears here consequently as marquis or ruler.
Par. 4. These northern Jung were the same as the Hill Jung of III.xxx.7. Why the baron of Heu should alone have accompanied Ts'e on this expedition we canot tell.
Par. 5. The Chuen says on this:—'In summer, in the 4th month, Ke-foo, duke of Chow, and Tang, son of king He(?), joined Seih P'ăng of Ts'e in securing the establishment of the marquis of Tsin, who put to death Le K'ih to clear himself of any complicity with him in the murders which he had committed. When he was about to put him to death, he sent a message to him, saying, "But for you, I should not have attained to my present position; but considering that you murdered two marquises and one great officer, is it not a difficult thing to be your ruler?" K'ih replied, "If others had not been removed, how could you have found room to rise? But if you wish to make out a man's guilt, there is no difficulty in finding ground to do so. I have heard your command." With this he cut his own throat, and died. At this time P'ei Ch'ing was absent on a visit of friendly inquiries in Ts'in, and to entreat the earl to grant some delay in the payment of the bribes promised to him, so that he escaped for the present.'
Par. 6. [The Chuen appends the following story:—'The marquis of Tsin took up the body of his brother Kung [???, 'the eldest son Kung.' Kung is the hon. title given to Shin-săng, duke Heen's eldest son], and had it re-interred. In the autumn, Hoo Tuh went to the lower capital [i.e., K'euh-yuh] in connection with this, when he met the former young prince, who made him get up and take his reins for him, as he had been accustomed to do and then said to him, "E-woo has violated all propriety. I have presented a request to God and obtained it:—I am going to give Tsin to Ts'in, which will maintain the sacrifices to me." Tuh replied, "I have heard that the Spirits of the dead do not enjoy the sacrifices of those who are not of their kindred, and that people only sacrifice to those who were of the same ancestry as themselves. Will not the sacrifices to you be thus virtually no sacrifices? And what crimes attach to the people of Tsin? Let me ask you to consider well how what you have done will lead to the wrong punishment of them and the cessation of the sacrifices to yourself." "Yes," said the other, "I will make another request to God. In 7 days, at the western side of the new city there will be a wizard, through whom you shall have an interview with me." Tuh agreed to this, and the prince disappeared. When the time was come, the officer went to the west side of the city, and received this message:—"God has granted that I punish only the criminal, who shall be defeated in Han."
'When P'e Ch'ing went to Ts'in, he said to the earl, "They were Leu Săng, K'eoh Ch'ing, and K'e Juy, who would not agree to our marquis's fulfilling his promises to you. If you will call them to you by urgently requesting their presence, I will then expel the marquis. Your lordship can then restore Ch'ung-urh to Tsin; and everything will be crowned with success."'
Par. 7. Kung-yang here has ? for ?. Snow lying a foot deep [See the Chuen on I. ix. 2] would indeed be a strange phenomenon in the autumn of the year. Chow's winter was Hea's autumn.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In winter, the earl of Tsin sent Ling Che to Tsin in return for the mission of P'e Ch'ing, and to ask that the three officers mentioned by Ch'ing might come to him. K'eoh Juy said, "The greatness of his gifts and the sweetness of his words are intended to decoy us." Then they put to death P'e Ch'ing, K'e Keu, and the seven great officers of the chariots,—Kung Hwa of the left column, Kea Hwa of the right, Shuh Keen, Chuy Ch'uen, Luy Hoo, Tih Kung, and San K'e; all partizans of Le and P'e. P'e P'aou fled to Ts'in, and said to the earl, "The marquis of Tsin is false to you, great lord, and envious on small grounds of his own officers;—the people do not adhere to him. Attack him, and he is sure to be driven from the State." The earl said, "How can he, who has lost the masses, deal death in such a way? But you have only escaped the calamity; who can expel your ruler?"']
XI. Eleventh year.
1 In the [duke's] eleventh year, Tsin put to death its great officer, P'e Ch'ing-foo.
2 In summer, the duke and his wife, the lady Keang, had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Yang-kuh.
3 In autumn, in the eighth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
4 In winter, a body of men from Ts'oo invaded Hwang.
Par. 1. See the last Chuen. Tso-she says that in spring the marquis of Tsin sent an announcement to Loo of the disorder attempted to be raised by P'e Ch'ing. This is Tso's own attempt to reconcile the date of P'e Ch'ing's death, as given here, with the real date assigned to it in the Chuen referred to. But we have seen that both dates are correct:—this, according to the calendar of Chow; that, according to the calendar of Hea.
[The Chuen adds:—'The king by Heaven's grace sent duke Woo of Shaou, and Kwo, the historiographer of the interior, to confer the symbol of his rank on the marquis of Tsin. He received the nephrite with an air of indifference; and Kwo, on his return to the court, said to the king, "The marquis of Tsin is not one who will have any successor of his own children. Your majesty conferred on him the symbol of investiture, and he received the auspicious jade with an air of indifference. Taking the lead thus in self-abandonment, is he likely to have any one to succeed him? The rules of propriety are the stem of a State; and reverence is the chariot that conveys them along. Where there is not reverence, those rules do not have their course; and where this is the case, the distinctions of superiors and inferiors are all obscured. When this occurs, there can be no transmission of a State to after generations.' See the ?? , I. (??,?), art. 11.]
Par. 2. Comp. II.xviii. 1. It would appear from this that duke He had married a lady of Ts'e, a daughter probably of duke Hwan. But that she should accompany him, as here, to a meeting with her father even, was contrary to all Chinese ideas of propriety. Too Yu says:— 'A wife does not accompany or meet a visitor beyond the gate; when she sees her brothers, she does not cross the threshold of the harem. To go to this meeting with the duke was contrary to rule.'
[The Chuen adds:—'In summer, the Jung of Yang-k'eu, Ts'euen-kaou, and about the E and the Loh, united in attacking the capital, entered the royal city, and burned the eastern gate; king Hwuy's son Tae having called them. Ts'in and Tsin invaded the Jung in order to relieve the king. In autumn, the marquis of Tsin caused the Jung to make peace with the king.']
Par. 3. See on II. v. 7.
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'The people of Hwang did not send their tribute to Ts'oo, and a body of men, therefore, from Ts'oo attacked Hwang in the winter.'
XII. Twelfth year.
1 In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's third month, on Kăng-woo, the sun was eclipsed.
2 In summer, a body of men from Ts'oo extinguished Hwang.
3 It was autumn, the seventh month.
4 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ting-chow, Ch'ook'ew, marquis of Ch'in, died.
Par. 1. This eclipse took place in the afternoon of March 29th, B. C. 647. Too observes that the historiographer had omitted to enter that Kăng-woo was the 1st day of the moon.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In the spring, the States walled the suburbs of Ts'oo-k'ew of Wei [see II. 1]; fearing troubles from the Teih.']
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'The people of Hwang, relying on the friendship of the States with Ts'e, did not render the tribute which was due from them to Ts'oo, saying "From Ying [the capital of Ts'oo] to us is 900 le; what harm can Ts'oo do to us?" This summer, Ts'oo extinguished Hwang. Kuh-leang says:—'At the meeting in Kwan [II. 4], Kwan Chung said to the marquis of Ts'e, "Keang and Hwang are far from Ts'e and near to Ts'oo,—States which Ts'oo considers advantageous to it. Should Ts'oo attack them, and you not be able to save them, you will cease to be looked up to by the States." The marquis would not listen to him, but made a covenant with Keang and Hwang. On the death of Kwan Chung, Ts'oo invaded Keang, and extinguished Hwang; and Ts'e, indeed, was not able to save them.' Whether Kwan Chung gave the advice here ascribed to him at Kwan we do not know; but Kuh is wrong in supposing he was now dead;—he died in the 15th year of duke He.
Par. 3. [The Chuen gives here two narratives:—1st. 'The king, because of the attack of the Jung, proceeded to punish his brother Tae; —who fled to Ts'e.'
2d. 'In winter, the marquis of Ts'e sent Kwan E-woo to make peace between the Jung and the king; and Seih P'ăng to make peace between the Jung and Tsin. The king wanted to feast Kwan Chung with the ceremonies due to a minister of the highest grade. But Kwan Chung declined them, saying, "I an but an officer of mean condition. There are Kwoh and Kaou in Ts'e, both holding their appointment from the son of Heaven. If they should come in spring or in autumn to receive your majesty's orders, with what ceremonies should they be entertained? A simple servant of my prince, I venture to refuse the honour you propose." The king said, 'Messenger of my uncle, I approve your merit. You maintain your excellent virtue, which I never can forget. Go and dischange the dutics of your office, and do not disobey my commands." Kwan Chung finally accepted the ceremonies of a minister of the lower grade, and returned to Ts'e.
The superior man will say, "Kwan well deserved that his sacrifices should be perpetuated from generation to generation. He was humbly courteous, and did not forget his superiors. As the ode [She, III. i. ode V.5] says.
"Our amiable, courteous prince Was rewarded by the Spirits."' Par. 4. For ? Kung-yang reads ?.
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the Teih made an incursion into Wei.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of duke Seuen of Ch'in.
3 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, in Heen.
4 In autumn, in the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
5 In winter, duke [Hwan's] son, Yew, went to Ts'e.
Par. 1. It was in anticipation of trouble to Wei from the Teih that the States fortified the suburbs of Ts'oo-k'ew;—as related in the Chuen at the commencement of last year. Chaou P'ăng-fei (???; towards the end of the Sung dyn.) supposes that the object of the Teih was to make Wei deliver to them the viscount of Wăn, who had fled there, as related in X. 2.
[The Chuen adds here:—'This spring, the marquis of Ts'e sent Chung-sun Tseaou on a mission of friendly inquiries to Chow, and to speak about the king's brother Tae; but when the former business was concluded, Tseaou did not speak further to the king; and when giving an account of his mission, on his return, he said, "We cannot yet speak about Tae. The king's anger has not subsided. Perhaps it will do so in 10 years. But in less than ten years, the king will not recall him."']
Par. 3. Heen was in Wei,—60 le south-east from the pres. K'ae Chow (??), dep. Taming, Chih-le. The Chuen says;—'The meeting at Heen was because the E of the Hwae were distressing Ke, and also to consult about the royal House.'
[The Chuen has here another brief narrative: —'In autumn, because of the difficulties created by the Jung, the States determined to guard Chow; and Chung-sun Tseaou of Ts'e conducted their troops to it.']
Par. 5. This was the 3d visit which Yew had now made in He's time to Ts'e. We see what a sway he must have had in Loo, and what service the marquis of Ts'e required for his protectorate.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In winter Tsin was suffering a second time a season of scarcity, and sent to Ts'in to be allowed to buy grain. The earl of Ts'in asked Tsze-sang [Kung-sun Che] whether he should give the grain, and that officer replied, "If you grant this great favour, and the marquis of Tsin make a due return for it, you will have nothing more to require. If you grant it, and he make no return, his people will be alienated from him. If you then proceed to punish him, not having the multitudes with him, he is sure to be defeated. "The earl put the same question to his minister Pih-le, who replied, "The calamities inflicted by Heaven flow abroad, and different States have them in their turn. To succour in such calamities, and compassionate one's neighbours, is the proper way; and he who pursues it will have blessing."
'P'aou, the son of P'e Ch'ing, was then in Ts'in, and asked leave to lead an expedition to attack Tsin, but the earl said to him, "Its ruler is evil; but of what offences have his people been guilty?" On this Ts'in contributed grain to Tsin, vessels following one another from Yung to Keang; and the affair was called "The service of the trains of boats."'] See the ? ?, IV.iii. (??,?,), art. 5. Wang Seihtseoh (???; Ming dyn., A.D. 1534–1610) gives an opinion on the merits of the advice tendered in the above matter by Kung-sun Che and Pih-le He respectively, which may well be called in question. 'Pih-le's words,' he says, 'were benevolent, kind, and entirely generous; but they were not equal to Kung-sun Che's, based on a calculation of consequences. A truly worthy minister he was!'
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, the States walled Yuen-ling.
2 In summer, in the sixth month, the duke's youngest daughter and the viscount of Tsăng met in Fang, when she caused the viscount to come and pay the duke a court-visit.
3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Sin-maou, [part of the hill of] Sha-luh fell down.
4 The Teih made an incursion into Ch'ing.
5 In winter, Hih, marquis of Ts'ae, died.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'The States walled Yuen-ling, and removed Ke to it, as its capital. The various princes engaged in the work are not mentioned, through the omission of the historiographers.' Yuen-ling was a town of Ke, —50 le south-east of the pres. dis. city of Ch'angloh, dep. Ts'ing-chow. To this the lord of Ke wished to move his capital from Yung-k'ew (??), in the dis. of Ke, (?), dep. K'aefung, Ho-nan, where he was much distressed by the E of the Hwae; and the marquis of Ts'e took the lead in the movement, and directed the different States to prepare the city for the contemplated removal. Compare the walling of Ts'oo-k'ew in II. 1.
Par. 2. This par. has wonderfully vexed, and continues to vex, the critics. Tso-she gives this account of it:—'The duke's youngest daughter, married to the viscount of Tsăng, came to Loo to visit her parents. The duke was angry and detained her, because the viscount of Tsăng had not been to the court of Loo. In summer, she met the viscount in Fang, and made him pay a visit to the court.' This account of the matter is probably the correct one. The difficulties in its way are the omission of ? before ??; and the 9th par. of next year, which would seem to be a record of the lady's marriage to the viscount. But when the duke detained her, as the Chuen supposes, in Loo, he, no doubt, considered the marriage to be annulled. This may account for the omission of the ?; and in the subsequent entry, ? will = 'went to her old home,' and not 'went to her new home on being married.'
The principal views which have been taken of the par. appear in the note of the K'ang-he editors:—'The meeting of the duke's daughter with the viscount of Tsăng, without the duke's forbidding it, and her asking the viscount to come to the court of Loo and his listening to her, were both contrary to propriety; and the thing is recorded in the Ch'un Ts'·ew to condemn it. The view of Hoo Gan-kwoh, that the duke, from love to his daughter, allowed her to choose her own husband, is based on what is said by Kung and Kuh, and scholars generally have adopted it; but it is wrong. Duke He was a worthy ruler, and his wife, Shing Keang, has the praise of being a virtuous lady;—would they have been willing to allow such a thing? Some allege that the style, where ?does not precede ??, shows that the lady was not married; but they do not consider that the duke, in anger at the viscount's not coming to court, annulled the marriage for the time; and when he afterwards sent his daughter back, as Tsăng here does not precede ??, so neither does it do so in the later record. If, indeed, the viscount had come to court to ask the lady in marriage, there would have been notices subsequently of his presenting the bridal gifts and coming to meet her; but there is nothing of this in the text. Fan Ning had reason when he doubted the view of Kung and Kuh, and regarded that of Tso-she as having more of verisimilitude.'
Kuh-leang has ? for ?. Tsăng was a small State in pres. dis. of Yih (?), dep. Yenchow. Its lords were Szes (?), and claimed to be descended from Yu.
Par. 3. The hill of Sha-luh was in Tsin, 45 le east of the pres. district city of Yuen-shing (??), dep. Ta-ming. The Chuen says that when the diviner Yen of Tsin heard of the event, he said, 'By the time a full year is completed, there will be great calamity, so as nearly to ruin our State.'
Par. 4. The repeated incursions and invasions of the Teih show that not only was the royal House very feeble, but that the power of Ts'e was also waning.
Par. 5. This was duke Muh (??), a son of the Heen-woo, of whose captivity in Ts'oo we have an account in III. x. 5. There he remained till his death in duke Chwang's 19th year, when Hih became marquis of Ts'ac.
[The Chuen relates here:—' In winter, there was a scarcity in Ts'in, which sent to Tsin to beg to be allowed to buy grain. They refused in Tsin, but K'ing Ch'ing said, "To make such a return for Ts'in's favour to us shows a want of relative feeling; to make our gain from the calamity of others shows a want of benevolence; to be greedy is inauspicious; to cherish anger against our neighbours is unrighteous. When we have lost these four virtues, how shall we preserve our State?" Kwoh Yih said, "When the skin has been lost, where can you place the ha.r?" Ch'ing replied, "We are casting away faith, and making a vile return to our neighbour;—in the time of our calamity, who will pity us? Calamity is sure to come where there has been no faith; and without helpers we are sure to perish. Thus it will be with us, acting in this way." Kwoh Yih said, "To grant the grain would not lessen Ts'in's resentment, and we should only be kind to our enemy." "Him," said Ch'ing, "who is ungrateful for favours, and makes a gain of the calamities of others, the people reject. Even his nearest friends will feel hostile to him; how much more his resentful opponents!" The marquis, however, would not listen to his counsel, and K'ing Ch'ing retired, saying, "Would that the marquis might repent of this!"]
XV. Fifteenth year.
1 In his fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke went to Ts'e.
2 A body of men from Ts'oo invaded Seu.
3 In the third month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, when they made a covenant in Mow-k'ew, and then went on till they halted at K'wang.
4 Kung-sun Gaou led a force, and, with the great officers of the [other] princes, [endeavoured to] relieve Seu.
5 In summer, in the fifth month, the sun was eclipsed.
6 In autumn, in the seventh month, an army of Ts'e and an army of Ts'aou invaded Le.
7 In the eighth month, there were locusts.
8 In the ninth month, the duke arrived from the meeting [with the other princes].
9 The duke's third daughter went to her home in Tsăng.
10 On Ke-maou, the last day of the moon, the temple of E-pih was struck by lightning.
11 In winter, a body of men from Sung invaded Ts'aou.
12 The men of Ts'oo defeated Seu at Low-lin.
13 In the eleventh month, on Jin-seuh, the marquis of Tsin and the earl of Ts'in fought at Han, when the marquis of Tsin was taken.
Par. 1. Chang Heah says:—'In his 10th year, the duke paid a court-visit to Ts'e, and here again in his 15th he does the same;—a court-visit in 5 years, serving Ts'e as the rule required him to serve the son of Heaven!'
Par. 2. Tso-she says that the reason for this attack was that 'Seu had joined the States' of the north. See on III. 3.
Par. 3,4. Mow-k'ew was probably in Ts'e,— 70 le to the north-east of the dis. city of Leaoushing (??), dep. Tung-ch'ang. K'wang was in Wei,—in dep. of Ta-ming, Chih-le. Tso-she says that the covenant at Mow-k'ew was 'to confirm that at K'wei-k'ew [see IX. 2], and for the relief of Seu.' The princes would then seem to have advanced southwards to K'wang, and to have waited there, to allow the troops of Loo, and of other States as well, to arrive and effect a junction, before proceeding to try consequences with the army of Ts'oo. Kung-sun Gaou was the son of K'ing-foo, of whom we had so much in the times of Chwang and Min. He is also known as Măng Muh-pih (???). From p. 12 we see that the endeavour to relieve Seu was unsuccessful. After this the marquis of Ts'e made no more arrangements for the relief of any of the States. The vigour of his presidency was evidently declining.
Par. 5. Tso-she remarks on there being no record of the day on which this eclipse took place, and the absence also of the character ?; but there was no eclipse in all this year visible in Loo. There was indeed an eclipse of the sun on January 28th, B. C. 644; but it could not have been seen there.
Par. 6. Le was one of the subject States of Ts'oo,— in the pres. Suy Chow (??), dep. Tih-gan (??), Hoo-pih. The object of attacking Le was to effect a diversion in favour of Seu, and so help the relief of that State.
Par. 7. Kung has * for ?. See II. v. 8. Kuh-leang tries to lay down a canon here, that when the plague of locusts was very great, the month of its occurrence is given; and when it was light, only the season.
Par. 9. See on p. 2 of last year.
Par. 10. ? is here used as an impersonal verb. The Shwoh-wăn explains it by ?? ???, 'a crash of thunder, shaking things.' Of course it was the lightning which struck the temple, but the Chinese, like the Hebrews, considered the lightning to be a ' hot thunderbolt (Psalm, LXXVIII. 48).' Tso-she observes that we may see from this that the Chen clan (??) was chargeable with some secret wickedness. Apart from this interpretation of the event, telling us that the E-pih here belonged to the clan of whose constitution we have an account in the Chuen on I. viii. 10 [E in the text is the honorary title of the officer whose temple suffered, and Pih was his designation], —beyond this we know nothing about him. Kuh-leang refers to the par. as a case in point, to show that, from the emperor to the lower officers, all had their temples or shrine-houses: —the emperor, 7 of them; princes of States, 5; great officers 3; and lower officers, 2.
Par. 11. Both Sung and Ts'aou were at the meeting in Mow-k'ew. This attack boded ill for the relief of Seu, and showed how feeble the control of Ts'e had become.
Par. 12. Low-lin was in Seu,—in the northeast of the dis. of Hung (?), dep. Fung-yang, Gan-hwuy. Tso-she says that Seu was defeated through relying on the succour of the States.
Par. 13. The Chuen says:—'When the marquis of Tsin first entered that State from Ts'in [see the 2d narrative appended at the end of the 9th year], Muh Ke, the earl's wife [see the Chuen after III. xxviii. 1], charged him to behave kindly to the lady Kea [see the same Chuen], and also to restore all his brothers, and the sons of the former marquis as well.
The marquis, however, committed incest with the lady Kea, and did not restore the sons of his predecessors, so that Muh Ke was full of resentment at him. He had made, moreover, promises to several great officers within the State, all of which he broke. To the earl of Ts'in he had promised 5 cities beyond the Ho, with all the country on the east which had formed the territory of Kwoh, as far as mount Hwa on the south, and to the city of Heae-leang on the north of the Ho; but he did not surrender any of this territory, any of these cities. Afterwards, when Tsin was suffering from scarcity, Ts'in sent grain to it; but when scarcity came to the lot of Ts'in, Tsin shut its markets, and would not allow the sale of grain. In consequence of all these things, the earl of Ts'in determined to invade Tsin.
'T'oo-foo, the diviner, consulted the milfoil about the expedition, and said, "A lucky response;—cross the Ho; the prince's chariots are defeated." The earl asked to have the thing more fully explained, and the diviner said, "It is very lucky. Thrice shall you defeat his troops, and finally capture the marquis of Tsin. The diagram found is Koo (*), of which it is said,
'The thousand chariots thrice are put to flight, What then remains you catch,—the one fox wight.' That fox in Koo must be the marquis of Tsin. Moreover, the inner symbol of Koo (Sun, *) represents wind, the outer (Kin, *) represents hills. The season of the year is now the autumn. We blow down the fruits on the hill, and we take the trees;—it is plain we are to overcome. The fruit blown down, and the trees all taken;-what can this be but defeat to Tsin?"
'After three defeats of Tsin, the armies came to Han. The marquis said to K'ing Ch'ing, "The robbers have penetrated far; what is to be done?" "It is your lordship," replied Ch'ing, "who has brought them so far, and can you ask what is to be done?" "He is against me," said the marquis; and he proceeded to divine who should be the spearman upon his right. The response was for K'ing Ch'ing, but he would not employ him. Poo-yang acted as charioteer, and Kea Puh-t'oo was spearman on the right. The chariot was drawn by four small horses which had been presented by the earl of Ch'ing. K'ing Ch'ing said, "Anciently, on great occasions, the prince was required to use the horses born in his own State. Natives of the climate, and knowing the minds of the people, they are docile to instruction, and accustomed to the roads;—whithersoever they may be directed, they are obedient to their driver's will. Now for the fight that is before us, you are using horses of a different State. When they become afraid, they will change their usual way, and go contrary to the will of their driver. When they become confused, they will get all excited. Their timorous blood will flush all their bodies, and their veins will everywhere stand out. Externally they will appear strong, but internally they will be exhausted. They will refuse to advance or retire; they will be unable to turn round. Your lordship is sure to repent employing them."
'The marquis paid no attention to this warning; and on the 9th month [i.e., the 9th month of Hea] he met the army of Ts'in, when he sent Han Keen to survey it. Keen reported, "Their army is smaller than ours, but their spirit for fighting is double ours." "For what reason?" asked the duke. "When you fled the State," returned the officer, "you sought the help of Ts'in; when you entered it again, it was by Ts'in's favour; and in our scarcity, you ate Ts'in's grain. Thrice did you receive Ts'in's benefits, and you made no return for them;—on this account its army is come. Now when we are about to come to blows, we are out of spirit and they are all ardour. To say their spirit is double ours is below the truth."
'The duke, however, said, "Even an ordinary man should not be made arrogant by yielding to him; how much less a State like Ts'in! On this he sent an offer of battle, saying, "Feeble as I am, I have assembled my multitudes, and cannot leave you. If you will not return to your own State, I will certainly not evade your commands." The earl of Ts'in sent Kung-sun Che with his reply, "Before your lordship entered your State, I was full of fears for you; when you had entered it and were not secure in its possession, I was still anxious about your position. But if that be now secure, dare I refuse to accept your commands?" Han Keen retired, saying, " We shall be fortunate if we only meet with captivity."
'On the day Jin-seuh, the battle was fought in the plain of Han. The horses of the marquis of Tsin's carriage turned aside into a slough, and stuck fast. The marquis shouted to K'ing Ch'ing, who replied, "Obdurate to remonstrance, and disobedient to the oracle, you obstinately sought for defeat; and would you now escape?" and left him. In the meantime, Han Keen, driven by Leang Yew-mei, and having Kwoh Yih on his right, met the earl of Ts'in, and was about to take him, when K'ing Ch'ing prevented him by sending him away to save the marquis. In the end, Ts'in took the marquis of Tsin prisoner, and carried him off. Many of the great officers of Tsin followed their prince, with disshevelled hair, and sleeping on the grass in the open air. The earl sent to decline their presence in such fashion, saying, "Why should you be so distressed? That I am accompanying your ruler to the west, is in fulfilment of that strange dream in Tsin [see the Chuen after X. 6]; I dare not proceed to extremities with him." The officers of Tsin did obeisance thrice with their heads to the ground, saying, "Your lordship treads the sovereign Earth, and has over your head the great Heaven, Great Heaven and sovereign Earth have heard your lordship's words. On your servants here below they come as the wind."
'When Muh Ke heard that the marquis of Tsin was approaching, she took her eldest son Yung, with his brother Hwang, and her daughters, Keen and Peih, and ascended a tower, treading as she went upon faggots [which she caused to be placed on the ground and steps]. She then sent a messenger, clad in the deepest mourning, to meet the earl, and to deliver to him her words, "High Heaven has sent down calamity, and made my two lords see each other, not with gems and silks, but with the instruments of war. If the marquis of Tsin come here in the morning, we die in the evening. If he come in the evening, we die in the morning. Let my lord consider the matter, and determine it." On this the earl lodged his prisoner in the Marvellous tower [See the She, III. i. VIII. Ts'in had come into possession of this tower, when it received the territory of K'e-chow]. The great officers begged leave to bring him into the city, but the earl said, "With the marquis of Tsin as my prisoner, I was returning as with great spoil; but the end may be that I return over so many deaths. How can I do so? Of what good would it be to you, my officers? Those men of Tsin, moreover, have been heavy on me with their distress and sorrow; I have bound myself by appealing to Heaven and Earth. If I do not consider kindly the sorrow of those men, I shall increase their anger; if I eat my words, I shall be false to Heaven and Earth. Their increased anger will be hard to endure; to be false to Heaven and Earth will be inauspicious. I must restore the marquis of Tsin." The Kung-tsze Chih said, "You had better put him to death, and not allow him to collect his resources for further mischief." Tsze-sang [Kung-sun Che] said, "Restore him, and get his eldest son here as a hostage;—this will lead to great results. Tsin is not yet to be extinguished, and if you put its ruler to death, the result will only be evil. Moreover, there are the words of the historiographer Yih, "Do not initiate misery; do not trust to the disorder of others; do not increase their anger. Increased anger is hard to endure; oppressive treatment is inauspicious."
'The earl then offered Tsin conditions of peace, and the marquis sent K'eoh K'eih to tell Leu E-săng of Hea, and to call him to meet him. Tsze-kin [the designation of Leu E-săng] instructed him how to act, saying, "Call the people of the State to the court, and reward them as if by command of the marquis, giving them also this message as from him, 'Although I may return to Tsin, our altars will be disgraced. Consult the tortoise-shell, and let Yu [the eldest son] take my place.'"
'All the people wept on hearing these words; and E-săng proceeded to take some lands of the marquis and appropriate them to reward the people, saying, "Our prince does not grieve for his own exile, but his sorrow is all for his subjects;—this is the extreme of kindness. What shall we do for our prince?" They all asked him what could be done, and he said, "Let us collect our revenues and look to our weapons, in order to support his young son. When the States hear of it, how, while we have lost one prince, we have another in his son, how we are all united and harmonious, and how our preparations for war are greater than before, those who love us will admire and encourage us, and those who hate us will fear;—this perhaps will be of advantage to our condition." The people were all pleased, and throughout the State, in every district, they prepared their weapons.
'Years before this, when duke Heen of Tsin was divining by the milfoil about the marriage of his eldest daughter to the earl of Ts'in he got the diagram Kwei-mei (*), and then the diagram K'wei (*). The historiographer Soo interpreted the indication, and said, "It is unlucky. The sentence [on the top line in Kwei-mei] is, 'The man cuts up his sheep, and there is no blood; the girl presents her basket, but there is no gift in it.' The neighbour on the west reproaches us for our words which cannot be made good. And Kwei-mei's becoming K'wei is the same as our getting no help from the union. For the symbol Chin (*) to become Le (*) is the same as for Le to become Chin; we have thunder and fire,—the Ying defeating the Ke. The connection between the carriage and its axle is broken; the fire burns the flags:—our military expeditions will be without advantage; there is defeat in Tsung-k'ew. In Kwei-mei's becoming K'wei we have a solitary, and an enemy against whom the bow is bent [see the Yih, on the top line of the diagram K'wei. But it seems to me of no use trying to make out any principle of reason in passages like the present.] Then the nephew follows his aunt. In 6 years he makes his escape, He flies back to his State, abandoning his wife. Next year he dies in the wild of Kaouleang." When duke Hwuy came to be in Ts'in, he said, "If my father had followed the interpretation of the historiographer Soo, I should not have come to my present condition." Han Keen was by his side, and said, "The tortoise-shell gives its figures, and the milfoil its numbers. When things are produced, they have their figures; their figures go on to multiply; that multiplication goes on to numbers. Your father's violations of virtue were almost innumerable. Although he did not follow the interpretation of the historiographer Soo, how could that increase your misfortune? As the ode says (She II. ii. ode IX. 7):—
'The calamities of the inferior people Do not come down from Heaven. Fair words and hatred behind the back:— The earnest, strong pursnit of this is from men.'"' In this par. there appears for the 1st time in the text the great State of Ts'in, which went on till it displaced the dynasty of Chow in about 4 centuries from this time. Its lords were Yings (?), who claimed to be descended from the ancient emperor Chuen-heuh, through Shun's minister Pih-e (??or ?). Fei-tsze (? ?), 19th in descent from Pih-e, was appointed lord of the small attached territory of Ts'in [in pres. dis. Ts'ing-shwuy (??), Ts'in Chow, in Kan-suh], in B.C. 908, by king Heaou. In B. C. 769, Ts'in became an independent earldom; and in 713, the ruling earl (duke Ning; ??) moved the capital to P'ing-yang [in dis. of Mei (?), dep. Fung-ts'eang, Shen-se]. In B. C. 676, another change was made to Yung (?), in dis. of Fung-ts'eang, which was the seat of its power at this time. Han was in Tsin,—in Heae Chow, Shen-se.
[The Chuen continues its narrative of the relations between Tsin and Ts'in.—'In the 10th month, E-săng of Yin [Yin was another city, in addition to Hea above, held by E-săng from Tsin had a meeting with the earl of Ts'in, when they made a covenant in the old royal city. The earl asked whether they were united in Tsin, and the other replied, "We are not. The smaller people are ashamed at losing their ruler, and grieved at the death of their friends. They do not shrink from contributing their revenues, and getting their weapons in order, that they may sustain Yu; and they say, 'We must have vengeance on our foes. We had rather serve the Jung and the Teih than not have it.' Superior men love their ruler, while they know his transgressions. Neither do they shrink from contributing their revenues, and preparing their weapons, to be in readiness for the commands of Ts'in; and they say, 'We must repay the conduct of Ts'in. Though we die, we shall not swerve from this.' In this way there is not a harmony of views." The earl then asked what they said in the State about their marquis. Esang said, "The inferior people are full of distress, saying he will not get off; but superior men, judging by their own estimate of things, think he is sure to return. The inferior people say, 'We have only injured Ts'in:—how should Ts'in restore our prince?" Superior men say, ' We know our transgressions;—Ts'in is sure to restore our prince. To take him prisoner because of his doubleness, and to let him go on his real submission:—what virtue could be greater than this? what punishment more awing? Those who submit to Ts'in will cherish the virtue; those who are disaffected will dread the punishment:—the presidency of Ts'in over the States may be secured by its conduct in this one case. You put him in the marquisate, but he was not secure in it; you have displaced him, and perhaps will not restore him:—this will be to turn your virtue into a cause of resentment. We do not think that Ts'in will act thus."' The earl said, "This is also my view;" and he proceeded to change the place of the marquis's confinement, and lodged him in a public receptionhouse. He also sent him seven oxen, seven sheep, and seven pigs.
"When the marquis was about to return, Go Sih said to K'ing Ch'ing, "Had you not better go to another State?" K'ing replied, "I plunged our ruler into defeat; on his defeat I was unable to die. Should I now cause him to fail in punishing me, I should not play the part of a subject. A subject and yet not a subject, to what State should I go?"
"In the 11th month, the marquis of Tsin returned from Ts'in; on the day Ting-ch'ow he caused K'ing Ch'ing to be put to death, and then entered his capital.
'That same year, Tsin had again a scarcity, and the earl of Ts'in again supplied it with grain, saying, "I feel angry with its ruler, but I pity its people. I heard, moreover, that when T'ang-shuh was appointed to Tsin, the count of Ke said, 'His descendants are sure to become great.' How can I expect to annex Tsin? Let me meanwhile plant more deeply my virtue, and wait for a really able ruler to arise in Tsin." On this Ts'in for the first time appropriated the territory yielded by Tsin on the east of the Ho, and placed officers in charge of it.']
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Mow-shin, the first day of the moon, there fell stones in Sung,—five [of them]. In the same month, six fish-hawks flew backwards, past the capital of Sung.
2 In the third month, on Jin-shin, duke [Hwan's] son, Ke Yew, died.
3 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ping-shin, the duke's youngest daughter—she of Tsăng—died.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Keah-tsze, Kungsun Tsze died.
5 In winter, in the twelfth month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, the marquis of Hing, and the earl of Ts'aou in Hwae.
Par. 1. For ? Kung-yang has ?. Tsoshe says these stones were 'stars;' but that is merely his interpretation of the phæenomenon. ?=?, 'to fall from a height.' ? is explained as ??, 'a water-fowl;'—it is the fish hawk represented on the sterns of junks. The flying backwards of the six hawks was occasioned, acc. to Tso-she, by the wind, which was so strong that they could not make head against it, and were carried back, struggling, by its current. The ?? between the two notices seems to be introduced merely to express that the strange flight of the hawks was not on the same day as the fall of the stones. Kung, Kuh, and the K'ang-he editors, all write nonsensically on this point.
The Chuen says:—'At this time, Shuh-hing, historiographer of the interior, was in Sung, on a visit of friendly inquiries from Chow, and duke Seang asked him about these strange appearances, saying, "What are they ominous of? What good fortune or bad do they portend?" The historiographer replied, "This year there will be the deaths of many great persons of Loo. Next year Ts'e will be all in disorder. Your lordship will get the presidency of the States, but will not continue to hold it." When he retired, he said to some one, "The king asked me a wrong question. It is not from these developments of the Yin and Yang that good fortune and evil are produced. They are produced by men themselves. I answered as I did, because I did not venture to go against the duke's idea."'
Par. 2. See III. xxv. 6; xxvii 3; V. i. 9; et al. The K'ang-he editors foolishly agree here with Kung and Kuh in thinking that we have the ??, the designation ?, and the name ?, all together, on purpose to express the sage's approval of the character of Ke Yew.
Par. 3. See XIV. 2; XV. 9.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In summer, Ts'e invaded Le, but did not subdue it. Having relieved Seu, however, the army returned.' See p. 6 of last year.']
Par. 4. For ? Kung-yang has ?. See V. iv. 8; v. 3. It may be added here that he was the son of Shuh-ya, whose death or murder appears in III. xxxii. 3.
[The Chuen adds here three brief notices:—
1st. 'In autumn, the Teih made an incursion into Tsin, and took Hoo-ch'oo, and Show-toh. They then crossed the Fun, and advanced to Kwun-too;—taking advantage of the defeat of Tsin by Ts'in.'
2d. 'The king sent word to Ts'e of the troubles still raised by the Jung, and Ts'e called out troops from the various States to guard Chow.'
3d. 'In winter, in the 11th month, on Yihmaou, Ch'ing put to death the earl's eldest son Hwa.' See VII. 4, and the Chuen there].
Par. 5. Hwae was in the present Sze Chow (??), Gan-hwuy, taking its name from the Hwae river. We have here for the first time the marquis of Hing present at these meetings of the States, and his place is given him after the earl of Ch'ing and the baron of Heu. This order is supposed to have been determined by the marquis of Ts'e. The Chuen says:—'This meeting was held to consult about Tsăng [which was hard pressed by the E of the Hwae], and to make a progress in the east. It was proposed to wall Tsăng, but the soldiers engaged in the service fell sick. Some one got on a mound in the night, and cried out, "There is disorder in Ts'e;" and so they returned without completing the work.' This was the last of the meetings called by the marquis of Ts'e as president of the States. From the 1st at Pih-hăng (III. xiii. 1) down to this, he had held eleven meetings of a pacific character (????), and four prelusive of military operations (????). His influence declined after the meeting at K'wei-k'ew (IX. 2). The fabric of his greatness had been reared more by Kwan Chung than himself. The minister was now gone, and the prince was soon to follow him, by a miserable end, and leave his own State a prey to years of confusion.
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1 In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, a body of men from Ts'e and a body from Seu invaded Yingshe.
2 In summer, we extinguished Heang.
3 In autumn, the [duke's] wife, the lady Keang, had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in P'een.
4 In the ninth month, the duke arrived from the meeting [at Hwae].
5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Yih-hae, Seaou-pih, marquis of Ts'e, died.
Par. 1. Ying-she was a small State, which acknowledged the jurisdiction of Ts'oo,—in the present Chow of Luh-gan (??), Gan-hwuy. In the west of the Chow, close on the borders of the district of Ying-shan (??), is a city called Ying. This expedition was undertaken by Ts'e in the interest of Seu, 'to avenge,' Tso says, 'the defeat of Seu by Ts'oo at Low-lin,' in the duke's 15th year.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In summer, Yu, the eldest son of the marquis of Tsin, went as a hostage to Ts'in, and Ts'in restored the territory on the east of the Ho, which had been ceded by Tsin, giving also a wife to Yu. When duke Hwuy [the marquis of Tsin] was a refugee in Leang, the earl of it gave him to wife Leang Ying [Ying was the surname of the House of Leang]. As she went in pregnancy beyond the usual time, the diviner, Shaou-foo, and his son, consulted the tortoise-shell about the matter. The son said, 'She will have both a boy and a girl.' 'Yes,' added the father, 'and the son will be another's subject, and the daughter will be a concubine.' On this account the boy was called Yu [a groom], and the girl was named Ts'eeh [concubine]. When Yu went a hostage to the west, Ts'eeh became a concubine in the harem of Ts'in.']
Par. 2. Heang was a small State—the name of which remains in the dis. of Heang-shing (??), dep. Ch'in-chow (??), Ho-nan. Kung and Kuh both attribute the extinction of Heang to Ts'e, and the K'ang-he editors defend their view ingeniously; but in that case ? would have appeared in the text. A notice like the present, without the name of another State preceding the verb, must always be understood of Loo. The Chuen says:—'An army extinguished Heang. At the meeting of Hwae, the duke was engaged with the other princes on the business before them; but, before he returned, he took Heang. Ts'e thought it was matter for punishment, and detained the duke as a prisoner.' This account might have been more explicit. We cannot suppose that duke He himself left the conference at Hwae, and conducted the troops which extinguished Heang. He had probably entrusted the expedition to one of his officers; and when the news of it reached the assembly, Ts'e was able to detain him as a prisoner. And yet it is not easy to understand how the princes should have remained so long at Hwae.
Par. 3. The wife of duke He was probably a daughter of the marquis of Ts'e;—see on XI. 2. Tso-she says:—'Shing Keang met the marquis of Ts'e at this time on the duke's account;' meaning, no doubt, that her object was to procure her husband's liberation. P'een was in Loo,—50 le east from the pres. dis. city of Szeshwuy, dep. Yen-chow.
Par. 4. Tso says the wording of this par. intimates that, after the meeting at Hwae, there had been some business of the States, and conceals it; i. e., it says nothing about the duke's having been kept a prisoner by Ts'e.
Par. 5. Seaou-pih had thus had a long rule of 43 years. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Ts'e had three wives:—a Ke of the royal House; a Ying of Seu; and a Ke of Ts'ae; but none of them had any son. The marquis loved a full harem, and had many favourites and concubines in it. There were six who were to him as wives:—the elder Ke of Wei, who bore Woomăng [Măng is the 'elder;' Woo, the hon. title. This youth is commonly mentioned by his name Woo-k'wei (??)]; the younger Ke of Wei, who bore a son, who was afterwards duke Hwuy; a Ke of Ch'ing, who bore a son, afterwards duke Heaou; a Ying of Koh, who bore a son, afterwards duke Ch'aou; a Ke of Meih, who bore a son, afterwards duke E; a Tsze of the Hwa clan of Sung, who bore a son, called Tszeyung.
'The marquis and Kwan Chung had given him who was afterwards duke Heaou in charge to duke Seang of Sung, as the intended heir of the State. Woo, the chief cook, however, had favour with Kung Ke of Wei [the elder Ke of Wei above], and by means of Teaou, the chief of the eunuchs, who introduced his viands to the marquis, he had favour with him also, and obtained a promise from him that Woo-măng should be his successor. On the death of Kwan Chung, five of the six sons all begged to be declared heir. When the marquis died on Yih-hae of the 10th month. Yih-ya [the designation of Woo the cook] entered the palace, and along with the eunuch Teaou, by the help of the favoured officers of the interior, put all the other officers to death, and set up Woo-k'wei in his father's place, the brother who was afterwards duke Heaou fleeing to Sung. The date of the marquis's death, as communicated to Loo, was Yihhae; but it was the night of Sin-sze [67 days after] before his body was put into a coffin at night, such was the disorder and confusion.
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke of Sung, the earl of Ts'aou, an officer of Wei, and an officer of Choo invaded Ts'e.
2 In summer, an army [of ours went to] relieve Ts'e.
3 In the fifth month, on Mow-yin, the army of Sung and the army of Ts'e fought at Yen, when the latter was disgracefully defeated.
4 The Teih [came to] succour Ts'e.
5 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Ting-hae, there was the burial of duke Hwan of Ts'e. 6In winter, a body of men from Hing and a body of the Teih invaded Wei.
Par. 1. Kung-yang, as usual, for ? has ??, and also introduces ? after ?. The object of this movement on the part of Sung was to fulfil the charge which the duke had received from the marquis of Ts'e, to secure the succession to his son Ch'aou, or duke Heaou. Tso says:—'Duke Seang of Sung with several other princes invaded Ts'e; and in the 3d month, the people of Ts'e put Woo-k'wei to death.'
[The Chuen appends here:—'The earl of Ch'ing for the first time paid a court-visit to Ts'oo, the viscount of which gave him a quantity of metal. Afterwards he repented that he had done so, and made a covenant with the earl, when he required him not to use it for casting weapons. In consequence the earl made with it three bells.']
Par. 2. If this interference on the part of Loo was intended to support Woo-k'wei, it was too late. Maou thinks it may have been in the interest of P'wan (?), who was afterwards duke Ch'aou, and was married to a daughter of duke He. Tso says that the entry indicates approval of the movement. This par., and p. 4 below, show how indefinite the meaning of ? sometimes is.
Par. 3. Yen was in Ts'e,—in the pres. dis. of Leih-shing (??), dep. Tse-nan. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ts'e wanted to raise duke Heaou to the marquisate, but could not overcome the opposition of the adherents of duke Hwan's other four sons [only four, Wook'wei being now dead], who then left the city and fought with the men of Sung. These defeated their army in Yen, raised duke Heaou to the marquisate, and returned to their own State.' It would appear that the combined force mentioned in p. 1 had dispersed on the elevation of Woo-k'wei, and that the troops of Loo had also left Ts'e. In this action, therefore, only the army of Sung was engaged. It had been suddenly called again into the field.
Par. 4. These Teih had probably been called to their aid by the four sons of the late marquis, who were struggling against their brother, the protege of Sung.
Par. 5. An interval of 11 months thus occurred between the death of duke Hwan and his burial,—owing to the disorder and contests in the State. Duke Heaou interred him magnificently and barbarously on the top of the Newshow (??) hill.
Par. 6. Not long before this, both Hing and Wei had been brought to the verge of extinction by the Teih; and yet here we find Hing allied with the Teih against Wei. We need not wonder at the subsequent fate of Hing at the hands of Wei. The Chuen says:—'In winter, a body of men from Hing, and a body of the Teih, invaded Wei, and invested T'oo-p'oo. The marquis of Wei offered to resign in favour of any one of his uncles or brothers, or of their sons. Yea, having assembled all his officers at court, he said, "If any one is able to deal with the enemy, I, Hwuy, will glady follow him." All declined the proffered dignity, however, and the marquis afterwards took up a position with his army at Tsze-leu, when the army of the Teih withdrew.'
Here for the first time, instead of the simple ?, we have ??, in which expression Kuhleang, who has had many followers of his view, saw an increasing appreciation of the Teih in the mind of Confucius. But there is really nothing more in the addition of the ? than the exigency of the style, as ??, followed merely by ?, would be very awkward.
[The Chuen adds:—'The earl of Leang increased the number of his walled cities, and had not people to fill them. One went by the name of Sin-le, and Ts'in took it.']
XIX. Nineteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] nineteenth year, in spring, in the king's third month, the people of Sung seized Ying-ts'e, viscount of T'ăng.
2 In summer, in the sixth month, the duke of Sung, an officer of Ts'aou, and an officer of Choo, made a covenant in the south of Ts'aou.
3 The viscount of Tsăng met and covenanted [with them] in Choo.
4 On Ke-yew, the people of Choo seized the viscount of Tsăng, and used him [as a victim].
5 In autumn, a body of men from Sung invested [the capital of] Ts'aou.
6 A body of men from Wei invaded Hing.
7 In winter, [the duke] had a meeting with an officer of Ch'in, an officer of Ts'ae, an officer of Ts'oo, and an officer of Ch'ing, when they made a covenant in Ts'e.
8 Leang perished.
[The Chuen, resuming the brief narrative at the end of last year, adds that, in the duke's 19th year, in spring, 'Ts'in proceeded to wall the place which it had taken, and occupied it.']
Par. 1. The Chuen says nothing to explain why Sung made this seizure of the viscount of T'ăng. Its words are merely, 'The people of Sung seized duke Seuen of T'ăng. The duke of Sung is understood to be intended by ??; and the use of ? is supposed to be condemnatory of the procedure. But Maou shows that such a canon for the use of ?, in the accounts of seizures, cannot be applied all through the Classic. The adding the name of the viscount of T'ăng is supposed by Hoo Gan-kwoh and a host of other critics to be condemnatory of him; but even the K'ang-he editors reject the view.
Par. 2. Kung-yang has ?? instead of ??, and of course ?? for ?. The proper reading, however, is that of the text. The duke of Sung was ambitious to continue the presidency of Hwan of Ts'e, and had tried to get a large gathering of the princes to this covenant. But not one was present. Even the earl of Ts'aou, in whose State the place of meeting was, did not appear in person; and was negligent also, it appears, in sending the supplies of provisions for the covenanting parties; which the lord of the State where they met was always expected to contribute.
Parr. 3, 5. The viscount of Tsăng came too late for the covenant in Ts'aou. Whether he had been minded from the first to come, but been detained; or had been summoned, as Maou supposes, by a special message sent from Ts'aou by the duke of Sung, and yet after all been too late, we do not know. However, (too late he was; but, being fearful probably of the consequences, he followed some at least of the covenanters to Choo, and would appear there, from p. 3, to have taken the covenant. This did not avail, however, to save him from a terrible fate. Too says, ???????, 'The word used means that they used him as an animal victim.' The thing was done by Choo at the command of the duke of Sung. The Chuen narrates:—'The duke of Sung made duke Wăn of Choo sacrifice the viscount of Tsăng at an altar on the bank of the Suy, to awe and draw to him the wild tribes of the east. The duke's minister of War, Tsze-yu [the duke's brother, Muh-e; (see the Chuen at the end of the 8th year, and of the 9th)], said, "Anciently, the six domestic animals were not used at the same sacrifice; for small affairs they did not use great victims:— how much less would they have presumed to use human beings! Sacrifices are offered for the benefit of men. Men are the hosts of the Spirits at them. If you sacrifice a man, who will enjoy it? Duke Hwan of Ts'e preserved three perishing States, and thereby drew all the princes to him; and yet righteous scholars say that his virtue was too slight. But now our lord, at his first assembling of the princes, has treated with oppression the rulers of two States, and has further used one of them in sacrifice to an unlicensed and irregular Spirit;—will it not be difficult to get the presidency of the States in this way? If he die a natural death, he will be fortunate.'
I must add here that Kuh-Leang gives a much mitigated meaning of the ?, 'used,' thinking that all which it denotes is that they struck the viscount of Tsăng on the nose till it bled, and then smeared all the sacrificial vessels with the blood!
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'This attack of Ts'aou was to punish it for its not submitting to Sung. Tsze-yu said to the duke of Sung, "King Wăn heard that the marquis of Ts'ung had abandoned himself to disorder, and invaded his State; but after he had been in the field for 30 days, the marquis tendered no submission. Wăn therefore withdrew; and, after cultivating afresh the lessons of virtue, he again invaded Ts'ung, when the marquis made submission before he had quitted his entrenchments. As is said in the She (III. i. ode VI. 2),
'His example acted on his wife, Extended to his brothers, And was felt by all the clans and States.' May it not be presumed that the virtue of your Grace is in some respects defective; and if, while it is so, you attack others, what will the result be? Why not for a time give yourself to self-examination and the cultivation of virtue? You may then proceed to move, when that is without defect."'
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'This attack of Hing was in return for the siege of T'oo-p'oo [see on p. 6 of last year]. At this time there was a great drought in Wei, and the marquis divined by the tortoise-shell whether he should sacrifice to the hills and rivers, and obtained an unfavourable reply. The officer Ning Chwang [? is the hon. title] said, "Formerly there was a scarcity in Chow; but after the conquest of Yin there ensued an abundant year. Now Hing acts without any regard to principle, and there is no leader among the princes. May not Heaven be wishing to employ Wei to punish Hing?" The marquis followed his advice; and immediately after the army was in motion, it rained.'
Par. 7. Kung has ? before ?; and it is probable that duke He himself was present at this meeting. If he were not there himself, he must have been represented by one of his great officers. The meeting is important as the first general assembly of northern States, to which Ts'oo sent its representative. The account of the conference given by Tso-she is:—'Duke Muh of Ch'in asked that a good understanding should be cultivated between the princes of the various States, and that they should not forget the virtue and services of Hwan of Ts'e. In the winter, they made a covenant in Ts'e, and renewed their good fellowship under Hwan.' But what good fellowship had Ts'oo had with the States of the north under the presidency of Ts'e? The meeting was held most likely to consult how to meet the ambition of the duke of Sung, against whom we shall presently find Ts'oo taking most decided part. Indeed, Keang Ping-chang supposes that the meeting was called by Ch'in at Ts'oo's instigation.
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—"Leang perished; —'it is not said at whose hands:—it brought the ruin on itself. Before this, the earl of Leang had been fond of building, walling cities which he had not people to fill. The people in consequence got weary, and could not endure the toil, and it was said, "Such and such an enemy is coming." When they were roofing the duke's palace, they said," Ts'in will take us by surprise." They got frightened, and dispersed; and forthwith Ts'in took Leang.'
XX. Twentieth year.
1 In his twentieth year, in spring, [the duke] renewed and altered the south gate [of the capital].
2 In summer, the viscount of Kaou came [to Loo] on a courtvisit.
3 In the fifth month, on Yih-sze, the western palace was burnt.
4 A body of men from Ch'ing entered Hwah.
5 In autumn, an officer of Ts'e and an officer of the Teih made a covenant in Hing.
6 In winter, a body of men from Ts'oo invaded Suy.
Par. 1. This was the 'southern gate' of the capital, as in the translation (??,?? ???). Before this, it was, acc. to Too Yu, called the Tseih gate (?), but after the alterations now made, it got the name of Kaou mun, or High gate (??). ? indicates the substitution of a new gate for the old one, (?? ???), and ? indicates that the new gate was on a difft. plan from the old (??? ? ?,? ? ? ? ? ?,? ? ?). The Chuen says that the record of this trasaction was made to show its unseasonableness, adding that all works for opening communication [such as gates, roads, and bridges], or for closing it [such as walls and moats], should be undertaken as they were required. Tso-she's idea, of course, is that this was a work of ornament more than of necessity, and that the season of the year for such an undertaking had gone by.
Par. 2. This Kaou was a small State in the pres. dis. of Shing-woo, dep. Ts'aou-chow. As we learn from the Chuen on XXIV. 2, it was held by the descendants of one of king Wăn's sons. Nothing is heard of it before or after the trivial incident in the text.
Par. 3. ?,—see II. xiv. 4: III. xx. 2. What building is here spoken of is not well known. Kuh's opinion that it was the temple or shrinehouse of duke Min has been exploded. Some portion of the harem is probably intended.
Par. 4. Hwah,—see III. iii. 5. The Chuen says:—'The people of Hwăh had revolted from Ch'ing, and submitted to Wei; and this summer, Sze, a son of the earl of Ch'ing, and Seeh Took'ow led a force and entered its chief city.'
Par. 5. Tso-she says that 'this covenant was in the interest of Hing, to consult about the difficulties it was in from Wei, which was then much distressing Hing.' We have seen the Teih and Hing leagued against Wei in XVIII. 6; and the same year, Wei had taken part in the invasion of Ts'e.
Par. 6. The name of Suy still remains in Suy Chow dep. of Tih-gan (??) Hoo-pih. It was a marquisate, and its lords were Kes (?). The Chuen says:—'Suy, with the various States east of the Han, had revolted from Ts'oo; and this winter, Now Too-woo-t'oo left Ts'oo, led a force against it, accepted its proffers of submission, and returned. The superior man may say that Suy suffered this invasion, because it had not measured its strength. The errors of those who move only after they have measured their strength are few. Do success and defeat come from one's-self or from others? The answer is in the words of the She [I. ii. ode VI. 1],
"Might I not have been there in the early morning? But there was too much dew on the path." [The Chuen adds here:—'Duke Seang of Sung wished to call together the princes, and unite them under himself. Tsang Wăn-chung heard of it, and said, 'He may succeed who curbs his own desires to follow the views of others; but he will seldom do so who tries to make others follow his desires.']
XXI. Twenty-first year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-first year, in spring, the Teih made an incursion into Wei.
2 An officer of Sung, an officer of Ts'e, and an officer of Ts'oo, made a covenant at Luh-shang.
3 In summer, there was great drought.
4 In autumn, the duke of Sung, the viscount of Ts'oo, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Ts'ae, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, had a meeting in Yu, when the others seized the duke of Sung, and went on to invade Sung.
5 In winter, the duke invaded Choo.
6 The people of Ts'oo sent E-shin to Loo, to present [some of the] spoils [of Sung.]
7 In the twelfth month, on Kwei-ch'ow, the duke had a meeting with [several of] the princes, when they made a covenant in Poh, and liberated the duke of Sung.
Par. 1. This incursion was, no doubt, in the interests of Hing, and a sequel of the covenant between the Teih and Ts'e in p. 5 of last year.
Par. 2. Luh-shang was in Sung,—in the pres. dis. of T'ae-ho (??), dep. Ying-chow. Gan-hwuy. Tso-she says:—'The idea of this covenant originated with Sung, and the object in it of the duke of Sung was to ask the States from Ts'oo [i.e. to ask Ts'oo to cede its influence over the various States to Sung]. Ts'oo granted the request, when Muh-e, the duke's brother, said, "A small State is sure to bring calamity on itself by striving for the power of commanding covenants;—is Sung now going on to perish? We shall be fortunate if there ensue defeat only.' Hoo Ning (??; Sung dyn., a little earlier than Choo He), Woo Ch'ing, and the critics generally, suppose that the princes of the States are intended by ?; but such a view lands the translator of the Classic in inextrieable difficulties. Why should the princes be reduced to 'men,' simply in this par., and then have their titles given to them in p. 4? Too Yu observes that ??, preceding ??, shows that the meeting and covenant originated with Sung.
Par. 3. Too observes that the language intimates that the drought continued after the usual sacrifice for rain (?) had been presented; and Ying-tah expands the remark by saying that in the Classic we have sometimes the entry ?, and sometimes ?; that in the former case the sacrifice has been followed by rain, while in the latter the drought continues. The Chuen says:—'The duke wished, in consequence of the drought, to burn a witch and a person much emaciated. Ts'ang Wăn-chung said to him, "That is not the proper preparation in a time of drought. Put in good repair your walls, the inner and the outer; lessen your food; be sparing in all your expenditure. Be in earnest to be economical, and encourage people to help one another;—this is the most important preparation. What have the witch and the emaciated person to do with the matter? If Heaven wish to put them to death, it had better not have given them life. If they can really produce drought, to burn them will increase the calamity." The duke followed his advice; and that year, the scarcity was not very great.' [In the Le Ke, II. Pt. II. iii. 29, there is an account of exposing in the sun, in a time of drought, a *, or person in a state of emaciation (????), with the hope that Heaven would have pity on him, and send down rain.]
Par. 4. Yu was in Sung,—in the pres. Suy Chow (??), dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. Kungyang has ?, and Kuh-Leang has?. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the princes had a meeting with the duke of Sung in Yu. Tszeyu said, "Shall our calamity come now? The duke's ambition is excessive;—how can he sustain the difficulties of his position?" At this meeting, Ts'oo seized the duke, and went on to invade Sung.' I believe the seizure of the duke of Sung was made by Ts'oo; but the text leaves the matter quite indefinite;—if we are to make all the princes named the subject of ?, then the duke would be one of his own captors. Kung-yang says absurdly that the viscount of Ts'oo is not named, because the sage would not seem to sanction the capture of a prince of China by a barbarian! The K'anghe editors approve of the solution of Chaou K'wang and others, that the indefiniteness is to blame the other princes for not interfering to prevent the outrage. Much more natural is it to suppose that, while Ts'oo was the principal, the other States were 'art and part' in the transaction,—well pleased to see the ambitious pretensions of the duke thus snuffed out.
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'Jin, Suh, Seuk'eu, and Chuen-yu, were all held by lords of the surname Fung (?), who presided over the sacrifices to T'ae-haou [Fuh-he], and the sacrifice to the Spirit of the Tse, thus rendering service to the bright great land. The people of Choo had extinguished Seu-k'eu, the prince of which came as a fugitive to Loo, and threw himself on Ch'ing Fung, who spoke in his behalf to the duke, saying, 'It is the rule of Chow to honour the bright sacrifices, and to protect the little and the few; and it is misery to Chow, when the barbarous tribes disturb the bright great land. If you re-instate Seu-k'eu, you will do honour to the sacrifices to Haou and to the Spirit of the Tse, and by restoring them you will remove the calamity."
Par. 6. See III. xxxi. 4. It here appears that the viscount of Ts'oo was the principal in the seizure of the duke of Sung. ? must be supplied before ?. ? is to be translated, as in many previous passages, by 'people.'
Par. 7. Poh was in Sung,—in the north-west of pres. dis. of Shang-k'ew, dep. Kwei-tih. The Chuen says, that 'with reference to this meeting, Tsze-yu said, "Our calamity has not yet come. What has happened is not enough to be a warning to the duke."' Too says that this meeting was not called at the duke's instance, but that he happened to hear of it, and went to it. By ? ? we are to understand the princes in p. 4.
XXII. Twenty-second year.
1 In his twenty-second year, the duke invaded Choo, and took Seu-k'eu.
2 In summer, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the baron of Heu, and the viscount of T'ăng, invaded Ch'ing.
3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Ting-we, we fought with an army of Choo at Shing-hing.
4 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Ke-sze, the first day of the moon, the duke of Sung fought with an army of Ts'oo near the Hung, when the army of Sung was disgracefully defeated.
Par. 1. Seu-k'eu was a small State, whose lords were Fungs, with the rank of viscount, purporting to be descended from Fuh-he,—in the pres. Tung-p'ing Chow, dep. T'ae-gan. See the Chuen on p. 5 of last year. Tso-she says here that 'the duke took Seu-k'eu, and restored its ruler,—which was according to rule.' The text says nothing, indeed, of Loo's re-establishment of Seu-k'eu; but we find Loo again taking it, in VI. vii. 2; so that Tso-she's account of what was now done must be correct.
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'In the 3d month, the earl of Ch'ing went to Ts'oo; and in summer, the duke of Sung invaded Ch'ing. Tszeyu said, "What I call our calamity will be brought about by this expedition." His seizure in the past year had not taught the duke of Sung the folly of matching himself against Ts'oo, which he could not but know would resent this attack of Ch'ing.
[The Chuen appends here three narratives:—
1st. When king P'ing removed from the old capital of Chow to the east, Sin Yew happened to go to E-ch'uen, and saw there a man sacrificing in the wilderness with dishevelled hair. "Before a hundred years are expired," said he, "I fear this place will be occupied by the Jung. The proper rules of ceremony are already lost in it." This autumn, Ts'in and Tsin removed the Jung of Luhhwăn to E-chuen.'—But more than a hundred years from the removal to the eastern capital had elapsed.
2d. 'Yu, the eldest son of the marquis of Tsin was a hostage in Ts'in, and wished to make his escape and return to Tsin.' He said to his wife, the lady Ying, "Shall I take you with me?" But she replied, 'You are the eldest son of Tsin, and here you are, the subject of disgrace. It is right that you should wish to return to your own State; but your handmaid was appointed by the ruler of Ts'in to wait on you and hold your towel and comb, to assure you and ensure your stay. Should I follow you to Tsin, I shall be setting at nought his command. I dare not follow you, but neither dare I tell of your intention." On this the prince made his escape alone to Tsin.'
3d. 'Foo Shin spoke to the king, saying, "Let me entreat you to recall T'ae-shuh [who had fled to Ts'e. See the Chuen after XII. 3]. It is said in the She [II. iv. ode VIII. 12].
'They assemble their neighbours, And their relatives are full of their praise.' If brothers among ourselves cannot agree, how can we murmur at the want of harmony among the princes of the States?" The king was pleased, and king Hwuy's son Tae [T'aeshuh] returned from Ts'e, and was restored to his rank, the king having called him.]'
Par. 3. Shing-hing was in Loo, but its position has not been precisely determined. The Chuen says:—'The people of Choo, because of the affair of Seu-k'eu, came out against us with an army, and the duke set about meeting it, despising Choo, and without preparation. Tsang Wăn-chung said, "However small a State be, it is not to be slighted; and if preparations be not made, however numerous a force be, it is not to be relied on. It is said in the She (II. v. ode 1. 6),
'We should be apprehensive and careful, As if we were on the brink of a deep gulf, As if we were treading on thin ice;' and again (She, IV. i. Pt. iii. ode III.),
'Let me be reverent, let me be reverent; Heaven's method is clear,— Its appointment is not easily preserved.' Intelligent as the ancient kings were, they constantly saw difficulties to be overcome and dangers to be feared; how much more should a small State like ours do so! Let not your lordship think of Choo as small. Bees and scorpions carry poison;—much more will a State do so!" The duke would not listen to this remonstrance, and in the 8th month, on Ting-we, he fought with Choo at Shing-hing, when our army was disgracefully defeated. The people of Choo captured the duke's helmet, and suspended it over their Fish gate.'
From the Chuen we learn that Loo was here shamefully beaten; but the text says nothing about that. This is another instance of the strange reticence of Confucius.
Par. 4. Hung was the name of a river. The site of the battle is referred to a spot, 30 le north of the dis. city of Chay-shing (??), dep. Kwei-tih. The Chuen says:—'An army of Ts'oo invaded Sung, in order to relieve Ch'ing. The duke of Sung being minded to fight, his minister of War remonstrated strongly with him, saying, "Heaven has long abandoned the House of Shang [Sung was the conservator of the Shang sacrifices]. Your Grace may wish to raise it again, but such opposition to Heaven will be unpardonable." The duke, however, would not listen to advice, and in winter, in the 11th month, on Ke-sze, the 1st day of the moon, he fought with the army of Ts'oo near the Hung.
'The men of Sung were all drawn up for battle, before those of Ts'oo had all crossed the river; and the minister of War said to the duke, "They are many, and we are few. Pray let us attack them, before they have all crossed over." The duke refused; and again, when the minister asked leave to attack them after they had crossed, but when they were not yet drawn up, he refused, waiting till they were properly marshalled before he commenced the attack.
'The army of Sung was shamefully defeated; one of the duke's thighs was hurt; and the warders of the gates [keepers of the palace gates, who had followed the duke to the field] were all slain. The people of the State all blamed the duke, but he said, "The superior man does not inflict a second wound, and does not take prisoner any one of gray hairs. When the ancients had their armies in the field, they would not attack an enemy when he was in a defile; and though I am but the poor representative of a fallen dynasty, I would not sound my drums to attack an unformed host." Tsze-yu, [the minister of War], said, 'Your Grace does not know the rules of fighting:—Given a strong enemy, in a defile or with his troops not drawn up, it is Heaven assisting us. Is it not proper for us to advance upon him so impeded with our drums beating, even then afraid we may not get the victory? Moreover, the strong men now opposed to us are all our antagonists. Even the old and withered among them are to be captured by us, if we can only take them;—what have we to do with their being gray-haired? We call into clear display the principle of shame in teaching men to fight, our object being that they should slay the enemy. If our antagonist be not wounded mortally, why should we not repeat the blow? If we grudge a second wound, it would be better not to wound him at all. If we would spare the gray-haired, we had better submit at once to the enemy. In an army, what are used are sharp weapons, while the instruments of brass and the drums are to rouse the men's spirits. The sharp weapons may be used against foes entangled in a defile; when their noise is the loudest and the men's spirits are all on fire, the drums may be borne against the enemy in disorder."
[The Chuen gives here the following:—'Early in the morning of Ping-tsze, the ladies Me and Keang, the wives of Wăn, the earl of Ch'ing, went to congratulate the viscount of Ts'oo, and feast his troops, at the marsh of Ko, when the viscount made the band-master Tsin display to them the captives, and the ears of the slain. The superior man will pronounce that this was contrary to rule. A woman, when escorting or meeting a visitor, does not go beyond the gate; when seeing her brothers, she does not cross the threshold. The business of war has nothing to do with the employment of women.
'On Ting-ch'ow, the viscount entered the city of Ch'ing, and was feasted. Nine times the cup was presented to him; the courtyard was filled with a hundred difft. objects; six kinds of food were set forth in the dishes more than ordinary. He left the city at night after the feast, Wăn Me accompanying him to the army; and he took the earl's two daughters with him to Ts'oo. Shuh-chen said, "The king of Ts'oo will not die a natural death! The ceremonies shown on his account have ended in his breaking down the distinctions regulating the intercourse between the sexes; and where this is done, there can be no propriety. How should he die a natural death? The princes may know that he will not attain to the presidency of them."']
XXIII. Twenty-third year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-third year, in spring, the marquis of Ts'e invaded Sung, and laid siege to Min.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Kăng-yin, Tsze-foo, duke of Sung, died.
3 In autumn, an officer of Ts'oo invaded Ch'in.
4 In winter, in the eleventh month, the viscount of Ke died.
Par. 1. Min (here and afterwards Kuh-leang has ?) was a town of Sung,—30 le to the northeast of the present dis. city of Kin-heang (? ?), dep. Yen-chow. Kung-yang says that the mention of besieging a town (?) such as Min is condemnatory of the violence of Ts'e's action against Sung; and Kuh-leang thinks that invasion and siege, both related in the same short par., stamp the action of Ts'e as excessive and bad. Neither of these views can be accepted. Tso-she's account of the par. is, that the marquis of Ts'e wished to punish Sung because of the duke's absenting himself from the covenant in Ts'e mentioned in XIX. 7. Certainly the duke of Sung deserved well of the marquis of Ts'e at the first, supporting him against his brothers, and securing his claim to the State in the room of his father. We may speculate as to jealousies and misunderstandings which subsequently sprang up between them; but we have not sufficient information to enable us to speak positively of the real causes of the invasion of Sung here mentioned.
Par. 2. Kung-yang gives the name as ? ?. The duke's death, according to Tso, was in consequence of the wound he received at the battle of Hung. His career by no means corresponded to the expectations excited by him on his first appearance in the history of this period;—see the Chuen at the end of the 8th year. He is commonly enumerated as one of the 'five leaders of the States;' but he never attained to that position. It is difficult to believe that he was really sane.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, Ch'ing Tih-shin of Ts'oo led an army, and invaded Ch'in, to punish it for inclining, against Ts'oo, to the side of Sung [It would be difficult to make this out from the text of the classic]. He took Tseaou and E; walled Tun; and returned. Tsze-wăn, thinking Tih-shin had done good service, procured his appointment as chief minister of Ts'oo in his own room. Shuh-pih asked him on what views for the good of the State he had done so; and he replied, "I have done it to secure the quiet of the State. When you have men who have rendered great service, and you do not give them the noblest offices, are they likely to remain quiet? There are few who can do so."
[The Chuen turns here to the affairs of Tsin: —'In the 9th month, duke Hwuy of Tsin died, and his successor, duke Hwae [Yu, who escaped from Ts'in], commanded that none should follow the fugitive, Ch'ung-urh, and defined the period of 12 months, after which there would be pardon no more for any that remained with him. Maou and Yen, the sons of Hoo Tuh, had followed Ch'ung-urh, and were with him in Ts'in; but their father did not call them home. In consequence, duke Hwae apprehended him in winter, and said, "If your sons come back, you shall belet off." Tuh replied, "The ancient rule was that when a son was fit for official service, his father should enjoin upon him to be faithful. The new officer, moreover, wrote his name on a tablet, and gave the pledge of a dead animal to his lord, declaring that any wavering in his fidelity should be punished with death. Now the sons of your servant have had their names with Ch'ung-urh for many years. If I should go on to call them here, I should be teaching them to swerve from their allegiance. If I, as their father, should teach them to do so, how should I be fit to serve your lordship? Punish without excess or injustice, according to your intelligence;—this is what your servant desires to see. If you punish more than is right, to gratify yourself, who will be found without guilt?—But I have heard your commands." On this the duke put him to death.
'Yen, the master of divination, saying that he was ill, did not leave his house; but, when he heard of Tuh's execution, he remarked, "It is said in one of the Books of Chow [Shoo, V. ix. 9], 'So, by a grand intelligence, will you subdue the minds of the people.' But when our prince puts people to death to gratify himself, is not the case hard? The people see none of his virtue, and hear only of his cruel executions;— is he likely to leave any of his children in Tsin?"'
Par. 4. Tso-she says:—'This was the death of duke Ch'ing of Ke. His name is not given, because he had never covenanted with Loo [The canon cannot be substantiated]. The rule was, that when any prince had covenanted with others, the announcement of his death was accompanied with his name, and the historiographers recorded it. Where this was not the case, they did not enter the name;—to avoid making any mistake through want of the proper exactness.'
The lords of Ke, as being the representatives of the sovereigns of the Hea dynasty, were originally dukes. In II. ii. 5, we have—'the marquis of Ke;' elsewhere, the rank is reduced to that of 'earl;' here there is a further reduction to 'viscount.' These degradations are supposed to have been made by the kings of Chow.
[The Chuen now takes up the wanderings of Ch'ung-urh, who became duke Wăn of Tsin:— 'When Ch'ung-urh, son of duke Heen of Tsin, first met with misfortune, a body of men from Tsin attacked him in the city of P'oo, the men of which wanted to fight with them. Ch'ungurh, however, would not allow them to do so, saying, 'By favour of the command of my ruler and father, and through possession of the emolument he has assigned me, I have got the rule over these people; and if I should employ them to strive with him, my crime would be very great. I will fly."
'He then fled to the Teih (B. C. 654); and there followed him—Hoo Yen, Chaou Ts'uy, Teen Keeh, Wei Woo-tsze [Woo is the hon. title; ? officer], Ke-tsze, minister of Works [with many others]. In an invasion of the Tseang-kaou-joo, the Teih captured the two daughters of their chief, Shuh Wei and Ke Wei, and presented them to the prince. He took Ke Wei to himself as his wife, and she bore him Pih-chow and Shuh-lew. Her elder sister he gave to Chaou Ts'ui, who had by her his son Tun. When he was about to go to Ts'e, he said to Ke Wei, "Wait for me five and twenty years; and if I have not come back then, you can marry another husband." She replied, "I am now 25; and if I am to marry again after other 25, I will go to my coffin. I had rather wait for you."
'The prince left the Teih (B. C. 643) after residing among them 12 years. Travelling through Wei, duke Wăn treated him discourteously; and as he was leaving it by Woo-luh, he was reduced to beg food of a countryman, who gave him a clod of earth. The prince was angry, and wished to scourge him with his whip; but Tsze-fan [Hoo Yen] said, "It is Heaven's gift [a gift of the soil; a happy omen]." On this he bowed his head to the earth, received the clod, and took it with him in his carriage.
'When he came to Ts'e, duke Hwan gave him a lady of his own surname to wife, and he had 20 teams of 4 horses each. He abandoned himself to the enjoyment of his position, but his followers were dissatisfied with it, determined to leave Ts'e, and consulted with him about what they should do under the shade of a mulberry tree. There happened to be upon the tree a girl of the harem, employed about silkworms, who overheard their deliberations, and reported them to the lady Keang, the prince's wife. Her mistress put her to death, and said to the prince, "You wish to go again upon your travels. I have put to death one who overheard your design [Meaning so to prevent the thing getting talked about]." The prince protested that he had no such purpose; but his wife said to him, "Go. By cherishing me and reposing here, you are ruining your fame. The prince refused to leave; and she then consulted with Tsze-fan, made the prince drunk, and sent him off, his followers carrying him with them. When he awoke, he seized a spear, and ran after Tszefan.
'When they came to Ts'aou, duke Kung, having heard that the prince's ribs presented the appearance of one solid bone, wished to see him naked, and pressed near to look at him when he was bathing. The wife of He Foo-ke [an officer of Ts'aou] said to her husband, "When I look at the followers of the prince of Tsin, every one of them is fit to be chief minister of a State. If he only use their help, he is sure to return to Tsin and be its marquis; and when that happens, he is sure to obtain his ambition, and become leader of the States. He will then punish all who have been discourteous to him, and Ts'aou will be the first to suffer. Why should you not go quickly, and show yourself to be a different man from the earl and his creatures. On this, Foo-ke sent the prince a dish of meat, with a peih of jade also in it. The prince accepted the meat, but returned the peih.
'When they came to Sung, the duke presented to the prince 20 teams of horses; but when they came to Ch'ing, duke Wăn there was another to behave uncivilly. Shuh-chen remonstrated with him, saying, "I have heard that men cannot attain to the excellence of him whose way is opened by Heaven. The prince of Tsin has three things which make it likely that Heaven may be going to establish him;—I pray your lordship to treat him courteously. When husband and wife are of the same surname, their children do not prosper and multiply. The prince of Tsin [himself a Ke] had a Ke for his mother; and yet he continues till now:—this is one thing. During all his troubles, a fugitive abroad, Heaven has not granted quiet to the State of Tsin, which would seem as if it were preparing the way for his return to it:—this is a second thing. There are three of his officers, sufficient to occupy the highest places; and yet they adhere to him:— this is the third thing. Tsin and Ch'ing, moreover, are of the same stock. You might be expected to treat courteously any scions of Tsin passing through the State; and how much more should you so treat him whose way Heaven is thus opening!" To this remonstrance, the earl of Ch'ing would not listen.
'When they came to Ts'oo, the viscount of Ts'oo was one day feasting the prince, and said, "If you return to Tsin, and become its marquis, how will you recompense my kindness to you?" The prince replied, "Women, gems, and silks, your lordship has. Feathers, hair, ivory and hides, are all produced in your lordship's country; those of them that come to Tsin, are but your superabundance. What then should I have with which to recompense your kindness?" 'Nevertheless," urged the viscount, "how would you recompense me?" The prince replied, "If by your lordship's powerful influence I shall recover the State of Tsin, should Ts'oo and Tsin go to war and meet in the plain of the Middle Land, I will withdraw from your lordship three stages [each of 30 le]. If then I do not receive your commands to cease from hostilities, with my whip and my bow in my left hand, and my quiver and my bow-case on my right, I will manœuvre with your lordship."
'On this, Tsze-yuh, [Ch'ing Tih-shin of the Chuen on p. 3], begged that the prince might be put to death, but the viscount said, "The prince of Tsin is a grand character, and yet distinguished by moderation, highly accomplished and yet courteous. His followers are severely grave and yet generous, loyal and of untiring ability. The present marquis of Tsin has none who are attached to him. In his own State and out of it, he is universally hated. I have heard, moreover, that the Kes of Tsin, the descendants of Shuh of T'ang [See the Shoo, V. ix.], though they might afterwards decay, yet would not perish;— may not this be about to be verified in the prince? When Heaven intends to prosper a man, who can stop him? He who opposes Heaven must incur great guilt."
'After this, the viscount sent the prince away with an escort to Ts'in, where the earl presented him with five ladies, Hwae Ying [the earl's daughter, who had been given to Yu, who fled from Ts'in, and became duke Hwae of Tsin] among them. The prince made her hold a goblet, and pour water from it for him to wash his hands. When he had done, he ordered her away with a motion of his wet hands [the meaning of the Chuen here is variously taken], on which she said in anger, "Ts'in and Tsin are equals; why do you treat me so, as if I were mean?" The prince became afraid, and humbled himself, putting off his robes, and assuming the garb of a prisoner.
Another day, the earl invited him to a feast, when Tsze-fan said, "I am not so accomplished as Ts'uy; pray make him attend you. The prince sang the Ho-shwuy [a lost ode; unless, indeed, as is likely, the Meen-shwuy, II. iii. IX., is intended, so that the prince would compare himself to the Ho, and Ts'in to the sea, to which the Ho flows], and the earl, the Luh-yueh [She, II. iii. ode II. The ode celebrates the services of an ancient noble in the cause of the kingdom, as if the earl of Ts'in were auspicing such services to be rendered hereafter by the prince of Tsin]. Chaou Ts'uy said, "Ch'ung-urh, render thanks for the earl's gift." The prince then descended the steps, and bowed with his head to the ground. The earl also descended a step, and declined such a demonstration. Ts'uy said, "When your lordship laid your charge on Ch'ung-urh as to how he should assist the son of Heaven, he dared not but make so humble an acknowledgement."']
XXIV. Twenty-fourth year.
1 It was the duke's twenty-fourth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, the Teih invaded Ch'ing.
3 It was autumn, the seventh month.
4 In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] left [Chow], and resided in Ch'ing.
5 E-woo, marquis of Tsin, died.
Par. 1. [The Chuen continues the account of the fortunes of Ch'ung-urh in the following narratives:—
1st. 'In spring, the earl of Ts'in restored Ch'ung-urh:—the event is not recorded in the text, because the marquis of Tsin did not announce his entrance to Loo. When the invaders came to the Ho, Tsze-fan delivered up to the prince a pair of peih [which he had received from the earl of Ts'in], saying, "Your servant has followed your lordship all about under heaven, as if bearing a halter and bridle; and my offences have been very many. I know them myself, and much more does your lordship know them. Allow me from this time to disappear." The prince said, "Wherein I do not continue to be of the same mind as my uncle [Tsze-fan was the brother of the prince's mother], may the Spirit of this clear water punish me!" And at the same time he threw the peih into the stream. Having crossed the Ho, the troops laid siege to Ling-hoo, entered Sangts'euen, and took Kew-ts'uy. In the 2d month, on Keah-woo, the army of Tsin came to meet them, and took post at Leu-lew. The earl of Ts'in sent his general Chih, a son of duke Ch'ing, to it, when it retired, and encamped in Sun. There, on Sin-ch'ow, Hoo Yen and the great officers of Ts'in and Tsin made a covenant. On Jin-yin the prince entered the army of Tsin; on Ping-woo, he entered K'euh-yuh; on Ting-we, he went solemnly to the temple of duke Woo; and on Mow-shin, he caused duke Hwae to be put to death in Kaou-leang. This does not appear in the text for the same reason that no announcement of it was made to Loo.'
2d. 'Leu and Keoh [Leu E-sang and Keoh Juy, ministers of dukes Hwuy and Hwae], fearing lest the new marquis should be hard upon them, planned to burn the palace and murder him. P'e, the chief of the eunuchs [who had been commissioned by his father, duke Heen, and afterwards, by his brother, duke Hwuy, to kill Ch'ung-urh], begged an interview, but the marquis sent to reproach him, and refused to see him, saving, "In the affair at the city of P'oo, my father ordered you to be at the place the next day, and you came on that same day. Afterwards, when I was hunting on the banks of the Wei with the chief of the Teih, you came, in behalf of duke Hwuy, to seek for me and kill me. He ordered you to reach the place in three days, and you reached it in two. Although the undertaking was by your ruler's orders, why were you so rapid in the execution? The sleeve [of which you cut off a part at P'oo] is still in my possession;—go away." P'e replied, "I said to myself that his lordship, entering the State [after so long a period of trial], was sure to have knowledge [of the world]. If he still have it not, he will again find himself in difficulties. It is the ancient rule, that, when an officer receives his ruler's commands, he think of no other individual. Charged to remove the danger of my ruler, I regarded nothing but how I might be able to do it. What was his lordship at P'oo, or among the Teih, to me? Now his lordship is master of the State;—is there no P'oo, are there no Teih [against which he may need my help]? Duke Hwan of Ts'e forgot all about the shooting of the buckle of his girdle, and made Kwan Chung his chief minister. If his lordship is going to act differently, I shall not trouble him to say anything to me. There are very many who will have to go away, and not a poor eunuch like me only." The marquis then saw him, when he told him of the impending attempt, on which the marquis, in the 3d month, secretly withdrew, and joined the earl of Ts'in in the [old] royal city. On Ke-ch'ow, the last day of the moon, the palace was set on fire; but Săng of Hea and Keoh Juy [of course] did not find the marquis. They then proceeded to the Ho, from which the earl of Ts'in contrived to wile them to his presence, when he put them to death. The marquis then met his wife, the lady Ying, and took her with him to Tsin. The earl sent an escort also of 3,000 men as guards, and who should superintend all the departments of service about the court.'
3d. 'In earlier years, the marquis had a personal attendant called T'aou-seu, who had charge of his treasury. This boy, when the prince was obliged to flee, ran away, carrying the contents of the treasury with him. He had used them all, however, in seeking to procure the marquis's return; and when he did re-enter the State, he sought an interview with him. The marquis declined to see him, and sent word that he was bathing. T'aou-seu said to the servant [who brought the reply], 'In bathing, the heart is turned upside down [Referring to the position of the body in bathing, with the head bent down], and one's plans are all reversed. It was natural I should be told that I cannot see him. Those who stayed in Tsin were his ministers, guarding the altars of the land; and those who went with him were his servants, carrying halter and bridle. Both may stand accepted. Why must he look on those who stayed in the country as criminals? If he, now lord of the State, show such enmity to a poor man like me, multitudes will be filled with alarm." The servant reported these words to the marquis, who instantly granted T'aou-seu an interview.'
4th. 'The chief of the Teih sent Ke Wei to Tsin, and asked what should be done with the marquis's two children by her. The marquis had given [a daughter of his own] to Chaou Ts'uy to wife, who bore to him T'ung of Yuen, Kwoh of Ping, and Ying of Low. This lady—Chaou Ke—begged her husband that he would bring home from the Teih his son Tun, with his mother Shuh Wei. Tsze-yu [Chaou Ts'uy's designation] refused to do so, but Ke said, "He who in the enjoyment of present prosperity forgets his old friends is not fit to command others. You must meet them, and bring them here" She pressed the matter so strongly, that at last he agreed that they should come. Finding that Tun was possessed of ability, she further pressed it earnestly on the marquis, her father, to cause him to be declared Ts'uy's eldest son and heir, while her own three sons were ranked below him. She also caused Shuh Wei to be made mistress of the harem, and occupied herself in an inferior position.'
5th. 'When the marquis of Tsin was rewarding those who had followed and adhered to him during his long exile, Keae Che-ts'uy [who had once cut off a portion of his own thigh, to relieve the prince's extreme hunger] did not ask for any recompense, and it so happened that none came to him. "The sons of duke Heen," said he, "were nine, and only the marquis remains. Hwuy and Hwae made no friends, and were abandoned by all, whether in the State or out of it. But Heaven had not abandoned the House of Tsin, and was sure to raise some one to preside over its sacrifices;—and who should do that but the marquis? It was Heaven who placed him in his present position; and how false it is in those officers to think it was their strength which did it! He who steals but the money of another man is pronounced a thief; what name shall be given to them who seek to appropriate to themselves the work of Heaven? They, below, think their guilt is their righteousness, and the marquis, above, rewards their unworthiness. He above and they below are deceiving and deceived; it is difficult for me to dwell along with them!" His mother said to him, "Why not go, as well as others, and ask for some recompense? If you die-without receiving any, [never having asked], of whom can you complain?" He replied, "Were I to imitate them in their wrongdoing, my offence would be greater than theirs. And I have spoken [what may seem] words of resentment and complaint:—I will eat none of their food." His mother said, "But what say you to letting your case at least be known?" "Words," answered he, "are an embellishment of the person. I shall withdraw my person entirely from the world, and why should I use what is employed to seek its embellishment?" His mother said, "Can you take this course? Then I will retire and hide myself from the world with you." The marquis of Tsin afterwards sought for Keae Che-ts'uy, but in vain, and endowed a sacrifice to him with the fields of Meen-shang. "It will be a memento," said he, "of my neglect, and a mark of distinction for the good man.'
Par. 2. The Chuen says on this:—'When the troops of Ch'ing entered Hwah [see XX. 4], the people of Hwah received its commands; but when they withdrew, it went over again to Wei. Sze, son of the earl of Ch'ing, and Seeh Too-yumei went against it with a force, when the king sent Pih-fuh and Yew-sun Pih to intercede with Ch'ing in behalf of Hwah; but the earl, resenting how king Hwuy, on his restoration [to the capital], had not conferred a cup on duke Le [See the Chuen at III. xxi. 2 3], and also how king Seang now took the part of Wei and Hwăh, would not listen to his commands, and made the two officers prisoners. The king was angry, and wished to invade Ch'ing with the Teih. Foo Shin remonstrated with him, saying, 'Do not do this. Your servant has heard that in the highest antiquity the people were kept in tranquillity by virtue. Subsequently to this, the sovereigns showed favour to their own relatives, and went on from them to others. Thus the duke of Chow, grieved by the want of harmony in the concluding times [of the two previous dynasties], raised the relatives of the royal House to the rule of States, that they might act as fences and screens to Chow. The princes of Kwan, Ts'ae, Shing, Hoh, Loo, Wei, Maou, Tan, Kaou, Yung, Ts'aou, T'ăng, Peih, Yuen, Fung, and Seun were all sons of king Wăn. Those of Yu, Tsin, Ying, and Han were sons of king Woo. Those of Fan, Tseang, Hing, Maou, Tsoo, and Chae were descendants of the duke of Chow. Duke Muh of Shaou, thinking of the defectiveness of the virtue of Chow, assembled all the members of the royal House in Ch'ing-chow, and made the ode which says [She, II.i. ode IV.],
'The flowers of the cherry tree,— Are they not gorgeously displayed? Of all the men in the world, There are none like brothers.' In the 4th stanza it is said,
'Brothers may squabble inside the walls, But they will resist insult from without.' Thus, although brothers may have small quarrels among themselves, they will not for them cast away their relative affection. But now, when Your Majesty, unable to bear the resentment of a slight quarrel, is casting away the affection of Ch'ing, what is to be said? And to employ the meritorious, to show affection to one's relatives, to cultivate the acquaintance of those near at hand, and to honour the worthy: —these are the greatest of virtues. To approach the deaf and to follow the blind, to agree with the way ward and to use the stupid:—these are the greatest of evils. To cast away what is virtuous and give honour to what is evil, is the greatest of calamities. To Ch'ing belongs the merit of assisting king P'ing and king Hwuy, and its [first earl] was most intimate with Le and Seuen; it recently put away its favoured minister and son, and has been employing the three good men; of all the States of the Kes it lies nearest to us:—it gives the opportunity for displaying the [above] four virtues. He whose ear does not hear the harmony of the five sounds is deaf; he whose eye does not distinguish the beauty of the five colours is blind; he whose mind does not accord with the rules of virtue and righteousness is wayward; he whose mouth does not speak the words of loyalty and faith is a stupid chatterer. The Teih approximate to all these four conditions, and to follow them will display the above four evils. When Chow was distinguished by admirable virtue, it still said that none were equal to brothers, and advanced them to the rule of States. While it was cherishing with gentle indulgence all under heaven, it was still afraid lest insult should be offered from without; and knowing that to withstand such insult there was no plan so good as to treat with distinguishing affection its relatives, it therefore made them a screen to its domains. Muh of Shaou also expressed himself to the same effect. And now, when the virtue of Chow is in decay, to proceed at this time to depart farther from the maxims of the dukes of Chow aud Shaou, and follow the way of all evil, surely this is wrong. Before the people have forgotten their sufferings, you make them commence again;—how will this affect the inheritance transmitted by Wăn and Woo?" The king would not listen to this advice, but sent T'ui Shuh and the officer T'aou forth with the army of the Teih.
'In summer, the Teih invaded Ch'ing, and took Leih. The king, feeling grateful for their service, was minded to make the daughter of their chief his queen. Again Foo Shin remonstrated, saying, "Do not. Your servant has heard that the rewarder gets tired, and the receiver is never satisfied. The Teih most certainly are covetous and greedy, and yet your Majesty is ministering to their disposition. It is the nature of women to be limitless in their desires, and their resentment is undying. The Teih will certainly be your majesty's sorrow." Again, the king would not listen to him. Before this, duke Ch'aou of Kan [The king's brother Tae, whom we have met with before] had been the favourite of king Hwuy's queen, who wished to get the throne for him, but dying before this could be secured, duke Ch'aou flod to Ts'e [See the 12th year]. King Seang had restored him [in the 22d year]; and now he went on to have intercourse with the lady Wei [the king's Teih wife]. who was thereupon degraded by the king. T'ui Shuh and the officer T'aou said, "It was we who procured the employment of the Teih; their resentment will fall on us." On this they set up T'ae-shuh [duke Ch'aou], and with an army of the Teih attacked the king. His guards wished to withstand them, but the king said, "What will my father's queen say of me? It is better to let the States take measures for the occasion." He then left the capital, and proceeded to K'an-t'an. from which the people brought him back. In autumn, T'ui Shuh and T'aou-tsze, supporting T'ae-shuh, invaded Chow with an army of the Teih, inflicted a great defeat on the royal forces, and took Ke-foo, duke of Chow, the earls of Yuen and Maou, and Foo Shin. The king betook himself to Ch'ing, and resided in Fan, while T'ae-shuh and the lady Wei dwelt in Wăn.'
[The Chuen appends here two other narratives:—'Tsze-tsang, younger brother of Hwa, heir-son of Ch'ing [who was put to death in the 16th year], had fled to Sung. There he was fond of wearing a cap made of the feathers of the kingfisher. The earl of Ch'ing heard of it, and was displeased, and employed some ruffiaus to induce him to follow them, when, in the 8th month, they killed him between Ch'in and Sung. The superior man may say that when the clothes are not befitting, it indicates calamity to the person. The ode [She I. xiv. ode II.] says,
"Those creatures Are not equal to their apparel." The clothes of Tsze-tsang were not such as were befitting him. The language of another ode (II. vi. ode III. 3),
"I have myself caused the distress," may be conisdered applicable to Tsze-tsang. In the Books of Hea [Shoo, II.ii.8] it is said, "The earth is reduced to order, and the influences of Heaven operate with effect:"—there was a correspondency between them.'
'Sung having made peace with Ts'oo, duke Ch'ing of Sung went to Ts'oo. On his return, he entered the capital of Ch'ing, when the earl, wishing to feast him, asked Hwang Woo-tsze about the ceremonies to be employed. Woo-tsze replied, "The dukes of Sung are the descendants of the last dynasty. They appear as guests at the court of Chow. When the son of Heaven sacrifices, he sends them portions of the flesh; when they condole with him on occasion of a death, he bows to them and thanks them. Let your ceremonies be abundant and generous." The earl acted accordingly, and feasted the duke of Sung with extraordinary ceremonies.']
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—"In winter, the king sent a messenger to announce his troubles to Loo, saying, "Without goodness, without virtue, I offended my own brother Tae, the favoured son of our mother, and I am now as a borderer in the country of Ch'ing, in Fan. I venture to make this known to my uncle." Tsang Wăn-chung said, "The son of Heaven is covered with dust, driven out from Chow. We dare not but fly to ask for his officers and guards." The king sent Keen Sze-foo to inform Tsin of his circumstances, and Tso Yen-foo to inform Ts'in. The son of Heaven cannot be said to leave his country, and yet he is said in the text to have done so;—because he was avoiding the troubles raised by his own brother. For the son of Heaven to wear mourning garments, and to assume such depreciating names for himself, [as in his message to Loo], was proper [in king Seang's circumstances]. The earl of Ch'ing, with K'ung Tseang-tsoo, Shih Keah-foo, and How Seuen-to, examined and saw that the officers sent sufficient supplies to Fan, and then attended to the government of their own State;—which was proper.'
Par. 5. E-woo, or duke Hwuy, died the previous year; but it is supposed that the announcement of his death was only now made to Loo.
[The Chuen adds here the following account: —'A force from Wei was about to invade Hing, when Le Che said [to the marquis of Wei], "If you do not make sure of some of its ministers, the State cannot be secured." Let me and my brother go and take office there." On this the two went to Hing, and became officers in it.']
XXV. Twenty-fifth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Ping-woo, Wei, marquis of Wei, extinguished Hing.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Kwei-yew, Wei, marquis of Wei, died.
3 The duke's eldest daughter, married to a Tang of Sung, came [to Loo] to meet the wife [for her son].
4 Sung put to death [one of] its great officers.
5 In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo invested [the capital of] Ch'in, and restored the viscount of Tun to Tun.
6 There was the burial of duke Wăn of Wei.
7 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Kwei-hae, the duke had a meeting with the heir-son of Wei and K'ing of Keu, when they made a covenant in T'aou.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:— 'In spring, a force from Wei invaded Hing. The two Le [see the last Chuen] were following Kwoh-tsze and going round the city-wall, when they held him fast in their arms, and went off with him to the outside, killing him. In the 1st month, on Ping-woo, Wei, marquis of Wei, extinguished Hing. The lords of Wei and Hing were of the same surname, and therefore the text gives the name of the marquis; —[to his disgrace]. Le Che had the words engraved on a vessel,—"I grasped Kwoh-tsze in my arms and killed him. No one dared to stop me;"—[thus publishing his own shame.]
We see that the preservation of Hing, one of the great achievements of duke Hwan of Ts'e [see III. xxxii. 7; V. i. 2, 3, 4] did not long avail for that State. What is remarkable, is that it should perish at last at the hands of Wei, which had been reduced by the same Teih to even greater straits than itself [see IV. ii. 7]. Most of the critics lay great stress, like Tso-she, on the name of the marquis of Wei being found here in the text; and a passage of the Le Ke [I. Pt. II. ii. 21] is referred to, which would make it out that the mention of the name is condemnatory, and stamps the wickedness of the marquis of Wei in extinguishing a State held by a prince of the same surname as himself. But the canon in that passage was, no doubt, made to suit this single text. Choo He imagines that the ? here has got into the text, by the error of a copyist, from the next paragraph.
Par. 2. From the last Chuen on IV. ii. it appears that this prince was a man of perseverance and resources. His character, however, does not stand high with the critics;—see the remarks of Ke Pun in the ?? on this passage.
Par. 3. There was a powerful family of the clan-name of Tang in Sung, and duke He's eldest daughter must have been married to the head, or some principal scion of it, though the match is not mentioned in the classic. Here she comes to Loo to take back a wife, we must suppose for her son; but nothing is said from what family the young lady was taken. On the phrase ??, instead of ??, compare ??, in XXXI.7. The ? is determined by the ?, the husband's mother, being the other party in the transaction.
Par. 4. Comp. III. xxvi. 3. It is folly to seek for mysteries in the silence of the text as to the name of the officer here spoken of. Kung-yang thinks that the duke of Sung had married his daughter, and did not dare therefore, in announcing his death to Loo, to mention his wife's father. Kuh-leang thinks he was a K'ung (?), and that Confucius purposely kept back the name of one of his ancestors!
[The Chuen appends here:— 'The earl of Ts'in was with an army on the Ho, intending to restore the king [See 4th par. of last year], when Hoo Yen said to the marquis of Tsin, "If you are seeking the adherence of the States, you can do nothing better than to show an earnest interest in the king's behalf. The States will thereby have faith in you, and you will have done an act of great righteousness. Now is the time to show again such service as was rendered by the marquis Wăn [See the Shoo, V.xxviii], and to get your fidelity proclaimed among the States." The marquis made the master of divination, Yen, consult the tortoise-shell about the undertaking. He did so and said, 'The oracle is auspicious.—that of Hwang-te's battle in Fants'euen." The marquis said, "That oracle is too great for me." The diviner replied, "The rules of Chow are not changed. The king of to-day is the emperor of antiquity." The marquis then said, "Try it by the milfoil." They consulted the reeds, and found the diagram Ta-yew [*], which then became the diagram K'wei [*]. The diviner said, "This also is auspicious. In this diagram we have the oracle, —'A prince presents his offerings to the son of Heaven.' A battle and victory; the king receiving your offerings:—what more fortunate response could there be? Moreover, in these diagrams, the trigram of heaven (*) becomes that of a marsh, (*) lying under the sun, indicating how the son of Heaven condescends to meet your lordship:— is not this also encouraging? If we leave the diagram K'wei, and come back to Ta-yew, it also tells of success where its subject goes." On this the marquis of Tsin declined the assistance of the army of Ts'in, and went down the Ho. In the 3d month, on Keah-shin, he halted at Yangfan, when the army of the right proceeded to invest Wăn, and that of the left to meet the king.'
'In summer, in the 4th month, on Ting-sze, the king re-entered the royal city. T'ae-shuh was taken in Wăn, and put to death at Seihshing. On Mow-woo, the marquis of Tsin had an audience of the king, who feasted him with sweet spirits, and gave him gifts to increase his joy. The marquis asked that the privilege of being carried to his grave through a subterranean passage might be granted him, but the king refused, saying, "This is the distinction of us kings. Where there is not conduct to supersede the holders of the kingdom, to make one's-self a second king is what you yourself, my uncle, would hate." Notwithstanding this refusal, the king conferred on Tsin the lands of Yang-fan, Wăn, Yuen, Tswanmaou; and Tsin proceeded to occupy the district of Nan-yang. Yang-fan refused to submit, and the troops of Tsin laid siege to it. Ts'ang Koh cried out, "It is virtue by which the people of the Middle State are cherished; it is by severity that the wild tribes around are awed. It is right we should not venture to submit to you. Here are none but the king's relatives and kin;—and will you make them captive" On this the marquis allowed the people to quit the city.'
Par. 5. Tun was a small State, whose lords were Kes, with the title of viscounts;—in the pres. Ho-nan, dis. Shang-shwuy, dep. Ch'in-chow. It was extinguished by Ts'oo in the 14th year of duke Ting. The Chuen says:—"In autumn, Ts'in and Tsin invaded the State of Joh. At that time, Tow K'ih and K'euh Yu-k'ow, with the forces of Shin and Seih, were guarding the territory of Shang-meih on behalf of Ts'oo. The troops of Ts'in, passing by a shaded spot near Seih [a town of Ts'oo], entered it, and bound many of their people [to make them appear as prisoners whom they had taken], with whom they proceeded to besiege Shang-meih, taking care to approach it in the dusk. During the night, they dug a pit, in which they placed a quantity of blood, showing also a writing over it, pretending that these were the proofs of a covenant with Tsze-e and Tsze-peen [the above Tow and K'euh]. The people of Shang-meih became afraid, and concluded that Ts'in had taken Seih, and that the guards had gone away to their own State. They surrendered, therefore, to the army of Ts'in, which also made prisoners of Tsze-e duke of Shin, and Tsze-peen, duke of Seih. Tsze-yuh, chief minister of Ts'oo, pursued the army of Ts'in, but could not overtake it, on which he laid siege to the capital of Ch'in, and restored the viscount of Tun to his State.'
Par. 6. [The Chuen introduces here the following narrative:—'In winter, the marquis of Tsin laid siege to Yuen, and, having ordered the soldiers to be provided with 3 days' provisions, said that if within 3 days Yuen did not surrender, he would give up the siege. On the third day, spies came out and told that Yuen was going to surrender next evening. The officers of the army entreated the marquis to wait till then; but he said, "Good faith is the precious jewel of a State, and what the people depend upon. If I get Yuen and lose my good faith, of what protection could the people be assured? My loss would be much greater than my gain." He then withdrew the troops, but when they had retired 30 le, Yuen sent and surrendered. The marquis removed Pih-kwan, governor of Yuen, to Ke. Chaou Ts'ui was made governor of Yuen, and Hoo Tsin governor of Wăn.']
Par. 7. T'aou,—see on III. xxvii. 1. K'ing of Keu, see III. xxvii. 5. The Chuen says:—'Wei had brought about peace between Keu and us. By this covenant at T'aou, the duke renewed with his son the good understanding which he had had with duke Wăn of Wei, and declared his friendship with Keu.' The late marquis of Wei was now buried, but his successor is still mentioned here simply as ?, 'son,' and not by the title 'marquis.' The reason probably is that the year in which the father died had not yet expired, and not to praise him as 'son-like,' carrying out the wishes of his father to reconcile Loo and Keu.
[The Chuen adds here:—'The marquis of Tsin consulted Poh-t'e, chief of the eunuchs, as to who should be put in charge of Yuen. Poht'e [the eunuch P'e, mentioned before], replied, "Formerly, when Chaou Ts'uy was following your wanderings, carrying with him a pot of food, he did not take any of it, though he was suffering from hunger." On this account, Ts'uy was appointed to the charge of Yuen.']
XXVI. Twenty-sixth year.
1 In his twenty-sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Ke-we, the duke had a meeting with the viscount of Keu and Ning Suh of Wei, when they made a covenant in Heang.
2 A body of men from Ts'e made an incursion into our western borders, when the duke pursued the army of Ts'e to He, but did not come up with it.
3 In summer, a body of men from Ts'e invaded our northern borders.
4 A body of men from Wei invaded Ts'e.
5 Suy, son of duke [Chwang], went to Ts'oo, to beg [the assistance of] an army.
6 In autumn, an officer of Ts'oo extinguished K'wei, and carried the viscount of K'wei back with them.
7 In winter, a body of men from Ts'oo invaded Sung, and besieged Min.
8 The duke, with an army of Ts'oo, invaded Ts'e, and took Kuh.
9 The duke arrived from the invasion of Ts'e.
Par. 1. Heang,— sec on I.ii.2 : II.xvi.4. This Heang was probably that of Keu. The Chuen tells us that the count of Keu was styled Tszep'ei (?*), and that Ning Suh [Kung-yang, here and afterwards, has *, was the officer known by his honorary title of Chwang (??), adding that this meeting was to confirm the previous one at T'aou. The count of Keu had only been there by one of his officers, while here he attended in person:—the reconciliation of Loo and Keu might be considered complete.
Par. 2. Kung-yang has here *, and Kuhleang *, instead of *. Tso-she has ? for ?. He says that the incursion was made by Ts'e, to punish Loo for the two covenants at T'aou and Heang. A better reason may be found in the antagonistic position which Loo took to the present marquis of Ts'e on his accession;— see on XVIII. 2. He was a town of Ts'e, in the south-west of pres. dis. of Tung-o, dep. Yen-chow. The K'ang-he editors have a long note on the change of style in the par. from ? ? to ? ?, which has wonderfully vexed the critics. If the commonly accepted view, that the term ? is used of a small body of men under a commander of mean rank, and ? is used of a large body of men under a similar command, were indubitably certain, we might be perplexed by the change of terms; but the text surely is an instance in point to show that the two forms of expression may be used to convey the same meaning. Or if it be insisted on that ? ?' an officer of Ts'e,' one of no great rank, commanding in the incursion, the ? ? can only mean 'the army' or force which he conducted.
Par. 3. Duke Heaou of Ts'e was himself present with these invading forces. The Chuen says: —'Duke Heaou of Ts'e invaded our northern borders. Duke He sent Chen He to offer provisions to the invading forces, having first made him receive instructions from Chen K'in[the famous Lew-hea Hwuy, He's father]. Accordingly, before the marquis of Ts'e had entered our borders, Chen He followed in his track, came up with him, and said, "My prince, hearing that your lordship was on the march and condescending to come to his small city, has sent myself, his poor servant, with these presents for your officers." The marquis asked whether the people of Loo were afraid. "Small people," replied He, "are afraid; but the superior men are not." "Your houses," said the marquis, "are empty as a hanging musical-stone, and in your fields there is no green grass;—on what do they rely that they are not afraid?" He answered, "They rely on the charge of a former king. Formerly the duke of Chow and T'ae-kung were legs and arms to the House of Chow, and supported and aided king Ch'ing, who rewarded them, and gave them a charge, saying,'From generation to generation let your descendants refrain from harming one another.' It was preserved in the repository of Charges, under the care of the grand-master [of Chow]. Thus it was that when duke Hwan assembled the various States, taking measures to cure the want of harmony among them, to heal their short-comings, and to relieve those who were in distress. In all this he was illustrating that ancient charge. When your lordship took his place, all the States were full of hope, saying, He will carry on the meritorious work of Hwan.' On this account our poor State did not presume to protect itself by collecting its multitudes; and now we say, 'Will he, after possessing Ts'e nine years, forget that ancient charge, and cast aside the duty enjoined in it? What in that case would his father say?' Your lordship surely will not do such a thing. It is on this that we rely, and are not afraid." On this the marquis of Ts'e returned.
Par.4. Tso-she says this movement of Wei was a consequence of the covenant of T'aou. Wei and Loo had probably then agreed to support each other against Ts'e.
Par. 5. Though Loo had succeeded in inducing the marquis of Ts'e to withdraw his army, as related in the last Chuen, it wished to be prepared against Ts'e in the future, and even to commence hostilities against it in its turn;— this was the reason of this mission to Ts'oo. The Suy in the text had the clan-name of Tungmun, [because he had his residence by the 'eastern gate']. The Chuen says:—'Tung-mun Seang [the hon. title] -chung, and Tsang Wănchung went to Ts'oo to ask the assistance of an army. Tsang-sun [the above Wăn-chung] had an interview with Tsze-yuh [the minister of Ts'oo], and tried to persuade him to attack Ts'e and Sung, on the ground of their not performing their duty to the king.'
Par. 6. K'wei (Kung-yang has ?) was a small State in the pres. dis, of Kwei-chow (? ?), dep. E-ch'ang (? ?), Hoo-pih. Its ruling family was of the same surname as the lords of Ts'oo,—an off-shoot from the ruling House of that State. The Chuen says:—'The count of K'wei did not sacrifice to Chuh-yung and Yuh-heung [the remote ancestors of the House of Ts'oo and also of K'wei], and an officer was sent from Ts'oo to reprove him. He replied. "The founder of our State, Heung Che, was afflicted with a disease, from which those Spirits did not deliver him, and he was obliged to hide himself here in K'wei. In this way we lost our connection with Ts'oo, and why should we offer these sacrifices?" In autumn, Ch'ing Tih-shin [the prime minister of Ts'oo, Tsze-yuh] and Tow E-shin led an army and extinguished K'wei, when they carried the viscount back with them to Ts'oo."
Par. 7. For ? Kuh-leang has ?. Min,— see on XXIII.1. The Chuen says:—'The duke of Sung, in consequence of the service which he had rendered to the marquis of Tsin in his wanderings [see the Chuen at the end of the 23d year], ventured to revolt from Ts'oo and adhere to Tsin. In winter, Tsze-yuh, chief minister of Ts'oo, and Tsze-se, minister of War, invaded Sung with a force, and laid siege to Min.'
Par. 8. This is the sequel of par. 5. Kuh,— see III. vii. 4, et al. The Chuen says:—'Whenever an army is at one's disposal to move it to the right or left, we have the term ?. On this occasion, the duke placed Yung, one of the song of duke Hwan of T'se in Kuh, where Yihya supported him, as an aid to Loo, while Shuhhow, duke of Shin, guarded the place on behalf of Ts'oo. Seven of the sons of duke Hwan were great officers in Ts'oo.'
XXVII. Twenty-seventh year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-seventh year, the viscount of Ke paid a court-visit to Loo.
2 In summer, in the sixth month, on Kăng-yin, Ch'aou, marquis of Ts'e, died.
3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Yih-we, there was the burial of duke Heaou of Ts'e.
4 On Yih-sze, Suy, son of duke [Chwang], led an army and entered Ke.
5 In winter, an officer of Ts'oo, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Ts'ae, the earl of Ch'ing, and the baron of Heu, laid siege to [the capital of] Sung.
6 In the twelfth month, on Keah-seuh, the duke had a meeting with the [above] princes, when they made a covenant in Sung.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'Duke Hwan of Ke paid a court-visit, and used the ceremonies of the E, for which reason he is called merely viscount. The duke despised Ke, because of its want of respectfulness.' This explanation of the title viscount here must be incorrect; see what is said on ? ? in XXIII.4. Even the K'ang-he editors reject Tso-she's view in this place. The lords of Ke had been degraded by the king to the rank of viscount; we shall find hereafter that they regained one step of dignity. It may be mentioned that the viscount in the text is the same who is mentioned in V. 2. as presented by his mother, a sister of duke He, at the court of Loo, when he was a child. He himself became, a few years after this, a son-inlaw of He.
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'At this time Loo had reason for resentment against Ts'e, but the duke did not neglect the observances proper in cases of death;—which was proper.'
Par. 3. For some reason or other the interment was hurried.
Par. 4. Too observes that the date here must be wrong;—there was no Yih-sze in the 8th month of this year, but that day was the 6th of the 9th month. The Chuen says that this attack of Ke was to punish it for the neglect of the proper ceremonies, assumed in the Chuen on the 1st par. Most critics condemn the action of Loo in making this return to the viscount for his visit in the spring;—and properly. Chaou P'ăng-fei (???) says that the true character of Loo may be seen in it (? ? ? ?,? ? ? ?), timorous and crouching before the strong, arrogant and oppressive to the weak.
Par. 5. The Chuen says here:—' The viscount of Ts'oo, wishing to lay siege to the capital of Sung, made Tsze-wăn exercise and inspect the troops for the expedition in K'wei, and at the end of a whole morning, he had not punished a single man. Tsze-yuh in the next place was employed to exercise the troops in Wei, and at the day's end he had scourged seven men, amd bored through the ears of three. The elders of the State all congratulated Tsze-wăn [on his recommendation of Tsze-yuh], when he detained them to drink with him. Wei Kea was then still a boy, and came late, offering no congratulations. Tszewăn asked the reason of his conduct, and he replied, "I do not know on what I should congratulate you. You have resigned the government to Tsze-yuh, thinking, no doubt, that his appointment would quiet the State. But with quietness in the State and defeat abroad, what will be gained? The defeat of Tsze-yuh will be owing to your recommendation of him; and what cause for congratulation is there in a recommendation which will bring defeat to the State? Tsze-yuh is a violent man, and regardless of the observances of propriety, so that he is unfit to rule the people. If he be entrusted with the command of more than 300 chariots, he will not enter the capital again. If I congratulate you after he has returned from being entrusted with a larger command, my congratulations will not be too late."
'In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo and several other princes laid siege to the capital of Sung, the duke of which sent Kung-sun Koo to Tsin to report the strait in which he was. Seen Chin said to the marquis,'Now you may recompense the favours received from Sung, and relieve its distress. The opportunity is now presented to acquire the proper majesty and make sure of the leadership of the States." Hoo Yen said, "Ts'oo has just secured the adherence of Ts'aou, and recently contracted a marriage with Wei. If we invade Ts'aou and Wei, Ts'oo will be sure to go to their help, and so Sung and Ts'e will be delivered from it." On this, the marquis ordered a hunting in Pe-leu, and formed a third army [see the Chuen after IV. 1.6]. He then consulted about a commander-in-chief. Chaou Ts'ui said, "Keoh Hwoh is the man. I have heard him speak. He explains all about music and proprieties, and is versed in the Books of Poetry and History. Those Books are the repository of righteousness, and in music and proprieties we have the patterns of virtue, while virtue and righteousness are roots of all advantage. In the Books of Hea [Shoo, II. i. 8, where there is some difference in the text] it is said, 'They were appointed by their speech; they were tested by their works; they received chariots and robes according to their services.' Let your lordship make trial of him." On this the marquis appointed Keoh Hwoh to command the second army, that of the centre, with Keoh Tsin as his assistant. Hoo Yen was made commander of the first army, but he declined in favour of Hoo Maou, and acted as his assistant. The marquis ordered Chaou Ts'uy to take the third command, but he declined in favour of Lwan Che and Seen Chin, on which Lwan Che was made commander of the third army, with Seen Chin as his assistant. Seun Lin-foo acted as charioteer for the marquis, and Wei Ch'ow was the spearman on the right.
'When the marquis of Tsin got possession of the State, he taught the people for two years, and then wished to employ them in war. Tsze-fan said, "While the people do not know righteousness, they will not live quietly." On this, beyond the State, the marquis settled the troubles of king Seang, and in it he studied the people's advantage, till their lives were happy and cherished by them He then wished to employ them, but Tsze-fan again said, 'The people do not yet know good faith, and do not understand how they are to be employed." On this the marquis attacked Yuen, and showed them what good faith was, so that in their bargains they sought no advantage, and intelligently fulfilled all their words. "May they now be employed?" asked the marquis, but Tszefan once more replied, 'While they do not know the observances of propriety, their respectfulness is not brought out.' On this, the marquis made great huntings, and showed them the gradations of different ranks, making special officers of degrees to adjust all the services. When the people could receive their orders, without making any mistake, then he employed them, drove out the guards of Kuh [see XXVI. 8], and relieved the siege of Sung. The securing of his leadership of the States by one battle was owing to this intelligent training.'
The 'man of Ts'oo' in the text was Tsze-yuh; but though he commanded, the viscount himself was with the army,—as the Chuen relates.
Par. 6. Loo now belonged to the party of Ts'oo, and the duke therefore went to Sung, to prove his adhesion. The critics needlessly find a great significance in the express mention of 'the duke' (?), and in the use of the general phrase 'the princes' (? ?), without any special mention of 'the viscount of Ts'oo.'
XXVIII. Twenty-eighth year.
1 In the duke's twenty-eighth year, in spring, the marquis of Tsin made an incursion into Ts'aou. He [also] invaded Wei.
2 Mae, son of duke [Chwang], was guarding Wei. [Because] he did not do so successfully, [the duke] put him to death.
3 A body of men from Ts'oo [endeavoured to] relieve Wei.
4 In the third month, on Ping-woo, the marquis of Tsin entered [the capital of] Ts'aou, seized the earl of Ts'aou, and gave him to the people of Sung.
5 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ke-sze, the marquis of Tsin, and the armies of Ts'e, Sung, and Ts'in, fought with the men of Ts'oo in Shing-puh, when the army of Ts'oo was disgracefully defeated.
6 Ts'oo put to death its great officer, Tih-shin.
7 The marquis of Wei left his State, and fled to Ts'oo.
8 In the fifth month, on Kwei-ch'ow, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ts'ae, the earl of Ch'ing, the viscount of Wei, and the viscount of Keu, when they made a covenant at Tseen-t'oo.
9 The marquis of Ch'in went to the [above] meeting.
10 The duke paid a court-visit in the place where the king was.
11 In the sixth month, Ch'ing, marquis of Wei, returned from Ts'oo to his rule in Wei. Yuen Heuen of Wei left the State, and fled to Tsin.
12 Kwan, marquis of Ch'in, died.
13 In autumn, duke [Chwang's] eldest daughter, [married to the former viscount] of Ke, came to Loo.
14 Suy, son of duke [Chwang], went to Ts'e.
15 In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ts'ae, the earl of Ch'ing, the heirson of Ch'in, the viscount of Keu, the viscount of Choo, and an officer of Ts'in, in Wăn.
16 The king [by] Heaven's [grace] held a court of reception in Ho-yang.
17 On Jin-shin, the duke paid a court-visit in the place where the king was.
18 An officer of Tsin seized the marquis of Wei, and carried him to the capital.
19 Yuen Heuen of Wei returned from Tsin to his place in Wei.
20 The princes then besieged [the capital of] Heu.
21 Seang, earl of Ts'aou, was restored to his State, and forth with joined the other princes in the siege of Heu.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'In spring, the marquis of Tsin, wishing to invade Ts'aou, asked to be allowed to march through Wei, but the people of Wei refused the privilege. On this he retraced his steps, and crossed the Ho at its most southern part, made an incursion into Ts'aou, and invaded Wei. In the 1st month, on Mow-shin, he took Woo-luh. In the 2d month, Keoh Hwoh of Tsin died, and Chin of Yuen got the command of the second army, Seu Shin taking his place as assistant-commander of the third, —from the marquis's high consideration of his ability. The marquis of Tsin and the marquis of Ts'e made a covenant at Leen-yu. The marquis of Wei begged to be admitted to it, but Tsin refused. He then wished to take the side of Ts'oo, but the people of the State did not wish this, and thrust him out,—in order to please Tsin. On this he left the capital, and resided at Seang-new.'
The repetition of 'the marquis of Tsin' in the text indicates that the raid into Ts'aou and the attack of Wei were two distinct undertakings, previously determined on. If the meaning were that Tsin seized the opportunity of being in Ts'aou to attack Wei as an afterthought, instead of the second ? ? we should have ?.
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'Mae was guarding Wei in the interest of Ts'oo, and when the people of Ts'oo were unsuccessful in relieving it, the duke became afraid of Tsin, and put Tszets'ung [i.e., Mae] to death to please it, saying at the same time to the people of Ts'oo that he put him to death because he failed in maintaining his guard.' Maou K'e-ling calls this account of the execution of Mae into question, principally because the action of Ts'oo to relieve Wei had not yet been taken, the mention of it being made only in the next par. But this is being hypercritical. The conduct of Loo in the case illustrates the weakness and vacillation in its government, which have already been pointed out. We have here ? instead of ?, the former term being proper to the execution of a great officer in the record made by the historiographers of the State, as Kung-yang says:—? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?. The K'ang-he editors approve of this explanation, and show that the use of the term in the Chow Le, BK. XVI., pp. 47, 48, often adduced in illustration of the text, is different.
Par. 3. Here is another instance of the modified signification that must often be allowed to ?, As Ch'in Foo-leang says, ??? ? ? ? ? ?, 'Ts'oo wished to relieve Wei, but was not able to do so.'
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Tsin besieged the capital of Ts'aou, and in an attack on one of its gates, many of his soldiers were killed. The people of Ts'aou took their bodies, and exposed them on the top of the wall, to his great distress. Having heard his men planning among themselves, and saying, "Let us say that we will go and encamp among their graves," he removed part of the army there. The people of Ts'aou shuddered in their fear, made coffins for the bodies which they had got, and sent them forth from the city. The army of Tsin attacked it while in this consternation, and in the 3d month, on Ping-woo, the marquis entered the city, declared to the earl his fault in not employing He Hoo-ke; and finding that there were 300 men, who rode in the carriages of great officers, he required him to produce the record of their services. He gave orders also that no one should enter the mansion of He Hoo-ke, and granted protection to all his relatives; thus recompensing the favour that He had formerly done him [See the long Chuen at the end of the 23rd year]. Wei Ch'ow and Teen Heeh were angry at this, and said, "The marquis has not tried to recompense all our labour in his cause, and here he makes such a return for a trifling service." On this they went and burned the house of He, when Wei Ch'ow was hurt in the breast in the conflagration. The marquis wished to put him to death [for violating his command]; but regretting to lose his ability and strength, he sent a messenger to ask for him, and to see how he was, intending, should he be very ill, to execute him. Ch'ow bound up his breast, and, when he saw the messenger, said, "By the good influence of his lordship, I have no serious hurt," jumping up thrice at the same time, and leaping crosswise thrice. On this the marquis let him alone, but he put to death Teen Heeh, and sent his head round the army, appointing also Chow Che-k'eaou to be spearman on the right of his chariot in the room of Wei Ch'ow.
'At this time, the duke of Sung sent Pan, the warden of the gates, to the army of Tsin, to tell the marquis in what straits he was. The marquis said, "Sung here announces its distress. If we leave it unrelieved, Sung will break off from us. If we ask Ts'oo to abandon the siege, it will refuse us. And I want to fight with Ts'oo, but Ts'e and Ts'in are still unwilling to join us. What is to be done?" Seen Chin said, "Let Sung leave us; offer bribes to Ts'e and T'in; and get them to intercede with Ts'oo on its behalf. In the meanwhile, let us hold the earl of Ts'aou, and give a portion of the lands of Ts'aou and Wei to the people of Sung. Ts'oo, being fond of Ts'aou and Wei, will be sure to refuse the request of Ts'e and Ts'in, and they, pleased with Sung's bribes, and indignant at Ts'oo's obstinacy, will be ready to take the field with us." The marquis was pleased with the advice, made the earl of Ts'aou his prisoner, and gave over to Sung a portion of the lands of Ts'aou and Wei.'
According to the Chuen, the marquis of Tsin did not give the earl of Ts'aou over to Sung, but only a portion of his State. In the text, however, we can supply no other direct object to ?, but the ? ?, which precedes. The policy of Tsin will be perceived by the reader: —The marquis's object was to set Ts'oo at variance with Ts'e and Ts'in, so that these States should join him against it. By heaping favours, at the expense of Ts'aou and Wei, on Sung, he irritated Ts'oo still more against that State, so as not to listen to the solicitations of Ts'e and Ts'in, and be more determined than before to wreak its anger upon it. Ts'oo would thus offend the two powerful States, and be goaded on to try a battle with Tsin.
Par. 5. Shing-puh,—see III. xxvii. 7. The Chuen says:—The viscount of Ts'oo had in the meantime taken up his residence in the chief town of Shin, from which he sent word to Shuhhow of Shin to withdraw from Kuh [See on XXVI. 8], and to Tsze-yuh to withdraw from Sung, saying also to the latter, "Do not follow the army of Tsin. The marquis of Tsin was a fugitive abroad for 19 years, and yet he has succeeded in getting possession of the State. He has experienced perils, difficulties, and hardships; he is thoroughly acquainted with the truth and the falsehood of men; Heaven has given him length of years, and removed those who wished to injure him:—can he whom Heaven thus establishes be displaced? The Art of War says, 'When things are properly arranged, then return;' 'When you know yourself to be in difficulties, then withdraw;' and also, 'The virtuous man is not to be opposed.' These three rules are all applicable to the present case of Tsin.
'Tsze-yuh sent Pih-fun to Shin to beg to be allowed to fight, saying, "I do not presume to say that I shall certainly conquer; but I wish to shut the mouth of my calumniators." The king [i. e. the viscount of Ts'oo] was angry, and gave him but a few additional troops;—only the cohort of the west, the guards of the prince of Ts'oo, and the six troops of Joh-gaou, went to join the army in Sung. Tsze-yuh then sent Yuen Ch'un with this message to the army of Tsin:—"Please to restore the marquis of Wei, and re-instate the earl of Ts'aou, and I, in my turn, will give up the siege of Sung." Tsze-fan said, "Tszeyuh has no sense of courtesy or propriety!— Our lord is to get one advantage, and he himself, a subject, is to get two. We must not lose this opportunity of fighting." Seen Chin said to Tsze-fan, "Accede to the proposal. To settle the affairs of men may be called the highest exercise of propriety. Ts'oo by one proposal would settle the difficulties of three States;—if we by one word in reply prevent this settlement, then we are chargeable with the want of propriety;—and on what grounds can we go on to fight? If we refuse to accede to Ts'oo's proposal, we abandon Sung. Our object has been to relieve it; and if we abandon it instead, what will the States think of us? There will be, on our refusal, three States which Ts'oo has sought to benefit, three States whose resentment we have provoked. When those who are displeased with us become so numerous, where will be our means to fight? Our best plan will be privately to promise to restore the princes of Ts'aou and Wei, so alienating them from Ts'oo; and at the same time let us seize Yuen Ch'un to make Ts'oo still more angry. After we have fought, we can take further measures on all these points." The marquis was pleased with this advice, and accordingly he kept Yuen Ch'un a prisoner in Wei, at the same time privately promising the princes of Ts'aou and Wei to restore them to their States; and they, in consequence, announced to Tsze-yuh their separation from the side of Ts'oo. Tsze-yuh was so angry with these things that he followed the marquis of Tsin, who retreated before him. The smaller officers of the army said, "It is disgraceful for the prince of one State thus to avoid the minister of another. The army of Ts'oo, moreover, has been long in the field; why do we retreat before it?' Tsze-fan said to them, "It is the goodness of its cause which makes an army strong; you cannot call it old because it may have served a long time. But for the kindness of Ts'oo, we should not be in our present circumstances; and this retreat of three stages is to repay that kindness. If the marquis showed ingratitude for that and ate his words [See the Chuen at the end of the 23d year], so meeting Ts'oo as an enemy, we should be in the wrong and Ts'oo would be in the right;—its host would be as if it had abundant rations, and could not be pronounced old and wearied. If, when we retire, Ts'oo also withdraw its army, what can it be said that we are requiring of it? But if it do not do so, then our prince retires, and its subject keeps pressing upon him;—Ts'oo will be in the wrong." When Tsin had thus retreated 90 le, the host of Ts'oo wished to stop, but Tsze-yuh would not do so.
'In summer, in the 4th month, on Mow-shin, the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, Kwoh Kwei-foo and Ts'uy Yaou of Ts'e, and Yin, a younger son of the earl of Ts'in, all halted at Shing-puh, while the army of Ts'oo encamped with the height of E in its rear. The marquis was troubled by the strength of the enemy's position, but he heard the soldiers singing to themselves the lines,
"Beautiful and rich is the field on the plain; The old crop removed, the new comes amain." The marquis was doubting about their meaning, but Tsze-fan said to him, "Fight. If we fight and are victorious, you are sure to gain all the States; if we do not succeed, we have the outer and inner defences of the mountains and the Ho, and shall not receive any serious injury." "But," said the marquis, "what of the kindness which I received from Ts'oo?" Lwan Chingtsze said, "All the Ke States north of the Han have been absorbed by Ts'oo. You are thinking of the small kindness which you received yourself, and forgetting the great disgrace done to your surname;—the best plan is to fight." The marquis dreamt that he was boxing with the viscount of Ts'oo, when the viscount knelt down upon him, and sucked his brains. This made him afraid again, but Tsze-fan said, 'The dream is lucky. We lie looking to heaven, while Ts'oo is kneeling, as if acknowledging its guilt; and moreover, we deal gently with it."
'Tsze-yuh sent Tow Poh, to request that Tsin would fight with him, saying, "Let me have a game with your men. Your lordship can lean on the cross-board of your carriage and look on, and I will be there to see you." The marquis made Lwan Che give the following reply, "I have heard your commands. I dared not to forget the kindness of the lord of Ts'oo, and therefore I am here. I retired before his officer; —should I have dared to oppose himself? Since I have not received your orders not to fight, I will trouble you, Sir, to say to your leaders, 'Prepare your chariots; see reverently to your prince's business; to-morrow morning I will see you.'"
'The chariots of Tsin were 700, with the harness of the horses on back, breast, belly, and hips, all complete. The marquis ascended the old site of Yew-sin to survey the army, when he said, "The young and the old are all properly disposed. The troops are fit to be employed." Thereafter, he caused the trees about to be cut down to increase his munitions of war. On Kesze, the army was drawn out for battle on the north of Sin, Seu Shin, with his command, as the assistant leader of the 3d army, being opposed to the troops of Ch'in and Ts'ae. Tsze-yuh, with the 6 troops of Joh-gaou, commanded the army of the centre, and said, "To-day shall make an end of Tsin;" while Tsze-se commanded on the left, and Tsze-shang on the right. Seu Shin, having covered his horses with tiger skins, commenced the battle by attacking the troops of Ch'in and Ts'ae, which took to flight, and the right army of Ts'oo was scattered. Hoo Maou set up two large flags, and them he carried back, while Lwan Che, also pretended to fly, dragging branches of trees behind his chariots [To increase the dust, and make his movement all the more resemble a flight]. The army of Ts'oo dashed after the fugitives, when Yuen Chin and Keoh Tsin, with the 1st army and the marquis's own, came crosswise upon it. At the same time, Hoo Maou and Hoo Yen attacked Tsze-se on the other side, and the left army of Ts'oo was scattered. The army of Ts'oo indeed was disgracefully defeated, for Tsze-yuh only did not suffer as the other leaders, because he collected his forces, and desisted from the fight. The army of Tsin occupied his camp, and feasted on his provisions for 3 days, retiring on the day Kwei-yew.'
Par. 6. Tih-chin died by his own hand, his ruler refusing to forgive his way wardness in seeking a battle with Tsin, and the disgrace incurred by his defeat. That the text should describe his death as if he had been publicly executed, or at least put to death by the command of the viscount of Ts'oo, is an instance, tho' only a minor one, of the misrepresentations of fact that abound in the classic, and in which Chinese critics will see only the sagely wisdom of Confucius. The Chuen says:—'At an earlier time, Tsze-yuh had made for himself a cap of fawnskin, adorned with carnation gems and with strings ornamented with jade: but he had not worn it. Before the battle, he dreamed that the spirit of the Ho said to him, "Give your cap to me, and I will give you the marsh of Măngchoo," and that he would not make the exchange. The dream becoming known, his son Ta-sin and Tsze-se sent Yung Hwang to remonstrate with him; but it was in vain. Yung Ke [Ke was the designation of Yung Hwang] said, "If by dying you could benefit the State, peradventure you would do it; how much more should you be prepared to give up those gems and jade! They are but dirt, and if by them you can benefit the operations of the army, why should you grudge them?" The general would not listen to this counsel; and when hecame forth, he said to his son and Tsze-se, "A Spirit cannot ruin a minister like me. If the minister do not do his utmost in the service of the people, he will ruin himself."
'After the defeat, the viscount of Ts'oo sent to him the message, "If you come here, how will you answer to the elders of Shin and Seih for the death of their children?" Tsze-se and Sun-pih [Tsze-yuh's son] said to the messenger, "Tih-shin was going to die, but we stopped him, saying that the viscount would himself like to put him to death." Tsze-yuh then proceeded to Leen-kuh, and there died [committed suicide]. When the marquis of Tsin heard of it, his joy was great. "There is no one," he said, "to poison my joy now. Wei Leushin will indeed be chief minister in Tsze-yuh's room. But he will himself be his own care; he will not be devoted to the people.'"
Par. 7. We have seen, in the Chuen on par. 5, that the marquis of Tsin had promised to restore the prince of Wei to his State. But the latter probably did not believe the promise; and in an accession of alarm, on hearing of the battle of Shing-puh, he fled to Ts'oo. According to the canon that princes who have lost their States should be mentioned by name, the critics vex themselves to account for the omission of the name here:—see the note of the K'ang-he editors on the subject.
Par. 8. Tseen-t'oo was Ch'ing, in the northwest of the pres. dis. of Yung-tsih (? ?), dep. K'ae-fung, Ho-nan. The only difficulty in translating the par. is with ? ?. We are told in the Chuen on the 1st par. how the people of Wei had driven out their ruler, who took up his residence in Seang-new, till he fled to Ts'oo, as related in the last par. He had left his brother Shuh-woo, however, in charge of the State; and he it was who took part in this meeting and covenant. We cannot translate by 'son' or 'heir-son,' because Shuh-woo was not the son, but the brother, of the ruler of Wei. He seems to be here called 'viscount,' and have his place assigned after the earl of Ch'ing, of whom in other places the 'marquis' of Wei takes precedence.
According to the Chuen, the king himself was present at Tseen-t'oo, and conferred high honours on the marquis of Tsin, appointing him also to be the chief of the princes, and leader of the States. These things should have been recorded in the classic. That they are not recorded, is another instance—more important than the last—of the peculiarity of the Book, now silent as to certain events, now misrepresenting them.
The Chuen says:—'On Keah-woo, the marquis of Tsin arrived at Hăng-yung, and caused a palace for the king to be reared in Tseen-t'oo. Three months before the battle of Shing-puh, the earl of Ch'ing had gone to Ts'oo, and offered the service of his army; but after the defeat of Ts'oo he was afraid, and sent Tsze-jin Kew to offer his submission to Tsin. Lwan Che of Tsin went thereon to the capital of Ch'ing, and made a covenant with the earl, and in the 5th month the marquis himself and the earl made a covenant in Hăng-yung. On Ting-we, the marquis presented the spoils and prisoners of Ts'oo to the king,—100 chariots with their horses all in mail, and 1000 foot-soldiers. The earl of Ch'ing acted as assistant to the king in treating the marquis with the ceremonies with which king P'ing had treated his ancestor [Shoo, V. xxviii]. On Ke-yew, the king feasted him with sweet spirits, and conferred on him various gifts. He also commissioned the minister Yin and his own brother Hoo, with the historiographer of the Interior, Shuh Hing-foo, to convey the written appointment of the marquis of Tsin to be the chief of the princes, giving him the robes to be worn in the carriage adorned with metal, and those proper for a chariot of war, one red bow and a hundred red arrows, a black bow and a thousand arrows, a jar of spirits, made from the black millet, flavoured with herbs, and three hundred life-guards. The words of the appointment were, "The king says to his uncle, Reverently discharge the king's commands, so as to give tranquillity to the States in every quarter, and drive far away all who are illaffected to the king." Thrice the marquis declined his honours; but at last accepting them, he said, "I, Ch'ung-urh, venture twice to do obeisance, with my head bowed to the earth,—and so do I receive and will maintain the great, distinguished, excellent charge of the son of Heaven." With this he received the tablet, and went out. At this meeting, from first to last, thrice he had audience of the king. When the marquis of Wei heard of the defeat of the army of Ts'oo, he became afraid, and fled from Seang-new to go to Ts'oo. He went, however, to Ch'in, and sent Shuh-woo under the care of Yuen Heuen to take part in the covenant of the princes. On Kwei-hae, Hoo, a son of king Hwuy, presided over a covenant of them all in the court of the king's palace. The words of it were, "We will all assist the royal House, and do no harm to one another. If any one transgress this covenant, may the intelligent Spirits destroy him, so that he shall lose his people and not be able to possess his State, and, to the remotest posterity, let him have no descendant old or young!" The superior man will say that this covenant was sincere, and that in all this service the marquis of Tsin overcame by the virtuous training which he had given to his people.'
In the text no mention is made of king Seang's brother Hoo taking part in the covenant of Tseen-t'oo. Maou says that he is not mentioned, because, though he presided over the covenant, he was not a party to it, and did not smear his lips with the blood of the victim. The covenant was made, acc. to the text, on Kwei-ch'ow, the 18th day of the month; acc. to the Chuen, on Kwei-hae, the 28th day. Too observes that one or other of these dates must be wrong.
Par. 9. The marquis of Ch'in had been one of the adherents of Ts'oo, but now he wished, like other princes, to join the party of the victorious Tsin. He went to the meeting, but did not arrive at Tseen-t'oo, till the covenant was over.
Par. 10. This par. implies what is related in the Chuen on p. 8, that the king in person had met the marquis of Tsin on his return from the victory at Shing-puh. 'The king's place' was of course 'the palace' built for him at Tseen-t'oo. Kuh-leang says that when ? are mentioned, the place should not be given, and that the mention of the place, where the visit is made or the audience had, intimates that it is not the proper place for the king to be in; but the criticism is groundless. I translate ? here as usual. 'Had an audience' would be equally suitable. Wang K'ih-kwan (? ? ?; A. D. 1304–1372) observes that ? is a general term to describe audiences with the ruler (? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?).
Par. 11. ? ?,— see on II. xv. 5. The Chuen says:—'Some one accused Yuen Heuen to the marquis of Wei. saying that he was raising Shuh-woo to the real marquisate, and the marquis thereupon caused Heuen's son, Keoh, who was in attendance on him, to be put to death. Notwithstanding this, Heuen did not disregard the charge which he had received from the marquis, but supported E-shuh [E is the hon. title of Shuh-woo, the marquis's brother] in the guardianship of the State. In the 6th month, the people of Tsin restored the marquis, and then the officer Ning Woo [on the marquis's part] and the people of Wei made the following covenant in Yuen-puh:— "Heaven sent down calamity on the State of Wei, so that the ruler and his subjects were not harmonious, and we were brought to our present state of sorrow. But now Heaven is guiding all minds, bringing them in humility to a mutual accord. If there had not been those who abode in the State, who would have kept the altars for the ruler? If there had not been those who went abroad with him, who would have guarded his cattle and horses? Because of the former want of harmony, we now clearly beg to covenant before you, great Spirits, asking you to direct our consciences;—from this time forward after this covenant, those who went abroad with the marquis shall not presume upon their services, and those who remained in the State need not fear that any crime will be imputed to them. If any break this covenant, exciting dissatisfactions and quarrels, may the intelligent Spirits and our former rulers mark and destroy them!" When the people heard this covenant, they had no longer any doubts in their minds. After this, the marquis wished to enter the capital before the the time agreed upon, the officer Ning going before him [to prepare the people]. Ch'ang Tsang who had charge of the gate, thinking he was a messenger, entered in the same carriage with him. Meanwhile the marquis's brother Ch'uen-keuen, and Hwa Chung, rode on ahead of him. Shuh-woo was then about to bathe; but when he heard that the marquis was come, he ran joyfully out to meet him, holding his hair in his hand, and was killed by an arrow from one of those who had rode on before. The marquis knew that he had been guilty of no crime, pillowed the corpse on his own thigh, and wept over it. Ch'uen-k'euen ran away, but the marquis sent after him, and put him to death. Yuen Heuen fled to Tsin.'
The text says that the marquis of Wei returned 'from Ts'oo (? ?),' to which he had fled in p. 7. The Chuen on p. 8, however, makes us think that he never went so far as Ts'oo, but stopt short in his flight, and went to Tsin. This is also the account of him given in the ? ? ?. Kuh-leang infers from the ? ? that it was Ts'oo which restored the marquis to his State (? ? ? ?); but Ts'oo was not in a condition at present to put forth such an influence in behalf of its adherents.
Par. 13. In the 1st par. of last year we have the viscount of Ke, son of the lady in the text, at the court of Loo, and in p. 4, an officer of Loo attacks Ke. The visit here was probably undertaken with reference to the misunderstanding between the two States, the mother of the viscount of the one and sister of the marquis of the other wishing to reconcile them.
Par. 14. This was a visit of friendly inquiry. (?), for which many reasons can be assigned. A likely one is that it was a sequel to the covenant at Tseen-t'oo, in which both Loo and Ts'e had taken part.
[The Chuen appends here:—'At the battle of Shing-puh, the cattle of the army of Tsin ran, being in heat, into a marsh, and were lost; the left flag, belonging to the great banner, was lost;—through K'e Mwan's disobeying orders. The provost-marshal caused him to be put to death in consequence; the punishment was made known to all the assisting princes; and Maou Fei was appointed in his place. On the return of the army, it crossed the Ho on Jin-woo. Chow Che-k'eaou had gone home before, and Sze Hwuy was temporarily made spearman on the right. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Pingshin, the troops in triumphal array entered the capital of Tsin. The spoils were presented, and the left ears that had been cut off from the soldiers of Ts'oo were set forth, in the temple. There also the marquis drank the cup of return; and distributed rewards on a great scale, publishing the summons for another assembly of the States, and the punishment of those who wavered in their adherence. Chow Che-k'eaou was put to death, and his doom declared throughout the State, so that the people were awed into a great submission. The superior man will declare that duke Wăn excelled in the use of punishments, awing the people by the execution of three criminals [Teen Heeh, K'e Mwan, and Chow Che-k'eaou]. What we read in the Book of Poetry [She, III. ii. ode IX. 1.],
"Cherish this centre of the State, To give rest to all within its four quarters," is descriptive of the right use of the regular punishments.']
Par. 15. Wăn,—see V. x. 2. It had been conferred by king Seang on Tsin, as related in the Chuen appended to par. 4 of the 25th year. This meeting was the one, the summons to which is mentioned in the last Chuen. Kuhleang has not the characters ? ?. The meeting is memorable as the 1st of these gatherings of the States at which Ts'in, destined to absorb them all, was represented.
The marquis of Ch'in, known as duke Kung (? ?), had succeeded to his father, whose death is recorded in p. 12, but the father being not yet buried, he appears here only as 'son,' and is ranked after the earl of Ch'ing. The Chuen says that at this meeting, measures were taken to punish the States which were not submissive;' meaning Heu, and perhaps also Wei.
Par. 16. Ho-yang was in pres. dep. of Hwaek'ing, Ho-nan,—within the territory of Wăn. For ? Kuh has ?. The Chuen says:—'As to the assembly here, the marquis of Tsin called the king to it, and then with all the princes had an interview with him, and made him hold a court of inspection. Chung-ne said, "For a subject to call his ruler to any place is a thing not to be set forth as an example." Therefore the text says,—"The king held a court of reception at Ho-yang." The text thus shows that here was not the place for the king to hold a court, and also illustrates the excellent service of the marquis of Tsin.' In this Chuen we have a remarkable admission by Confucius himself, that he misrepresented facts, relating events not according to the truth of his knowledge. I suppose that his words stop at ?, and that in ? ??? we have the language of Tso-she, intimating that Confucius wanted to give some intimation—which is very indistinct indeed— that the thing was not exactly as he said, and at the same time to acknowledge the good intention of the marquis of Tsin in the whole transaction.
Par. 17. See on par, 10. Jin-shin was in the 10th month. The characters ?? have probably been lost from the commencement of the par
Par. 18. The marquis of Wei had been persuaded by Ning Woo to go to the meeting at Wăn; but the marquis of Tsin refused to allow him to take part in it, and indeed put him under guard, till he should have determined on his guilt in the death of his brother. Ning Woo and two other officers, K'een Chwang and Sze Yung, accompanied their ruler to Wăn.
The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Wei and Yuen Heuen pleaded against each other The officer K'een Chwang was representative of the marquis, as the defendant, with Ning Woo to assist him, and Sze Yung as his advocate. The marquis's pleas could not be sustained; and the marquis of Tsin put Sze Yung to death, and cut off the feet of K'een Chwang. Considering that Ning Yu [the name of Ning Woo] had acted a faithful part, he let him off; but he seized the marquis himself, and conveyed him to the capital, where he was confined in a dark room, with Ning Woo to attend to the supplying him with provisions in a bag.'
Par. 19. The ? ? here is of course merely = "was restored to his place" as minister. Heuen had fled from Wei to Tsin, as related under par. 11, to escape from the marquis. Things were now changed. The marquis was a prisoner, and the disposal of the State seemed to rest with the officer. The Chuen says:—'Yuen Heuen returned to Wei, and raised Hea, another son of duke Wăn, to be marquis.' We must suppose that Heuen had the authority of the marquis of Tsin for what he did; but the critics are unanimous in condemning him. The case of the marquis was now in the king's hands, and Heuen should have waited for the royal decision about him and the affairs of the State.
Par. 20. Heu, though only a small State, was the most persistent in adhering to the fortunes of Ts'oo, influenced probably by the consideration of its own contiguity to that State. The ? implies that the princes proceeded from their meeting at Wăn and audience of the king, to the attack of Heu, without returning to their States, or engaging in any other enterprise.
Par. 21. The Chuen says:—'On Ting-ch'ow the princes all laid siege to the capital of Heu. The marquis of Tsin falling ill, How Now, a personal attendant of the earl of Ts'aou, bribed the officer of divination, and got him to attribute the marquis's illness to his dealing with Ts'aou. "Duke Hwan of Ts'e," represented the officer, "assembled the princes, and established States of different surnames from his own [e.g., Hing and Wei]; but your lordship now assembles them, and extinguishes States of your own surname; for Shuh Chin-toh, the first lord of Ts'aou was a son of king Wăn, and T'ang-shuh, our first lord, was a son of king Woo. Not only is it not proper to assemble the princes and extinguish any of your own surname, but you made the same promise to the earl of Ts'aou as to the marquis of Wei, and you have not restored the earl as you did the marquis; —you have not shown good faith. Their crime was the same, and their punishment is different;—you do not show an equal justice. It is by propriety that righteousness is carried out; it is by good faith that propriety is maintained; it is by equal justice that depravity is corrected. If your lordship let these three things go, in what position will you be placed?" The marquis was pleased, and restored the earl of Ts'aou, who immediately joined the other princes at Heu.'
[The Chuen has here an additional article:— 'The marquis of Tsin formed three new columns of army to withstand the Teih. Seun Lin-foo had the command of that of the centre; Too Keih of that of the right, and Seen Meeh of that of the left.']
XXIX. Twenty-ninth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-ninth year, in spring, Koh-loo of Keae came to Loo.
2 The duke arrived from the siege of [the capital of] Heu.
3 In summer, in the sixth month, [the duke] had a meeting with an officer of the king, an officer of Tsin, an officer of Sung, an officer of Ts'e, an officer of Ch'in, an officer of Ts'ae, and an officer of Ts'in, when they made a covenant in Teih-ts'euen.
4 In autumn, there was great fall a of hail. 5In winter, Koh-loo of Keae came [again] to Loo.
Par. 1. Keae was a small State held by one of the E or wild tribes of the east;—in the south of the pres Keaou Chow (? ?), dep. Laechow. Koh-loo was the name of its chief at this time. His coming to Loo would be equivalent to a court-visit (?); but such visits were not interchanged by the princes of China with the barbarous chieftains, and therefore, we have simply ?, 'he came.' The Chuen says:— 'Koh-loo of Keae came to pay a court-visit to the duke, and camped in the country above Ch'ang-yen. The duke being absent at the meeting with the other princes, they sent him forage and rice;—which was proper.'
Par. 2. Kung and Kuh both have ? before ?. ? in Kung is ?. Teih-ts'euen was near the capital,—20 le north-east from the pres. dis. city of Loh-yang, dep. Ho-nan. The name was taken from that of a spring which formed a small lake. The Chuen says:—'The duke had a meeting with king Hwuy's son Hoo, Hoo Yen of Tsin, Kung-sun Koo of Sung, Kwoh Kweifoo of Ts'e, Yuen T'aou-t'oo of Ch'in, and the earl of Ts'in's son Yin, when they made a covenant at Teih-ts'euen;—to renew and confirm the covenant at Tseen-t'oo, and to consult about invading Ch'ing. The names of the ministers of the difft. States are not in the text;—to condemn them. According to rule, a minister of a State ought not to hold a meeting with a duke or a marquis, though he may do so with an earl, a viscount, or a baron.' This decision of Tso-she may be called in question. The view of Hoo Gan-kwoh and others, that the title 'duke (?)' is omitted in the text to conceal the disgrace of the marquis meeting with his inferiors, is ridiculous.
Par. 4. Tso-she says the hail amounted to a plague, or great calamity; and that therefore we have a record of it.
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'He came again, because he had not seen the duke the former time. He was received in the court, treated with ceremony, and feasted in an extraordinary way. Hearing a cow lowing, he said, 'She has had three calves that have all been used as victims. Her voice says so." On inquiry this was found to be really the case!'
XXX. Thirtieth year.
1 It was the [duke's] thirtieth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, the Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.
3 In autumn, Wei put to death its great officer, Yuen Heuen, and duke [ Wăn's] son, Hea.
4 Ch'ing, marquis of Wei, returned to Wei.
5 A body of men from Tsin and one from Ts'in laid siege to [the capital of] Ch'ing.
6 A body of men from Keae made an incursion into Seaou.
7 In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent his chief minister, the duke of Chow, to Loo, on a mission of friendly inquiries.
8 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to the capital, and at the same time went to Tsin.
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'An officer of Tsin was conducting an incursion into Ch'ing, to see whether that State could be attacked with advantage or not. The Teih took the opportunity of Tsin's being thus occupied with Ch'ing, and in the summer made an incursion into Ts'e.' Woo Ch'ing says:—'In the winter of the duke's 28th year, Tsin proceeded from the meeting at Wăn to besiege Heu, and yet Heu did not submit. In the summer of the 29th year, at the covenant of Teih-tseuen, the marquis consulted about an incursion into Ch'ing, and yet Ch'ing showed no signs of fear. And now in the summer of this year, the Teih seized their opportunity, and made an incursion into Ts'e. It is plain that after the battle of Shing-puh and the meeting of Tseen-t'oo, the power of duke Wăn as leader of the States went on gradually to decay:—the state of things at this time might have led him to reflection!'
Par. 3. Compare on p. 6 of the 28th year. By Wei we must understand the marquis of Wei, who instigated the murder of Yuen, though it was committed before his entrance into the capital. We have in the Chuen:—'The marquis of Tsin employed the physician Yen to poison the marquis of Wei, but Ning Yu bribed the physician to make the poison so weak that his master did not die of it. The duke [of Loo] after this interceded on his behalf, and presented the king and the marquis of Tsin each with 10 pairs of jade ornaments. The king acceded to the duke's intercession, and in autumn the marquis of Wei was released. He then bribed Chow Ch'uen and Yay Kin, saying, 'If you can secure my restoration, I will make you my high ministers." On this Chow and Yay killed Yuen Heuen, with Tsze-teih and Tsze-e. When the marquis was entering the ancestral temple to sacrifice to his predecessors, Chow and Yay were there in full dress to receive their charge as ministers. Chow preceded, but when he came to the door, he was taken ill, and died, upon which Kin declined the appointment.'
Nothing is said in the Chuen on the ? ? ? ?, which in many editions is made to form a paragraph by itself. Two questions have 'vexed' the critics greatly. 1st, Hea had been marquis of Wei for more than a year [see XXVIII. 19, and the Chuen on it]; how is it that in the text he is simply called 'duke's son' (? ?)? To meet this difficulty, Lew Ch'ang (? ?; A. D. 1019–1097) denies the truth of the statement, ????, in the Chuen referred to, so that Hea had never been anything but ? ?; on which the K'ang-he editors remark that the truth of the Chuen is not to be doubted. Hoo Gan-kwoh thinks that though Yuen Heuen had made Hea marquis as the Chuen says, yet Hea had never accepted the dignity, and only considerd himself as holding the place of his brother, till he should be liberated from his captivity; and that consequently the ?? of the text is the endorsement of his integrity. Wang Yuen (? ?; in the end of the Sung dynasty), holds that Hea had accepted the marquisate from Yuen Heuen, and was as guilty as his minister, so that the text calls him merely ??, to show that his twelve months' tenure of dignity was only a usurpation. The imperial editors, setting aside these three views approve of that of Too Yu, who admits that Hea had been made marquis by Yuen, but thinks that the title of ? or 'ruler' is not given to him, because he had not been recognized by the princes at any general meeting of the States; and they then go on to set forth the usage of the classic in such cases as that of Hea and his brother more fully than Too had done. 2d, What significancy is there in the record of the death of Hea following that of Yuen, with the connecting ? between them? Should the ruler thus follow his officer? The text indicates that Hea had been the tool of Yuen, and was involved consequently in the same fate. Maou aplty refers to II. ii. 1, where the ruler precedes the officers with the same ? between:— ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?, ? ? ? ? ? ?, ? ? ? ? ? ? ?, * ? ? ? * ? ?, ? ? * ? ?, ? ? ? * ? ?. .
Par. 4. In XXVIII. 11, the former return of the marquis to his State is described by ; here we have simply. The reason of the difference in the language probably is, that in the former case the marquis had fled from Wei, and so left it as it were by his own act, while in the other he had been detained from it by the action of the marquis of Tsin, and against his own will.
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'In the 9th month, on Keah-woo, the marquis of Tsin and the earl of Ts'in laid siege to Ch'ing, because of the want of courtesy which the earl of it had shown to the marquis in his wanderings [See the Chuen at the end of the 23d year], and because he was with double-mindedness inclining to Ts'oo. The army of Tsin took a position at Han-ling, and that of Ts'in one at Fan-nan. Yih Che-hoo said to the earl of Ch'ing, "The State is in imminent peril. If you send Chuh Che-woo to see the earl of Ts'in, his army is sure to be withdrawn." The earl took the advice, but Chuh Che-woo declined the mission, saying, "When your servant was in the strength of his age, he was regarded as not equal to others; and now he is old, and unable to render any service." The earl said, "That I was not able to employ you earlier, and now beg your help in my straits, I acknowledge to be my fault. But if Ch'ing perish, you also will suffer loss." On this Che-woo agreed, and undertook the mission.
'At night he was let down from the city-wall by a rope; and when he saw the earl of Ts'in, he said, "With Tsin and Ts'in both besieging its capital, Ch'ing knows that it must perish. If the ruin of Ch'ing were to benefit your lordship, I should not dare to speak to you;—you might well urge your officers and soldiers in such a case. But you know the difficulty there would be with such a distant border, another State intervening. Of what advantage is it to you to destroy Ch'ing to benefit your neighbour? His advantage will be your disadvantage. If you leave Ch'ing to be master and host here on the way to the east, when your officers go and come with their baggage, it can minister to their necessities;—and surely this will be no injury to you. And moreover, your lordship was a benefactor to the former marquis of Tsin, and he promised you the cities of Tseaou and Hea; but in the morning he crossed the Ho, and in the evening he commenced building defences against you:—this your lordship knows. But Tsin is insatiable. Having made Ch'ing its boundary on the east, it will go on to want to enlarge its border on the west. And how will it be able to do that except by taking territory from Ts'in? To diminish Ts'in in order to advantage Tsin:—this is a matter for your lordship to think about."
'The earl of Ts'in was pleased with this speech, and made a covenant with the people of Ch'ing, appointing Ke Tsze, Fung Sun, and Yang Sun to guard the territory, while he himself returned to Ts'in. Tsze-fan asked leave to pursue and smite him, but the marquis of Tsin said, "No. But for his assistance I should not have arrived at my present state. To get the benefit of a man's help, and then to injure him, would show a want of benevolence, To have erred in those with whom I was to co-operate shows my want of knowledge. To exchange the orderly array in which we came here for one of disorder would show a want of warlike skill. I will withdraw." And upon this he also left Ch'ing.
'Before this, Lan, a son of the earl of Ch'ing, had fled from that State to Tsin. Following the marquis of Tsin in the invasion of Ch'ing, he begged that he might not take any part in, or be present at, the siege. His request was granted, and he was sent to the eastern border of Tsin to wait for further orders. Shih Keah-foo and How Seuen-to now came to meet him, and hail him as his father's successor, that by means of him they might ask peace from Tsin;—and this was granted to them.'
It appears from the Chuen that the lords of Tsin and Ts'in were both with their forces in Ch'ing. We must suppose, however, that they did not themselves command, and hence we have ? ?, ? ? in the text. Too Yu says the ?were ? ?, 'small men' of inferior rank, but ? need not be so limited; and in fact we know that Tsze-fan was in the army of Tsin.
Par. 6. Seaou appears before this in the Chuen on III. xii. 3. It was a small State, a Foo-yung of Sung, and has left its name in the pres. dis. of Seaou, dep. Seu-chow (? ?), Keang-soo. Chang Heah supposes that the visits of the chief of Keae to Loo in the last year were somehow connected with the movement in the text.
Par. 7. Compare on I. ix. 1. ? is here ? ?, 'the prime minister,' as in IX. 2. The Chuen says:—At the entertainment to him, there were the pickled roots of the sweet flag cut small, rice, millet, and the salt in the form of a tiger, all set forth. Yueh [the prime minister's name] declined such an entertainment, saying, 'The ruler of a State, whose civil talents make him illustrious, and whose military prowess makes him an object of dread, is feasted with such a complete array of provisions, to emblem his virtues. The five savours are introduced, and viands of the finest grains, with the salt in the shape of a tiger, to illustrate his services; but I am not worthy of such a feast.'
Par. 8. The Chuen says: 'Tung-mun Seangchung [see the Chuen on XXVI. 5] was going with friendly inquiries to Chow, when he took the occasion to pay a similar visit in the first place to Tsin.'
XXXI. Thirty-first year.
1 In the [duke's] thirty-first year, we took the lands of Tse-se.
2 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Tsin.
3 In summer, in the fourth month, [the duke] divined a fourth time for [the day of] the border sacrifice.
4 The divination was adverse, and so the victim was let go.
5 Still he offered the sacrifices to the three objects of Survey.
6 It was autumn, the seventh month.
7 In winter, duke [Chwang's] eldest daughter—she of Ke —came [to Loo], seeking for a wife [for her son].
8 The Teih besieged [the capital of] Wei.
9 In the twelfth month, Wei removed its capital to Tek'ew.
Par. 1. In III. xviii. 2 the characters ? ?denote simply 'west of the Tse,' but here, and in VII. i. 8, x. 2, they must be the name of a certain district or tract of country, the exact position of which it is now impossible to define. As Too Yu says, ????. Tso-she says that it was a portion of the territory of Ts'aou, which the marquis of Tsin had apportioned to other States in the duke's 28th year; and he tells the following story about the acquisition of it:—'The duke sent Tsang Wăn-chung to receive his portion; who was passing a night at Ch'ung-kwan, the people of which said to him, "Tsin, having recently secured the adherence of the princes, will be most kind to those who are most respectful. If you don't make haste, you will not be in time to get any." The officer acted accordingly, and got for his share of the territory of Ts'aou all the portion extending from T'aou to the south and east as far as the Tse.' But this account of Loo's acquisition of Tse-se has been much questioned. Chaou K'wang, Lew Ch'ang, and many others, discarding the idea of its being a gift from Tsin, hold that the territory had formerly belonged to Loo. had been taken from it by Ts'aou, and that Loo now claimed and retook it. They make a canon, that wherever Loo is mentioned as 'taking' towns or land, and no name of a State to which they belonged is given, we are to understand that Loo was only retaking its own. Maou, according to his wont, is more bold and decisive in his view, arguing strongly against the alleged grant of Tsin, and saying that Loo took the opportunity of Ts'aou's difficulties to attack it and deprive it of this territory. This is the proper explanation of the text. The canon referred to is exploded by VII. i. 2.
Par. 2. Tso-she says that Seang-chung went to Tsin to render thanks and acknowledgement for the fields of Ts'aou. But Loo would think it necessary to communicate its acquisition of the territory to the leader of the States, though not indebted for it to his gift.
Parr. 3–5. The question of which border sacrifice is here spoken of has been much agitated. Kung-yang, followed by Hoo Gan-kwoh and others, thinks it is the sacrifice at the winter solstice, the grand sacrifice to Heaven or God, which was proper only in the king, but the right to offer which had been granted, it is said, by king Ch'ing to the duke of Chow, the founder of the House of Loo. Maou and others think the sacrifice intended is that of the spring, —the sacrifice to God, desiring a blessing on the grain. This is mentioned in the Chuen on II. v. 7; and I must believe it is that referred to here. We cannot suppose that duke He was still, in the 4th month, divining about the sacrifice which should have been offered, if offered by him at all, in the first. The divining was to fix the day on which the sacrifice should be offered, which was restricted to one of the sin (?) days in the month, the 1st of the 3 being deemed the luckiest. Kung-yang thinks that if the 1st sin day of the 1st month was unlucky, then the 1st of the 2d was tried, and so on to the 3d month; but it is better to suppose that on this occasion the 3 sin days of the 3d month were all divined for and proved unlucky, so that a fourth divination was made for the 1st sin day of the 4th month, as the sacrifice might be presented up to the time of the equinox. When this also proved unfavourable, the sacrifice was put off for that year, and the victim was let go (? ? ? ?). Tan Tsoo (? ?; of the 2d half of the 8th century) says, with regard to the spring sacrifice:—'Two victims were kept and fed;— one for the sacrifice to God, and one for that to How-tseih. If the divinations in the three decades proved all unfavourable, the border sacrifice was not offered. 'If the former bull died or met with any injury, the tortoise-shell was consulted about using the second in his place. If the divination forbade such a substitution, or that second bull also died, the sacrifice was also in this case abandoned. When this was done, the tortoise-shell was again consulted about letting the victim, if it were alive, go; and it was let go or kept on, as the reply was favourable or not.'
?,—see the Shoo II. i. 7. The Wang sacrifice was offered by the emperor or king to all the famous hills and rivers of the country; and by princes of States to those within their own territory. What were the three great natural objects sacrificed to in Loo is doubtful. Most critics, after Kung-yang, make them—mount T'ae, the Ho, and the sea. Too Yu makes them certain stars, with the mountains of Loo and its rivers,—after Kea Kwei and Fuh K'een. Ch'ing Heuen, considering that the Ho did not flow through Loo, substituted the Hwae for it in Kung-yang's explanation. The K'ang-he editors, arguing from a passage in the Chow Le, Bk. XXII. 8–12, make the Wang sacrifices out to be something different from those to the hills and rivers. Kung-yang's view, or rather Ch'ing Heuen's modification of it, which Maou adopts, is to be preferred.
The Wang sacrifices were offered at the same time as the border, and ancillary to them; and might be disused when the greater sacrifice was given up. They remain now in the sacrifices to the heavenly bodies, the wind, and rain, which accompany the sacrifice of the winter solstice, and those to the mountains, seas, and rivers, offered at the summer.
The above remarks on these parr. have been gathered and digested from many sources. Tso-she says on them:—'What is stated in all the paragraphs was contrary to rule. According to rule, there was no consulting about a regular sacrifice; only the victim and the day were divined about. When the day had been fixed, the bull was called the victim; and when the victim was thus determined on, to go further divining about the sacrifice itself, was for the duke to show indifference to the ancient statutes, and disrespectful urgency to the tortoise-shell and the milfoil.' This view is very questionable.
Par. 6. [To this the Chuen appends a note about Tsin:—'In autumn, the marquis of Tsin held a review in Ts'ing-yuen (i.e. the plain of Ts'ing), and formed [all his troops into] five armies, [the better] to resist the Teih, Chaou Ts'uy being appointed to the chief command [of the two new armies.']
Par. 7. For ? here see on XXV. 3. The lady has been mentioned in XXVIII. 13. The son for whom she sought a wife was, no doubt, the ruling viscount of Ke, mentioned in XXVII. 1, as coming to Loo, soon after his accession to the State.
Parr. 8,9. We saw, in the 2d year of duke Min, what injury the Teih then wrought to Wei. They obliged the removal of its principal city to Ts'oo-k'ew in the 2d year of duke He; and we find them here necessitating another removal. Te-k'ew was in K'ae Chow (? ?), dep. Ta-ming. As preliminary to the Chuen, it may be mentioned that How-seang (? ?), the 5th of the sovereigns of Hea, was obliged to reside for a part of his life in Te-k'ew. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Wei consulted the tortoise-shell about Te-k'ew, and was told his House should dwell there for 300 years. Soon after, he dreamt that K'ang-shuh, [the 1st marquis of Wei], said to him that Seang took away from him the supplies of his offerings. The marquis on this gave orders to sacrifice also to Seang; but the officer Ning Woo objected, saying, "Spirits do not accept the sacrifices of those who are not of their own line. What are Ke and Tsăng [States of the line of Hea] doing? For long Seang has received no offerings here,—not owing to any fault of Wei. You should not interfere with the sacrifices prescribed by king Ch'ing and the duke of Chow. Please withdraw the order about sacrificing to Seang.'
[The Chuen appends here:—Seeh Kea of Ch'ing hated Kung-tsze Hea, and the marquis also hated him. Hea therefore fled from the State to Ts'oo.']
XXXII. Thirty-second year.
1 It was the [duke's] thirty-second year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ke-ch'ow, Tseeh, earl of Ch'ing, died.
3 A body of men from Wei made an incursion into [the country of] the Teih.
4 In autumn, an officer of Wei made a covenant with the Teih.
5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Ke-maou, Ch'ungurh, marquis of Tsin, died.
Par. 1. [The Chuen here introduces a short note about the relations of Tsin and Ts'oo:— 'In the spring, Tow Chang of Ts'oo came to Tsin and requested peace. Yang Ch'oo-foo returned the visit from Ts'oo. This was the commencement of communications between Tsin and Ts'oo.]
Par. 2. For ? Kung-yang has ?.
Parr. 3,4. The Teih, it appears, had not done Wei so much injury in the previous year, as in the time of duke Min. The Chuen says:—'In summer, when there was disorder among the Teih, a body of men from Wei made an incursion into their country. The Teih begged for peace, and in autumn an officer of Wei made a covenant with them.'
Par. 5. The marquis of Tsin thus enjoyed the dignity at which he arrived, after so many hardships and wanderings, only for nine years. He had several attributes of the hero about him, and we cannot but wish that he had been permitted a longer time in which to exercise his leadership of the States. Confucius (Ana. XIV. xvi.) compares him unfavourably with Hwan of Ts'e; but his judgment of the two men may be questioned.
'The Chuen says:—'On Kang-shin, they were conveying his coffin to place it in the temple at K'euh-yuh, when, as it was leaving Keang, there came a voice from it like the lowing of an angry bull. The diviner Yen made the great officers do obeisance to the coffin, saying, "His lordship is charging us about a great affair. There will be an army of the west passing by us; we shall smite it, and obtain a great victory."
'Now Ke Tsze [see the Chuen on XXX. 5] had sent information from Ch'ing to Ts'in, saying, "The people of Ch'ing have entrusted to my charge the key of their north gate. If an army come secretly upon it, the city may be got. Duke Muh [the earl of Ts'in] consulted Keen Shuh about the subject, and that officer replied, 'That a distant place can be surprised by an army toiled with a long march is what I have not learned. The strength of the men will be wearied out with toil, and the distant lord will be prepared for them;—does not the undertaking seem impracticable? Ch'ing is sure to know the doings of our army. Our soldiers, enduring the toil, and getting nothing, will become disaffected. And moreover, to whom can such a march of a thousand le be unknown?" The earl, however, declined this counsel, called for Măng-ming [the son of Pih-le He], Se-k'eih, and Pih-yih, and ordered them to collect an army outside the east gate. K'een Shuh wept over it, and said, "General Măng. I see the army's going forth, but I shall not see its entry again." The earl sent to say to him, "What do you know, you centenarian? It would take two hands to grasp the tree upon your grave [i.e., you ought to have died long ago]" Keen Shuh's son also went in the expedition, and the old man escorted him, weeping and saying, "It will be at Heaou that the men of Tsin will resist the army. At Heaou there are two ridges. On the southern ridge is the grave of the sovereign Kaou of the Hea dynasty; the northern is where king Wăn took refuge from the wind and rain. You will die between them. There I will gather your bones." Immediately after this the army of Ts'in marched to the east.'
XXXIII. Thirty-third year.
1 In the [duke's] thirty-third year, in spring, in the king's second month, an army from Ts'in entered Hwah.
2 The marquis of Ts'e sent Kwoh Kwei-foo to the duke on a mission of friendly inquiries.
3 In summer, in the fourth month, on Sin-sze, the men of Tsin and the Keang Jung defeated [the army of] Ts'in at Heaou.
4 On Kwei-sze there was the burial of duke Wăn of Tsin.
5 The Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.
6 The duke invaded Choo, and took Tsze-low.
7 In autumn, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, led an army, and invaded Choo.
8 A body of men from Tsin defeated the Teih in Ke.
9 In winter, in the tenth month, the duke went to Ts'e.
10 In the twelfth month, the duke arrived from Ts'e.
11 On Yih-sze, the duke died in the Small chamber.
12 There fell hoar-frost without killing the grass. Plum trees bore their fruit.
13 A body of men from Tsin, one from Ch'in, and one from Ch'ing, invaded Heu.
Par. 1. Hwah,—see III. iii. 5. From the last Chuen we see that ? ? here denotes 'an army of Ts'in,' not inconsiderable in numbers, and under commanders of no mean rank. ??, ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ,?denotes that they entered the city, but did not keep possession of the territory.' The Chuen says:—'In spring, the army of Ts'in was passing by the north-gate of [the royal city of] Chow, when the mailed men on the right and left of the chariots [merely] took off their helmets and descended, springing afterwards with a bound into the chariots,—the 300 of them. Wang-sun Mwan was still quite young; but when he saw this, he said to the king, 'The army of Ts'in acts lightly and is unobservant of propriety;—it is sure to be defeated. Acting so lightly, there must be little counsel in it. Unobservant of propriety, it will be heedless. When it enters a dangerous pass, and is heedless, being moreover without wise counsel, can it escape defeat?
'When the army entered Hwah, Heen Kaou, a merchant of Ch'ing, on his way to traffic in Chow, met it. He went with four dressed hides, preceding 12 oxen, to distribute them among the soldiers, and said [to the general], "My prince, having heard that you were marching with your army, and would pass by his poor city, ventures thus to refresh your attendants. Our poor city, when your attendants come there, can supply them, while they stay, with one day's provisions, and provide them, when they go, with one night's escort." At the same time he sent intelligence of what was taking place with all possible speed to Ch'ing. The earl, [on receiving the tidings], sent to see what was going on at the lodging houses which had been built for the guards of Ts'in, and found there bundles all ready, waggons loaded, weapons sharpened, and the horses fed. On this he sent Hwang Woo to decline their further services, and say to them, "You have been detained, Sirs, too long at our poor city. Our dried flesh, our money, our rice, our cattle, are all used up. We have our park of Yuen as Ts'in has its of Keu. Suppose you supply yourselves with deer from it to give our poor city some rest." On this Ke Tsze fled to Ts'e, while Fung Sun and Yang Sun fled to Sung. Măng-ming said, "Ch'ing is prepared for us. We cannot hope to surprise it. If we attack it, we shall not immediately take it; and if we lay siege to it, we are too far off to receive succour. Let us return." The army of Ts'in then proceeded to extinguish Hwah, and returned.']
Par. 2; In the duke's 28th year, Kung-tsze Suy went to Ts'e on a friendly mission. The visit in the text was, probably, the response to it. Kwei-foo was the ambassador's name. The Chuen calls him Kwoh Chwang-tsze, or the officer Kwoh, Chwang being his honorary title. The Chuen says:—'When Kwoh Chwang of Ts'e came on his friendly mission, from his reception in the borders to the parting feast and gifts to him, he was treated with the utmost ceremony, and also with sedulous attention. Tsang Wănchung said to the duke, "Since the officer Kwoh administered its govt., Ts'e has again showed all propriety towards us. Your lordship should pay a visit to it. Your servant has heard that submission to those who are observant of propriety is the [surest] defence of the altars."'
Par. 3. After ?, Tso-she and Kuh-leang have ?. Heaou was a dangerous defile,—in the pres. dis. of Yung-ning (? ?), dep. Ho-nan. The Chuen says:—'[Seen] Chin of Yuen said to the marquis of Tsin, "[The earl of] Ts'in, contrary to the counsel of Keen Shuh, has, under the influence of greed, been imposing toil on his people;—this is an opportunity given us by Heaven. It should not be lost; our enemy should not be let go unassailed. Such disobedience to Heaven will be inauspicious;—we must attack the army of Ts'in." Lwan Che said, "We have not yet repaid the services rendered to our last lord by Ts'in, and if we now attack its army, this is to make him dead indeed!" Seen Chin replied, "Ts'in has shown no sympathy with us in our loss, but has attacked [two States of] our surname. It is Ts'in who has been unobservant of propriety;—what have we to do with [former] favours? I have heard that if you let your enemy go a single day, you are preparing the misfortunes of several generations. In taking counsel for his posterity, can we be said to be treating our last ruler as dead?"
'The [new marquis] instantly issued orders [for the expedition]. The Keang Jung were called into the field on the spur of the moment. The marquis [joined the army], wearing his son'sgarb of unhemmed mourning, stained with black, and also his mourning scarf. Leang Hwang was his charioteer, and Lae Keu his spearman on the right. In summer, in the 4th month, on Sin-sze, he defeated the army of Ts'in at Heaou, took [the commanders], Pih-le Măng-ming-she, Se-k'eih Shuh, and Pih-yih Ping, prisoners, and brought them back with him to the capital, from which he proceeded in his dark-stained mourning garb to inter duke Wăn, which thenceforth became the custom in Tsin. Wăn Ying [duke Wăn's Ts'in wife] interceded for the prisoners, saying, "In consequence of their stirring up enmity between you and him, [my father], the earl of Ts'in, will not be satisfied even if he should eat them. Why should you condescend to punish them? Why should you not send them back to be put to death in Ts'in, to satisfy the wish of my lord there?" The marquis acceded to her advice.
'Seen Chin went to court, and asked about the Ts'in prisoners. The marquis replied, 'My father's widow requested it, and I have let them go." The officer in a rage said, 'Your warriors by their strength caught them in the field, and now they are let go for a woman's brief word in the city. By such overthrow of the services of the army, and such prolongation of the resentment of our enemies, our ruin will come at no distant day." With this, without turning round, he spat on the ground.
'The marquis sent Yang Ch'oo-foo to pursue after the liberated commanders; but when he got to the Ho, they were already on board a boat. Loosing the outside horse on the left of his chariot, he said he had the marquis's order to present it to Măng-ming. Măng-ming bowed his head to the ground, and said, "Your prince's kindness in not taking the blood of me his prisoner to smear his drums [See Mencius, I. Pt. I., vii. 4], but liberating me to go and be killed in Ts'in;—this kindness, should my prince indeed execute me, I will not forget in death. If by your prince's kindness I escape this fate, in three years I will thank him for his gift."
'The earl of Ts'in, in white mourning garments, was waiting for them in the borders of the capital, and wept, looking in the direction where the army had been lost. "By my opposition to the counsel of Keen Shuh," he said, "I brought disgrace on you, my generals. Mine has been the crime; and that I did not [before] dismiss Măng-ming [from such a service] was my fault. What fault are you chargeable with? I will not for one error shut out of view your great merits.'
The last Book of the Shoo is said to have been made by the earl of Ts'in on occasion of this defeat;—see the note on the name of that Book. The few sentences of the Chuen are much more to the point than all its paragraphs. The K'ang-he editors have a long note, in which they discuss the question whether Tsin was justified in attacking Ts'in in Heaou, and conclude that it was so. The blame implied, as they fancy, in the ? of ? ?, they explain as kindly meant to hide the fact of the marquis of Tsin, in deepest mourning, and his father yet unburied, taking part in such an affair; but this is unnecessary. The marquis may have been near the defile, but all the arrangements were made by Seen Chin who was the actual commander in the affair. The Keang Jung, represented as descendants of Yaou's chief minister, came readily to the help of Tsin, because duke Hwuy had kindly received and protected them, when they were driven out of their old seats by Ts'in.
Par. 5. Tso-she says the Teih ventured on this, 'taking advantage of the mourning in Tsin.'
Parr. 6,7. For ? ? Kung-yang has ?; Kuh-leang has ? ? . The place must have been in Tse-ning Chow (? ? ?), dep. Yenchow. The Chuen says:—'The duke invaded Choo, and took Tsze-low, to repay the action at Shing-hing [see p. 3 of the 22d year]. The people of Choo did not make preparations to receive an enemy; and in autumn Seang-chung again invaded it.'
Par. 8. Ke was 35 le south from the pres. dis. city of T'ae-kuh (? ?), dep. T'ae-yuen, Shan-se. The Chuen says:—'The Teih invaded Tsin, and came as far as Ke, where, in the 8th month, on Mow-tsze, the marquis of Tsin defeated them, Keoh Keueh capturing the viscount of the White Teih. Seen Chin said [to himself], "[No better than] an ordinary man, I vented my feeling on my ruler [Referring to his spitting before the marquis], and I was not punished; but dare I keep from punishing myself?" With this, he took off his helmet, entered the army of the Teih, and died. The Teih returned his head, when his countenance looked as when he was alive.
'Before this, Ke of K'ew [Seu Shin] was passing by K'e on a mission, and saw Keueh of K'e weeding in a field, when his wife brought his food to him. He showed to her all respect, and behaved to her as he would have done to a guest. Ke therefore took him back with him to the capital, and told duke Wăn, saying, "About respect all other virtues gather. He who can show respect is sure to have virtue. Virtue finds its use in the government of the people. I entreat your lordship to employ him. Your servant has heard that outside one's door to behave as if one were receiving a guest, and to attend to all business as if it were a sacrifice [Comp. Ana. XII. ii.], is the pattern of perfect virtue." The duke said, "But should this be done, considering the crime of his father [See the Chuen at the beginning of the 24th year. Keueh's father, Keoh Juy, had planned to murder duke Wăn.]?" "The criminal whom Shun put to death," returned Ke, "was Kwăn; and the man whom he raised to dignity was [Kwăn's son], Yu. The assaulter of Hwan [of Ts'e] was Kwan King-chung, and yet he became his chief minister, and carried him on to success. In the Announcement to the prince of K'ang it is said, 'The father who is devoid of affection, and the son who is devoid of reverence; the elder brother who is unkind, and the younger who is disrespectful,' are all to be punished, but not one for the offence of the other [See the Shoo, V. ix. 16, but the quotation is very inaccurate]. The ode says [She, I. iii. Ode X.]:—
'When we gather the fung and the fe, They should not be rejected because of their roots.' On this, duke Wăn made Keoh Keueh great officer of the 3d army.
'On the return of the army from Ke, duke Seang invested Seen Tseu-keu [Son of Seen Chin] with the 3d degree of rank, and made him commander of the 2d or middle army. He gave Seu Shin the second rank, and the city of Seen Maou, as his reward, saying, "The promotion of Keoh Keueh was due to you." He conferred the 1st degree on Keoh Keueh, and made him a high minister, restoring to him the city of K'e; but Keueh did not yet receive the command of an army.'
Par. 11. See on III. xxxii. 4. Too Yu says that 'the Small chamber was the wife's chamber (? ? ?).' The Chuen says:—'In winter the duke went to Ts'e to pay a court-visit, and to condole with the marquis on the attack of the Teih. On his return, he died in the Small chamber, having retired there to be more at rest.' Kuh-leang and other critics say he ought not to have breathed his last there.
Par. 12. For ? Kung-yang has ?. Le and mei are both the names of plum-trees, and their fruits;—I do not know the specific difference between them. The 12th month of Chow was the 10th month of Hea. To find hoar-frost on the ground, and at the same time the grass still vigorous, and plum-trees still bearing, was strange; and as an unusual phænomenon it is here recorded. The critics delight to dwell upon its moral significance, and Hoo Gan-kwoh quotes a conversation on the paragraph, with duke Gae, ascribed to Confucius, which is in a similar strain.
Par. 13. Tso-she says the object of this invasion was to punish Heu for its inclining to the side of Ts'oo.
[We have here 3 narratives in the Chuen:— 'Tsze-shang, chief minister of Ts'oo, made an incursion into Ts'ae and Ch'in, both of which made their submission; and then he went on to invade Ch'ing, intending to place Hea, son of duke Wăn, as marquis in it. He made an attack at the Keeh-teeh gate, when Hea was overturned in the pond of the Chow family. K'wăn-ch'un, a servant of the marquis stationed outside the walls, caught him and presented his dead body. The marquis's wife covered it with a shroud, put it in a coffin, and buried it near Kwei-shing.'
'Yang Ch'oo-foo of Tsin made an incursion into Ts'ae, and Tsze-yang of Ts'oo came to its relief. Their two armies faced each other with the river Che between them. Yang, being distressed by the position, sent to say to Tszeshang, "The man of civil virtue will not attack those who are acting according to an agreement; the man of military prowess will not leave his enemy. If you wish to fight, I will withdraw 30 le, till you pass over and arrange your battle, receiving your commands as to the time, less or more. If you do not accept this offer, grant the same indulgence to me. To keep our armies here long in the field, and waste our resources, is of no use." He then had the horses yoked in his carriage to await the answer. Tsze-shang wished to cross the river, but Ta Sun-pih [the Ta-sin of the Chuen on IV. xxviii. 6. He was the son of Tsze-yuh, o Tih-shin, of Ts'oo] said, "No. The men of Tsin have no good faith. If they attack us, when half our troops are crossed over, it will be too late to repent of our defeat. Better grant the indulgence to them." On this the troops of Ts'oo withdrew 30 le. When Yang saw this, he spread abroad the report that the army of Ts'oo had retired, and immediately returned to Tsin. Shang-shin, the eldest son of [the viscount of] Ts'oo, slandered Tsze-shang [to his father], saying, "He was bribed by Tsin, and got out of the way of its army,—to the shame of Ts'oo; there could not be a greater crime." On this the viscount put Tsz-shang to death.'
'We buried duke He;—the burial was late [The construction and meaning here are uncertain]. The making the Spirit-tablet was contrary to rule. On occasion of the death of the prince of a State, when the weeping is ended, his spirit is supposed to take its place by that of his grandfather, with reference to which the spirit-tablet has been made, and is now set up. A special sacrifice goes on before this tablet, while the seasonal sacrifices and the fortunate sacrifice at the end of the mourning take place in the temple.']
These immediately preceding remarks are here by some mistake in their wrong place. They belong to the next Book, i. 4, and ii. 2.
BOOK VI. DUKE WAN.
I. First year.
1 In the first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2 In the second month, on Kwei-hae, the sun was eclipsed.
3 The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Shuh-fuh to be present at the burial [of duke He].
4 In summer, in the fourth month, in Ting-sze, we buried our ruler, duke He.
5 The king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the earl of Maou to confer on the duke the symbol [of investiture].
6 The marquis of Tsin invaded Wei.
7 Shuh-sun Tih-shin went to the capital.
8 A body of men from Wei invaded Tsin.
9 In autumn, Kung-sun Gaou had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin in Ts'eih.
10 In winter, in the tenth month, on Ting-we, Shang-shin, heir-son of Ts'oo, murdered his ruler, Keun.
11 Kung-sun Gaou went to Ts'e.
Title Of The Book.—?? 'Duke Wăn.' Duke Wăn's name was Hing ?. He was the son of duke He by his wife Shing Keang ??, a daughter of the House of Ts'e. His rule lasted 18 years, B.C. 725–608. His honorary title Wăn denotes—'Gentle and kindly, loving the people (????? ?);' or, 'Loyally truthful, and courteous (??????).'
His 1st year synchronized with the 26th of king Seang (??); the 2d of Seang (?) of Tsin; the 7th of Ch'aou (?) of Ts'e; the 9th of Ch'ing (?) of Wei; the 10th of Chwang (?) of Ts'ae; the 2d of Muh (?) of Ch'ing; the 27th of Kung (?) of Ts'aou; the 6th of Kung (?) of Ch'in; the 11th of Hwan (?) of Ke; the 11th of Ch'ing (?) of Sung; the 34th of Muh of Tsin; and the 46th of Ch'ing of Ts'oo.
Par. 1. Everything was auspicious at the accession of duke Wăn, and therefore we have the account of it in full, without anything to be said against the ??, as in II. i. 1. Duke He indeed was not yet buried; but that circumstance was not allowed to interfere with the proclamation of the new rule, and the young marquis's reception of his ministers, on the 1st day of the new year.
Par. 2. Before ? Kung-yang has ?, Too Yu, accepting Tso-she's text, observes that the ? is omitted through the carelessness of the historiographers. The eclipse took place on the 26th January, B. C. 625.
Par. 3. The prince of one State sent an officer to attend at the interment of the prince of another State; but in the Ch'un Ts'ew no record is made of the appearance of such envoys at Loo. The record here is because the mission of Shuh-fuh was a special honour done to Loo by the king. The Chuen says that this Shuhfuh was historiographer of the interior, and adds:—'Kung-sun Gaou had heard that he was a master of physiognomy, and introduced his two sons to him. Shuh-fuh said, "Kuh will feed you; No will bury you. The lower part of Kuh's face is large;—he will have posterity in the State of Loo." '
[Tso-she appends here:—'Here there was an intercalary 3d month;—which was contrary to rule. The method of the former kings in regulating the seasons was—to make a commencement at the proper beginning; to determine the correct beginning of the months from the commencement of the year to the end; and to reserve the overplus of days for the year's end. By making the commencement at the proper beginning, order was secured, and there was no error. By determining the commencements of the months, the people were preserved from error; by reserving the overplus to the end of the year, affairs proceeded in a natural way.]
Par. 4. The Chuen here repeats the text without any addition, showing that the ? of the Chuen at the end of last year belongs to this place. The duke should have been buried 5 months after his death; but 6 had now elapsed, or 7, if we count the intercalary month.
Parr. 5, 7. Maou was a city and territory within the royal domain, assigned by some to the pres. dis. of E-yang (??), dep. Ho-nan. Its lords were earls, descendants of Shuh-ch'ing (??), one of the sons of king Wăn; and were, one after another, in the service of the court. The ? here conferred on the duke was doubtless the 'jade token,' proper to his rank as marquis;—see on the Shoo, II. i.7. Comp. also III. i .6. The mission of Shuh-sun Tih-shin was to express the duke's acknowledgments for this token of the royal favour;— Tso-she says:—???. This Tih-shin was grandson of Ya or Shuh Ya, whose death is mentioned in III. xxxii.3, and who was the ancestor of the Shuh-sun clan. See the Chuen there.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'In the last years of duke Wăn of Tsin, the princes of the States came [most of them] to the court of Tsin; but duke Ch'ing of Wei did not come; and he sent K'ung Tah to make an incursion into Ch'ing, attacking also Meen-tsze and K'wang. At the end of his 1st year of mourning, duke Seang sent word to the States, and invaded Wei. When he had got to Nan-yang, Seen Tseu-keu said to him, "You are imitating the crime [of Wei], and will meet with calamity. Let me ask your lordship to go to the king's court, and I will go with the army." On this the marquis paid a court-visit to the king in Wăn, while Seen Tseu-keu and Seu Shin prosecuted the invasion of Wei. On Sin-yew, the 1st day of the 5th month, their army laid siege to Ts'eih, took it on Mow-seuh in the 6th month, when the officer Sun Ch'aou was taken prisoner.'
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—The people of Wei sent to inform Ch'in of their circumstances. Duke Kung of Ch'in said, "Attack Tsin again. I will speak to the marquis [in your behalf].' On this K'ung Tah of Wei led a force, and attacked Tsin. The superior man will say that this was the ancient method. The ancients passed from their own to take counsel with another State.'
Par. 9. Ts'eih was the city of Wei, the capture of which is mentioned in the Chuen on par. 6. It was 7 le north of the pres. city of K'ae Chow (??), dep. of Ta-ming. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the marquis of Tsin was laying out the boundaries of the lands of Ts'eih, and there Kung-sun Gaou had an interview with him.' The K'ang-he editors observe that this is the first instance in the text of the classic of great officers taking it on themselves to have meetings with the princes.
Par. 10. For * Kung and Kuh have *. The Chuen says:—"At an earlier period, the viscount of Ts'oo, intending to declare Shangshin his successor, consulted his chief minister Tsze-shang about it. Tsze-shang said, "Your lordship is not yet old. You are also fond of many [of your children]. Should you degrade him hereafter, he will make disorder. The succession in Ts'oo has always been from among the younger sons. Morever, he has eyes [projecting] like a wasp's, and a wolf's voice;—he is capable of anything. You ought not to raise him to that position." The viscount did it however. But afterwards he wished to appoint his son Chih instead, and to degrade Shangshin. Shang-shin heard of his intention, but was not sure of it. He therefore told his tutor P'wan Ts'ung, and asked him how he could get certain information. Ts'ung said, "Give a feast to her of Keang [The viscount's sister], and behave disrespectfully to her." The prince did so, when the lady became angry, and cried out, "You slave, it is with reason that the king wishes to kill you, and appoint Chih in your place." Shang-shin told this to his tutor, saying, "The report is true.' Ts'ung then said, "Are you able to serve Chih?" "No." "Are you able to leave the State?" "No." "Are you able to do the great thing?" "Yes."
'In winter, in the 10th month. Shang-shin, with the guards of his palace, held the king in siege. The king begged to have bear's paws to eat before he died, which was refused him; and on Ting-we he strangled himself. The prince [immediately] gave him the title of Ling, but his eyes would not shut. He changed it to Ch'ing, and they shut. [Shang-shin] took his place, [and is known as] king Muh. He gave the house where he had lived as the eldest son to P'wan Ts'ung, made him grand-tutor, and commander of the palace guards.'
Par. 11. The Chuen says:—'Muh-pih [The hon. title and family place of Kung-sun Gaou] went to Ts'e on a mission of friendly inquiry at the commencement [of the duke's rule];—which was right. On the accession of princes of States, their ministers should go everywhere on such friendly missions, maintaining and cultivating old friendships, and forming external alliances of support. Attention to the services which are due to other States, in order to defend one's own altars, is the course of leal-heartedness, good faith, and humble complaisance. Leal-heartedness is the correct manifestation of virtue. Good faith is the bond of virtue. Humble complaisance is the foundation of virtue.'
[The Chuen turns here in conclusion to the affairs of Ts'in:—'After the battle of Heaou, when the people of Tsin had returned the captive generals to Ts'in, his great officers and others about him said to the earl, "This defeat was all the fault of Măng-ming; you must put him to death." But the earl said, "It was owing to my fault. They are the words of the ode of (the earl of) Juy of Chow [She, III. iii. Ode III. 13]:—
'Great winds have a path;— The covetous men try to subvert their peers. If he would hear my words, I would speak to him; But I can [only] croon them over, as if I were drunk. He will not employ the good, And on the contrary causes me this distress.' It was by [my] covetousness. The ode is applicable to me. It was my covetousness which brought the misfortune on him. What crime had he?" Accordingly he again employed [Măng-ming] in the conduct of the government.']
II. Second year.
1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Keah-tsze, he marquis of Tsin and the army of Ts'in fought a battle in P'ăng-ya, when the army of Ts'in was disgracefully defeated.
2 On Ting-ch'ow, [the duke] made the Spirit-tablet of duke He.
3 In the third month, on Yih-sze, [the duke] made a covenant with Ch'oo-foo of Tsin.
4 In summer, in the sixth month, Kung-sun Gaou had a meeting with the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the earl of Ch'ing, and Sze Hwoh of Tsin, when they made a covenant in Ch'uy-lung.
5 From the twelfth month [of the last year] it had not rained until the autumn [of this] in the seventh month.
6 In the eighth month, on Ting-maou, there was the great [sacrificial] business in the grand temple, when [the tablet of] duke He was advanced [to the place of that of duke Min].
7 In winter, a body of men from Tsin, one from Sung, one from Ch'in, and one from Ch'ing invaded Ts'in.
8 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts'e, with the marriage offerings [for the duke].
Par. 1. The site of P'ang-ya (in Kung-yang, ??) is not well ascertained. Probably it was in Ts'in,-as Kung and Kuh say. According to Too, it should be found 60 le to the north-east of the pres. dis. city of Pih-shwuy (??), dept. T'ung-chow, Shen-se. The Chuen says:—' In the 2d year, in spring, Măng-ming She of Ts'in led an army against Tsin, to repay his defeat at Heaou. In the 2d month, the marquis of Tsin went to meet him, Seen Tseu-keu commanding the army of the centre, with Chaou Ts'uy as his assistant. Woo-te of Wang-kwan acted as charioteer, and Hoo Kuhkeu was spearman on the right. On Keah-tsze they fought in P'ăng-ya, when the army of Ts'in received a severe defeat, the men of Tsin calling it the army with which Ts'in acknowledged their marquis's gift [See Măng-ming's language at the end of the Chuen on p. 3 of the 33d year of duke He]. At the battle of Heaou, Leang Hwang had been charioteer, and Lae Keu the spearman on the right. On the day after it, duke Seang had one of the prisoners bound, and ordered Lae Keu to kill him with a spear. The prisoner gave a shout, and Keu dropt the spear, on which Lang Shin took it up, killed him, and, taking his left ear, followed the marquis's chariot, who made him the spearman on the right.
'At the battle of Ke, Seen Chin degraded Lang. and appointed Suh Keen-pih in his place. Lang was angry, and one of his friends said to him, "Why not die here?" He replied, "I have here no proper place to die in." "Let me and you do a difficult thing," said the friend [Meaning that they should kill the general]; but Lang replied, 'It is said in one of the histories of Chow, 'The brave who kills his superior shall have no place in the hall of Light.' He who dies doing what is not righteous is not brave; he who dies in the public service is brave. By bravery I sought the place of spearman on the right; I am degraded as not being brave;—it is my present place. If I should say that my superior does not know me, and did that which would make my degradation right, I should only prove that he did know me. Wait a little, my friend."
'At P'ăng-ya, when the army was marshalled for the battle, Lang Shin, with his own followers, dashed into the army of Ts'in, and died. The army of Tsin followed him, and gained a great victory. The superior man will say that Lang Shin in this way proved himself a superior man. It is said in the ode [She, II. v. ode IV. 2]:—
"Let the superior man be angry. And disorder will be stopt;" and again [She, III. i. ode VII. 5]:—
"The king rose majestic in his wrath, And marshalled his troops." When Lang in his anger would not be guilty of disorder, but went on to do good service in the army, he may be called a superior man.
'The earl of Ts'in, [notwithstanding this fresh defeat], still employed Măng-ming, who paid increased attention to the government of the State, and made great largesses to the people. Chaou Ch'ing [Ch'ing is the hon. title of Chaou Ts'uy] said to the officers of Tsin,"The army of Ts'in will be here again, and we must get out of its way. He who in his apprehension increases his virtue cannot be matched. The ode says [She, III. i. ode 1.6]:
"Ever think of your ancestors, Cultivating your virtue." It is in this way that Măng-ming thinks. Thinking of his virtue, without remitting his efforts, can he be resisted?" '
Par. 2. Tso says that this records the wrong time at which the thing was done. Here belongs the greater part of the 3d par. in the Chuen at the end of He's last year. According to Maou, the practice of the Chow dynasty on the death of the prince of a State was this:— 1st, The spirittablets of the former princes were all taken from their shrines, and laid up for 5 months in the 'grand apartment,' during which time no sacrifices were offered to them. 2d, When the time at the end of those months came to place the tablet of the recently deceased prince by that of his grandfather, a procession was made with it to take the other tablets from their repository, and replace them in their shrines. The new tablet was placed in the shrine of the deceased's grandfather, and a sacrifice was offered to them two. 3d, After this, the new tablet was carried back to the chamber where the prince had died, where sacrifices were offered to it, while all the others were left in their shrines, and sacrificed to as usual [As the Chuen says, ? ? ? ?,?* ? ? ?. 4th, At the conclusion of the mourning, the new tablet was taken to its proper shrine in the temple, and one of the older ones was removed; —in the form and order prescribed.
This account seems to be correct. Kung-yang thinks that, after the burial, a tablet of the wood of the mulberry tree was made, and sacrificed to in the chamber; and that, at the end of a year from the death, this was changed for a tablet made of the wood of the chestnut tree. If it were so, and the 2d tablet be here spoken of, yet the time for making and setting it up had long gone by.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'The people of Tsin, because the duke had not paid a court visit to their marquis, came to punish him. On this he went to Tsin; and in summer, in the 4th month, on Ke-sze, Yang Ch'oo-foo was commissioned to make a covenant with him. This was done to disgrace the duke. The words of the text 'made a covenant with Ch'oo-foo of Tsin,' indicate dissatisfaction with that individual. The duke's visit to Tsin is not recorded;—purposely, to keep it concealed.' The Chuen correctly gives the day Ke-sze in the 4th month, instead of the 3d month of the text.
Par. 4. Kuh-leang gives ? for *; and both Kung and Kuh give ?? for ??. Ch'uy-lung was in the north east of the pres. dis. of Yung-tsih, dep. K'ae-fung.
The Chuen says:—'The duke had not arrived [from Tsin]; and in the 4th month, Muh-pih had a meeting with the princes named, and Sze Hwoh, minister of Works in Tsin, at Ch'uy-lung, with reference to Tsin's punishment of Wei. The marquis of Ch'in begged that Tsin would accept the submission of Wei, and also seized K'ung Tah, in order to please Tsin.' Tso-she interjects that Sze Hwoh is here mentioned by his name and surname, because of his ability for his work.
Par. 5. Chaou P'ang-fei contrasts the way in which so many months of drought are here summarily mentioned with the notices under duke He in V. ii.5. iii. 4;—which see.
Par. 6. The 'great business' here is what is called the 'fortunate te sacrifice' in IV. ii. 2, where its nature has been sufficiently explained. Here, as there, it was performed 3 months before the proper time; and this coincidence might lead us to think that some new regulation affecting the date of the service had been adopted in Loo. The stress of the paragraph. however, is in the conclusion,-the advancing the tablet of duke He into the place which had been for more than 30 years occupied by that of his brother and predecessor, Min. This has given rise to numerous subtle and perplexing discussions. The account of it in the Chuen is the following:—This was contrary to the order of sacrifice [??. Too explains the phrase thus:—"He was the elder brother. and they could not be placed as father and son; he had been the subject of Min, and his proper place was beneath him. But now his tablet was placed above Min's;—hence the expression ??"] On this, Ha-foo Fuh-ke, who was then director of the ancestral temple. wished to honour duke He, and told what he had seen. saying, "I saw the new Spirit great, and the old Spirit small. To put the great one first, and the small one after it, is the natural order. And to advance him who was sage and worthy, is the act of intelligence. What is according to natural order and intelligence has a principle of reason in it." But the superior man must consider the act to have been contrary to the propriety of the ceremony. In ceremonies everything must be in the proper natural order; and sacrifice is the great business of the State. How can it be called propriety to go contrary to the order of it? The son may have been reverend and sage, but he does not take precedence of the father, who has enjoyed the sacrifice long. Thus it was that Yu did not take precedence of Kwăn, nor T'ang of Seeh, nor Wăn and Woo of Puh-chueh. The emperor Yih was the ancestor of the House of Sung, and king Le the ancestor of that of Ch'ing; and notwithstanding their bad character, they keep in the temples their superior position. Thus also in the Praise-songs of Loo [She IV. ii. Song IV.3] we have,
"In spring and in autumn, without delay, He presents his offerings without error, To the great and sovereign God, And to his great ancestor How-tseil;" the superior man thus in effect saying, "Here is the order of ceremony; tho' How-tseih be near in relationship, yet God takes the precedence in the sacrifice." Another ode says [She, I. iii. ode XIV.2.]—
"I will ask for my aunts, And then for my sister;" the superior man thus saying, "Here is the order of ceremony; tho' the sister be the nearest in relationship. yet the aunts take the precedence of her." Chung-ne said, "There were three thiugs which showed Tsang Wan-chung's want of virtue, and three which showed his want of knowledge. His keeping Chen K'in [Lew-hea Hwuy] in a low position; his removing the six gates; and his making his concubines weave rush mats for sale— these showed his want of virtue. His making vain structures [See Ana. V. xvii.]; his allowing a sacrifice contrary to the proper order [The case in the text]; and his sacrificing to the Yuen-kuen [A strange bird]—these showed his want of knowledge." '
The reader will probably think that this long note does not make the text plainer than it was before.—It was explained on IV. ii. 2, and on the 19th chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean, that in the ancestral temple the shrines were arranged in two rows, on either side of the shrine of the founder of the House. On one side were the shrines of fathers fronting the south. These were called ch'aou (?). On the other side, fronting the north, were those of sons. They were called muh (?). Of course the sons were fathers in their turn; but the situation in the row was determined by reckoning from the founder. His grandson was the 1st ch'aou, his son the 1st muh, and so on. But what was to be done when brothers followed one another in the succession, as here in the case of Min and He? Some critics say their tablets went all into the same shrine; but this is not the orthodox view. That holds that they were placed just as if they had been father and son, and the theory of the arrangement was overturned. Now when the tablet of Min got its place in the temple, he was a ch'aou. That of He should have gone into the other row, opposite to it, pushing out the muh which was at the top. But duke Wăn wished his father to have the more honourable ch'aou place; and so Min's tablet was removed to the muh row, and He's took its place at the bottom of the ch'aous. The director of the temple lent himself to this infringement of the rule. He was in reality older than Min; but Min had taken precedence of him in the succession, as the son of duke Chwang's wife, preferable to an elder brother who was only the son of a concubine.
[Tso-she's own remarks in the Chuen begin at ??????. He is the ? ?or 'superior man' there. The other two ?? are to be take as the authors of the odes which are quoted, adduced by Tso-she in confirmation of his own view. The Praisesong of Loo was made after the time of duke He.]
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'In winter, Seen Tseu-keu of Tsin, Kung-tsze Ch'ing of Sung, Yuen Seuen of Ch'in, and Kung-tsze Kweisang. of Ch'ing, invaded Ts'in, when they took Wang and P'ang-ya, and returned. The object of the expedition was to repay Ts'in for the compaign of P'ang-ya. The ministers are not named in the text, [and they are only called ?], on account of duke Muh [of Ts'in], out of regard to the honour of Ts'in;—an example of the respect paid to virtue.' [This last sentence is merely Tso-she's own erroneous criticism of the text.]
Par. 8. The marriage of the duke with a daughter of Ts'e is recorded in IV. 2. The presenting the offerings of silk, denoted by ?, was subsequent to the ceremonies of the engagement, and therefore I think, notwithstanding the protest of the K'ang-he editors, that Too's view is very likely,—that the engagement had been made before the death of duke He, and that, as soon as the conclusion of the mourning permitted, Wăn proceeded to take the next step. The Chuen says:—'This visit to Ts'e of Seang-chung was according to rule. When a prince comes to the rule of a State, he shows his affection for the States whose princes are related to him by affinity, cultivates all relationships by marriage, and takes a head wife, to attend to the grain-vessels of the temple. This is filial piety, and filial piety is the beginning of propriety.'
III. Third year.
1 In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first month, Shuh-sun Tih-shin joined an officer of Tsin, an officer of Sung, an officer of Ch'in, an officer of Wei, and an officer of Ch'ing, in invading Shin, the people of which dispersed.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, king [He's] son, Hoo, died.
3 A body of men from Ts'in invaded Tsin.
4 In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo besieged Keang.
5 It rained locusts in Sung.
6 In winter, the duke went to Tsin; and in the twelfth month, on Ke-sze, he made a covenant with the marquis of Tsin.
7 Yang Ch'oo-foo of Tsin led a force, and invaded Ts'oo, in order to relieve Keang.
Par. 1. Shin was a small State, whose lords were viscounts, with the surname of the House of Chow;—in the pres. dis. of Joo-yang (?? ), dep. Joo-ning, Ho-nan. Tsb-she says that Chwang-shuh [??; Chwang is the hon. title given to Shuh-sun Tih-shin] joined the armies of the States in this expedition, because Shin had submitted to Ts'oo.' He adds, in explanation of the term ?, that 'the people's flying and deserting their superior is indicated by that term, while their ruler's fleeing is expressed by ?.' The first meaning given to ? in the dict. is 'a large body of water rushing away by a new channel.' Such is the dispersion of the people fleeing from an enemy.
[The Chuen appends:—'The marquis of Wei went to Ch'in, to express his acknowledgments for the peace with Tsin,'—obtained by the mediation of Ch'in;—see the Chuen on par. 4 of last year.]
Par. 2. Tso-she says:—'In the 4th month, on Yih-hae, the king's uncle, duke Wăn (??; the hon. title given to Hoo) died. A messenger came to Loo with the announcement, and condolences were sent to Chow as on the death of a prince who had covenanted with the duke.' The Hoo in the text was the 'king's officer' of V. xxix. 3, who covenanted with duke He in Teih-ts'euen. The news of his death was sent therefore to duke Wăn, as being He's son, and condolences were returned to Chow, as if Hoo had been the prince of a State. As the Chuen says he was king Seang's uncle, he must have been a son of king He (??). KuhLeang wrongly identifies him with the Shuhfuh of 1.3. who was not yet dead.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'The earl of Ts'in invaded Tsin, and burned his boats when he had crossed the Ho. He then took Wang-kwan and Keaou; and as the troops of Tsin did not come out against him, he crossed the Ho at the ford of Maou, collected the bodies in Heaou [See V. xxxiii. 3], raised mounds over them, and then returned to Ts'in. In consequence of this expedition, he was acknowledged as their leader by the Western Jung, and continued to employ Măng-ming. From this the superior man recognizes the style of ruler that duke Muh of Ts'in was;—what entire confidence he reposed in the men whom he employed, and with what single-heartedness he stood by them. He recognizes also the qualities of Măng-ming, how diligent he was and able, from his anxiety to exercise his thoughts more profitably; and the loyalty finally of Tsze-sang [The Kung-sun Che, who first recommended Măng-ming], well knowing men, and introducing the good to the notice of his prince. What is intimated in the ode [She, I. i. ode I. 3],
"She goes to gather the white southernwood, By the ponds, by the pools; And then she employs it, In the business of our prince," was found in duke Muh. Again, the words, [She, III. iii. ode VI. 4],
"Never idle day or night, In the service of the one man," were exemplified in Măng-ming. And those [She, III. i. ode X. 8],
"His counsels reached on to his descendants. To give happiness and strength to his posterity," were exemplified in Tsze-sang.'
Acc. to the Chuen, the earl of Ts'in himself was in this expedition. Still the ?? of the text shows that he only accompanied it. and that the command was held by one of his ministers. The conclusion of this expedition does seem a more fitting occasion for the Speech of the earl of Ts'in which concludes the Shoo than the defeat at Heaou, to which it is commonly referred.
Par. 4. Keang,—see V. ii .4. From the time of the meeting recorded in that par., Keang, notwithstanding its proximity to Ts'oo, had continued to adhere to the northern States, and was now to suffer the consequences from its powerful neighbour. Ts'oo was, no doubt, emboldened to recommence its aggressive movements by the long continued hostilities between Tsin and Ts'in. The Chuen says that, on this occasion, 'Seen Puh of Tsin invaded Ts'oo in order to relieve Keang.'
Par. 5. ?,—see II. v .8. The Chuen says that these 'locusts fell down and died.' This seems to be Tso-she's explanation of the text that 'it rained locusts.' This would be a prodigy, and not a calamity or plague, as Kuh-leang makes out the visitation to have been. Sung was noted for such strange appearances;—see V. xvi. 1.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'They were apprehensive in Tsin that they had behaved uncourteously to the duke [In the matter of the covenant, par. 3 of last year], and asked him to make a new covenant. The duke went accordingly to Tsin, and made a covenant with the marquis, who feasted him, and sang the ode beginning,
"Abundant grows the asier-southernwood" (She, II. iii.ode II.). Chwang-shuh [See on par. 1] descended the steps with the duke, that he might acknowledge [the honour done to him], saying, "My small State having received the orders of your great State, I dare not but be most careful in my observances. Your lordship has conferred on me a great honour, and nothing could exceed my happiness. The happiness of my small State is from the kindness of your great one." The marquis also descended the steps, and declined the acknowledgments [which the duke was going to make]. They then re-ascended the steps, when the duke bowed twice, and sang the ode beginning "Our admirable, amiable Sovereign" (She, III. ii. ode V).'
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'In winter, Tsin represented the case of Keang to the court of Chow. In consequence, Wang-shuh, the duke Hwan, and Yang Ch'oo-foo of Tsin, invaded Ts'oo in order to relieve Keang. They attacked Fang-shing, and having met with Tsze-choo, duke of Seih, they returned.' This narrative of the Chuen is not clear. Tsze-choo was the commander of the expedition of Ts'oo against Keang. He retired before the troops of Tsin, and then the relieving force also withdrew, having accomplished its object very imperfectly. Kung and Kuh leave out the ? before ?. The K'ang-he editors enter here into a defence of the conduct of Tsin in this transaction, against the condemnation of Hoo Gan-kwoh and other critics. Too Yu says that the duke Hwan in the Chuen was a son of duke Wăn, king's son Hoo, whose death is recorded in the second par. If it was so, then the Wang-shuh (??) in the Chuen here must be taken as a clan-name and not as== 'the king's uncle.' I have so translated the characters in the former Chuen, because the relationship of Hoo seems to be determined by his being called both 'king's son,' and king's uncle.
IV. Fourth year.
1 In his fourth year, in spring, the duke arrived from Tsin.
2 In summer, [the duke] met his wife Keang in Ts'e.
3 The Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.
4 In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo extinguished Keang.
5 The marquis of Tsin invaded Ts'in.
6 The marquis of Wei sent Ning Yu to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
7 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Jin-yin, the wife [of duke Chwang], the lady Fung, died.
Par. 1. [The Chuen appends here three short notices:—1st, 'In spring they returned K'ung T'ah from Tsin to Wei [See the Chuen on II.4], considering him to be Wei's good man, and therefore letting him go.' 2d, 'In summer, the marquis of Wei went to Tsin to make his acknowledgments [for the restoration of K'ung Tah].' 3d, 'The earl of Ts'aou went to Tsin to have an understanding about the contributions [to the marquis, as the leader of the States.]
Par. 2. This par. has reference to duke Wan's marriage,-his bringing home to Loo the daughter of Ts'e, on whose account Kung-tsze Suy conveyed the marriage gifts as related in II. 8. There are difficulties, however, in the interpretation and translation of it, arising from there being no subject of the verb expressed, and from the phrase ?? instead of the regular one ??;—comp. II. iii .5, and III. xxiv. 3. Tso-she holds that the subject of ? is some person of mean rank, who was employed on this mission. The Chuen says:—'A high minister did not go to meet the lady;—which was contrary to rule.' It is then added 'The superior man, knowing from this that Ch'uh Keang (so the lady was afterwards styled) would not be trusted in Loo, might say, "A man of noble rank acted at her betrothal, and a mean man met her [at her marriage]. While she was becoming duchess, she was treated as mean, and in the act of establishing her she was disowned. The duke threw away his confidence in her. and her authority as mistress of the harem was overthrown. This was a sure presage of disorder in the State, and of ruin in the family. Right was it that she should not be trusted. What is said in the ode (She. IV. i. [i.] ode VII.),
"Revere the majesty of Heaven, And ever preserve its favour," may be considered as spoken of the reverence to be accorded to the mistress of the harem.'
Kung-yang sees in this notice the indication of the indifference with which the lady was treated, and supposes she was not a daughter of the marquis of Ts'e, but only of one of his officers, of the same surname as the ruling House. But there can be no doubt the lady was a daughter of the marquis. Kuh-leang would supply ? as the subject of ?. The duke went in person to Ts'e for his bride, as duke Chwang is said to have done in III.xxiv. 3. There the ? is expressed, while here it is wanting; but we have found it wanting in the same way in more than a score of other paragraphs. Here, therefore, I must agree, as the K'ang-he editors do, with Kuh-leang rather than with Tso. The duke went himself to Ts'e to receive his bride.
But how have we ??, instead of ? ?, as in III xxiv.3? Tso-she does not meet this question, but Too repeats the explanation of the term ?, which is given under V.xxv. 3. Kuh-leang also adduces it, but I do not see how it can be admitted in this case. And there is no necessity for it. The duke went to Ts'e, and in his impatience completed the marriage there, instead of escorting his bride to Loo, and there going through the ceremonies proper to the occasion;—as he ought to have done. Instead of ? simply, we might have ?? as in II. iii. 6,8, et al; but it is needless to find either praise or blame in the omission of the ?.
Par. 3. See V.xxx. 3. These northern hordes seem to have become more and more restless and daring.
Par. 4. The relief of Keang in the end of last year proved of little value. The Chuen says:—'When Ts'oo extinguished Keang, the earl of Ts'in wore mourning an account of it; removed from his proper bed-chamber; and did not allow his table to be fully spread—going beyond the regular bounds [of sorrow]. One of his great officers remonstrated with him, but he said, "When a State with whose lord I had covenanted is extinguished, although I could not save it, I dare not but feel compassion. And I fear for myself." The superior man will say that the words of the ode (She, III, i. Ode VII.1)
'There were those two dynasties, But they failed in their government. Throughout all the States in all the kingdom, He examined, he exercised consideration.' might be spoken of Muh of Ts'in.'
Par. 5. Tso-she says that in this invasion the marquis of Tsin besieged Yuen and Sin-shing, to repay Ts'in for the campaign of Wang-kwan;' —see the Chuen on par. 3 of last year. The marquis of Tsin conducted the invasion in person. It is absurd to seek for any other reason for the text's saying so, and yet the K'ang-he editors express their agreement with Chang Heah in the view that the marquis's title is here given to indicate the sage's emphatic condemnation of his persistence in hostilities!
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—Ning Woo of Wei having come to Loo with friendly inquiries, the duke was feasting with him, and had the "Heavy lies the dew," (She, II. ii. ode X.) and the "Red Bows" (She, II. iii. ode I), sung on his account. He did not protest against these odes, nor did he make answer with any other. The duke sent the officer of communication with envoys from other States to ask him privately [the reason of his conduct]. He replied, "I supposed that the musicians, in practising their art, happened to come to the two pieces. Formerly, when princes of States appeared at the king's court to receive instructions about their government, and the king gratified them with an entertainment, then the 'Heavy lies the dew' was sung, the son of Heaven being the sun [There spoken of], and the princes receiving his commands, [As the dew is affected by the sun]. When they had battled with any against whom the king was angry, and were reporting their successful services. the king gave them a red bow with a hundred red arrows, and a black bow with a thousand arrows, to show how the feast was one of recompense. Now I, an officer of a State, am here to perpetuate the old friendship between Wei and Loo; and though his lordship condescends to bestow them, how dare I accept such grand honours to bring on myself the charge of crime?" Confucius has celebrated the virtue of Ning Woo in the Ana., V. xx., and especially a 'stupidity that could not be equalled. The critics are fond of finding in the narrative of the Chuen an illustration of that stupidity.
Par7. Tso says that 'in winter Ch'ing Fung died,' Ch'ing being the title or epithet by which she was called after death. She had been a concubine of duke Chwang, and she is mentioned in two Chuen—that in V.xxi. 5. and the 2d one appended to IV. ii. On her son's coming to be marquis she partook of his nobility (?? ??), and she here appears as ?? or 'wife' of duke Chwang, She was of the House of Jin ?. which had the surname of Fung.
V. Fifth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the king sent Shuh of Yung, with mouth-jewels and a carriage and horses [for the funeral of Ch'ing Fung.]
2 In the third month, on Sin-hae, we buried our duchess, Ch'ing Fung.
3 The king sent the earl of Shaou to be present at the burial.
4 In summer, Kung-sun Gaou went to Tsin.
5 A body of men from Ts'in entered Joh.
6 In autumn, a body of men from Ts'oo extinguished Luh.
7 In winter, in the tenth month, on Keah-shin, Yeh, baron of Heu, died.
Par. 1. Comp. I. i .4, and III. i .6. On the former of these passage ? is explained. ? was the name of certain jewels,—Too calls them ?? 'pearls and gems,'—which were put into the mouth of the corpse (??). A Yung Shuh was the king's messenger, mentioned in the second passage referred to, as well as here; but it could not be the same man. The messenger on this occasion was probably a son of the former. On that passage, Too Yu says that Yung was the ? or clan-name. Here Fan Ning says that Yung Shuh was a great officer of the 1st rank in the service of the king, and that Yung was the name of his ??, or the territory from which he derived his revenue. This is probably correct, but the name of the territory became the clan-name of the family. The ? between ? and ? intimates, acc. to Kung and Kuh, that the two gifts were distinct, and that each should have been conveyed by its proper envoy, while here they were both entrusted to Yung Shuh;—contrary to rule. But this criticism is more than doubtful. The K'ang-he editors, after a host of critics, see, in the omission of ? before ?, a strong expression of the sage's condemnation of the king in thus sanctioning the elevation of duke Chwang's concubine to the rank of wife. This criticism is no more valuable than the former.
Par. 2. Comp. III. xxii. 2. As the lady Fung was now regarded as duke Chwang's wife, there is no difficulty with the terms of this paragraph. Hoo Gan-kwoh, indeed, says that this would involve a further departure from the rules of propriety, as there would be the spirit-tablets of two wives to go into duke Chwang's templeshrine. It is admitted that in the shrine of a king only the tablet of his proper queen could be placed; but the tablets admissible into the shrines of great officers were not so limited; and what the rule was in regard to princes of States and their wives is not ascertained. See Maou K'e-ling in loc.
Par. 3. For ?? Kuh-leang has ?? The earl of Shaou was a minister of the king, who derived his revenue from Shaou, in the present dis. of Yuen-k'euh (??), Keang Chow (??), Shan-se. Tso-she says his mission was according to rule, as well as that of Yung Shuh, in par. 1;—an opinion vehemently disputed by many of the critics
Par. 4. The Chuen says nothing about this mission. Kaou K'ang ??) and other critics dwell with justice on the court Loo paid to Tsin, while no messenger went to Chow to acknowledge all the king's favours.
Par. 5. Joh was at this time a small State in the south-west of the pres. dis. of Neu-heang (??), dep. Nan-yang, Ho-nan. It was afterwards removed by Ts'oo father south, to the dis. of E-shing (??) dep. Seang-yang, Hoo-pih. See the Chuen on V. xxv. 5. The Chuen here says:—'Before this, Joh had revolted from Ts'oo, and become an adherent of Ts'in. Now it was inclining again to Ts'oo, and in the summer, a body of men from Ts'in entered it.'
Par. 6. Luh was a small State,—in the pres. Chow of Luh-gan (???), Gan-hwuy. Its lords were Yens (?), representatives of the ancient Kaou-yaou. The Chuen says:— 'The people of Luh had revolted from Ts'oo, and joined the E of the east. In autumn, therefore, Ch'ing Ta-sin and Chung-kwei, of Ts'oo led a force and extinguished Luh. In winter, Kungtsze Seeh of Ts'oo extinguished Leaou. When Tsang Wăn-chung heard of the extinction of the two States, he said, "Thus suddenly have ceased the sacrifices to Kaou-yaou T'ing-keen [See on the title of Bk. iii., Pt. II. of the Shoo)! Alas that the virtue [of their lords] was not established, and that there was no help for the people!" '
Par. 7. This was duke He; he was succeeded by his son, Seih-go (??). [The Chuen appends here:—'Yang Ch'oo-foo of Tsin had gone to Wei on a mission of friendly inquiries, and on his return passed by Ning. Ying of Ning followed him, but returned when they had got to Wăn. His wife asked him [why he had left Yang Ch'oo-foo so soon], and he replied, "Because of his hard rigour. In the Shang Shoo [See the Shoo, V. iv. 17] it is said, 'For the reserved and retiring there is the rigorous rule; for the lofty and intelligent there is the mild rule.' This officer is all for rigour;—he will probably not die a natural death. Heaven displays the virtue of rigour, yet not so as to disturb the seasons;—how much more should this be the case with men! Moreover, round a man of flowers without fruit resentments will collect. Coming into collision with men, and the object of many resentments, he will not be able to maintain himself. I was afraid I should not share in advantages he might secure, but would be involved in his difficulties, and so I left him."
There is added an additional short notice:— 'At this time, the officers of Tsin, Chaou Ch'ing [Chaou Ts'uy, general of the 1st army], Lwan Ch'ing [Lwan Che, general of the 3d army], Hoh Pih [Seen Tseu-keu, general of the army of the centre], and K'ew Ke [Seu Shin, assistantgeneral of the 3d army], all died.']
VI. Sixth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, there was the burial of duke He of Heu.
2 In summer, Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Ch'in.
3 In autumn, Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Tsin.
4 In the eighth month, on Yih-hae, Hwan, marquis of Tsin, died.
5 In winter, in the tenth month, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Tsin, to [be present at] the burial of duke Seang of Tsin.
6 Tsin put to death its great officer, Yang Ch'oo-foo.
7 Hoo Yih-koo of Tsin fled to the Teih.
8 In the intercalary month, [the duke] did not inaugurate the month with the usual ceremonies, but still he appeared in the ancestral temple.
Par. 1. [The Chuen appends here:—'In the 6th year, in spring, Tsin had a military review in E, and disbanded two of its [five] armies [See the Chuen after V. xxxi. 6. The death of so many of its great officers, mentioned in the previous notice, rendered this disbandment necessary]. The marquis appointed Hoo Yih-koo to the command of the 2d or army of the centre [In room of Seen Tseu-keu], with Chaou Tun as assistant commander. When Yang Ch'oo-foo came from Wăn [See the first Chuen at the end of last year], there was a second review at Tung, when these appointments were changed. Yang had been attached as assistant to Ch'ing-ke [Chaou Ts'uy, the father of Tun. Ch'ing is the hon. title, and Ke is the designation], and was therefore a partizan of the Chaou family. Considering, moreover, the ability of Chaou Tun, he said that to employ so able a man would be advantageous to the State. On this account Tun was advanced above [Yih-koo], and now he, the officer Seuen (?) was afterwards Tun's honorary title), began to administer the government of the State. He appointed regular rules for the various departments of business; adjusted the laws for the various degrees of crime; regulated all criminal and civil actions at law; searched out runaways; ordered the employment of securities and bonds; dealt with old ordinances that had fallen into foul disorder; restored to their original order the distinctions of rank; renewed according to their normal pattern offices that had fallen into disuse; brought out men whose path had been stopped, and who were in obscurity. When he had completed his regulations, he delivered them to the grand-assistant, Yang, and the grand-master, Kea T'o, that they might have them carried into practice in the State of Tsin, as its regular laws.']
Par. 2. Too says that this Hăng-foo was the grand-son of Yew, who is first mentioned in III. xxv. 6, and who subsequently played a most important part in the affairs of Loo. He was either his grandson, or great grandson;—which of the two is uncertain. The Chuen says:—'Tsang Wănchung, looking at the good relations of Ch'in and Wei, wished to seek the friendship of Ch'in [for Loo]. In summer, therefore, Ke Wăn [Wăn was Hăng-foo's posthumous title; see Ana. V. xix.] went on a friendly mission to Ch'in, marrying there himself at the same time.'
[There is a narrative about Ts'in appended here:—'Jin-haou, the earl of Ts'in, died, and the three sons of Tsze-keu, Yen-seih, Chunghang, and Keen-hoo, were buried alive along with him. They were known as the three good men of Ts'in; and the people bewailed their fate in the strains of the ode called "The Yellow Birds (She, I. xi. VI.)." The superior man says, "It was right that Muh of Ts'in should not be master of covenants [i.e., leader of the States]! In his death he threw away the lives of his people. When the ancient kings left the world, they yet left behind them a good example;— would they ever have snatched away from it its good men? The words of the ode (She, III. iii. ode X. 5),
'Men there are not, And the empire must go to ruin and misery,' have reference to the want of good men. What shall be said of this case when such men were taken away? The ancient kings, knowing that their life would not be long, largely established the sagely and wise [as princes and officers]; planted their instructions in the soil of the manners [of the people]; instituted the several modes of distinguishing rank and character; published excellent lessons; made the standard tubes and measures; showed [the people] the exact amount of their contributions; led them on by the rules of deportment; gave them the rules of their own example; declared to them the instructions and statutes [of their predecessors]; taught them to guard [against what was evil] and obtain what was advantageous; employed for them the regular duties [of the several officers]; and led them on by the rules of propriety:—thus securing that the earth should yield its proper increase, and that all below them might sufficiently depend on them. It was after they had done all this that those ancient kings went to their end. Succeeding sage kings have acted in the same way. But now, granting that duke Muh had no such example to leave to his posterity, yet when he proceeded to take away the good with him in his death, it would have been hard for him to be in the highest place. The superior man might know from this that Ts'in would not again march in triumph to the east." '
Alas for this prognostication of Tso-she, so falsified by the future history of Ts'in!]
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, when Ke Wăn was about to go on a mission of friendly inquiries to Tsin, he caused inquiry to be made for him into all the observances to be practised on occasion of a death [Having heard that the marquis of Tsin was ill.] One of his people said to him, "Of what use will it be?" when he replied, "To be prepared beforehand, so as to have no occasion for anxiety, is a good old lesson. To have to seek for the rules, and not be able to find them, would be a hard case. If I go beyond what is necessary in searching for them now, what harm can it do?" ' Too and other critics find in this an illustration of Ke Wăn's 'thinking thrice,' which is mentioned in the Analects.
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'When duke Seang died, his son, duke Ling was still young, and the people of Tsin, fearing the difficulties that might arise, wished to have a grown up ruler appointed. Chaou Măng [Măng was the designation of Chaou Tun] said, "Let us appoint duke Wăn's son, Yung. He is fond of what is good, and is grown up; our former marquis loved him; he is near at hand in Ts'in; and Ts'in is our old friend. By the appointment of a good man, the State will be strengthened. In serving the elder, we shall follow the natural order. In calling the loved son to the State, we act a filial part. And by binding anew the old ties of friendship, we shall secure our repose. Because of the difficulties with which the State is threatened, we wish to call a grown up ruler to its head, and with Yung, possessed of these four advantages, those difficulties will be removed." Kea Ke [Hoo Yih-koo] said, "Our better plan will be to appoint duke Wăn's son, Loh. Shin Ying enjoyed the favours of two marquises [See the Chuen to V. xxiii. 4]; if we raise her son to be our ruler, the people will repose under him." Chaou Măng replied, "Shin Ying was mean, her rank being only ninth in the harem;—what feeling of majesty can her son inspire? And she was the favourite of two marquises;—therein was lewdness. He, moreover, though the son of our former marquis, was unable to find the patronage of a great State, but went out to a small State, a long way off. His mother lewd, and himself far away, without majesty, Ch'in small and distant, incapable of helping him, what grounds are there for reposing under him? The lady K'e of Too [The mother of Yung], out of regard to our marquis just deceased, yielded her place to to K'eih of Pih [duke Seang's mother]; and out of regard to the [kindness shown to duke Wăn by the] Teih, she yielded again in favour of Ke Wei, making herself only the 4th in the harem. On these accounts our former ruler loved her son, and sent him to serve in Ts'in, where he has been a minister of the second rank. Considering that Ts'in is a great State and near at hand, able to afford him support; considering also how the righteousness of his mother and the love of his father are sufficient to awe the people, will it not be right to call him to the head of the State?" After this, Tun sent Seen Meeh and Sze Hwuy to Ts'in to bring the prince Yung to Tsin, while Kea Ke sent also to call prince Loh from Ch'in. Ch'aou Măng, however, caused Loh to be put to death [on the way] at Pe.' For ? Kung-yang has ?
Par. 5. The K'ang-he editors make this into two paragraphs, the second beginning with Tso-she, however, considered the whole as one, as is evident from his brief note, that 'Seangchung went to Tsin, to bury duke Seang.'
Parr. 6,7. The K'ang-he editors give these paragraphs as one, but I think it is better to follow the arrangement of Kuh-leang. He also has ? instead of ? The Chuen says:— Kea Ke resented Yang's causing him to be superseded in the command of the army of the centre [See the Chuen after p. 1]; and knowing that he had not friends to succour him in Tsin, in the 9th month, he employed Suh Kuh-keu [Belonged to a branch of the Hoo family] to kill him. The language of the text, that 'Tsin put to death its great officer;' is because Yang had interfered with the offices of others. In the 11th month, on Ping-yin, Tsin put Suh K'een-pih [Kuh-keu] to death, on which Kea Ke fled to the Teih. Chaou Măng [Called the officer Seuen; see the Chuen after p.l.] by and by employed Yu Peen, to escort his family to join him there. Now at the grand review in E, Kea Ke had disgraced Yu Peen, whose people wished on this occasion to put all Ke's family to death in repayment of that injury. But he said, "No. I have heard that it is contained in an old book, that neither kindness nor wrong can be repaid in the persons of a man's children; and that is a principle with leal-hearted people. My master [Chaou Măng] is behaving courteously to Kea Ke, and would it not be bad if I took advantage of his favour to myself to avenge my private wrong? To depend on another's favour [to do this] would not show bravery. In satisfying my own resentment, to increase the number of my enemies [By making Chaou Măng his foe] would not show knowledge. To injure the public service for my private ends would not show loyalty. If let go these three qualities, wherewith should I do service to my master?" So he collected all the members of Kea Ke's family, his household stuff, and his treasures, led the protecting force in person, and conveyed them to the borders [of the Teih].'
It apears from the Chuen that the death of Yang Ch'oo-foo was procured by Hoo Yih-koo; and it is difficult to account for the language of the text which ascribes it to 'Tsin,'—to the act of the State. Tso-she's explanation is altogether unsatisfactory. In advising duke Seang to supersede the less able by the abler man, Yang had only done his duty; and whether it were so or not, his action affords no explanation of the ascription of this death to Tsin. Kaou K'ang says the record of the flight of Hoo Yih-koo, immediately after that of the death of Yang, sufficiently shows that he was the murderer; but this does not account for the ??.
Kung-yang relates that duke Seang told Kea Ke that he superseded him on the representation of Yang; and some, accepting this account, hold that by the 'Tsin' we are to understand duke Seang, who was now deceased! I can suggest nothing myself as a solution of the difficulty.
Par. 8. Tso-she says:—'Not to inaugurate solemnly the first day of the intercalary month was an infringement of the proper rule. The intercalary month is intended to adjust the seasons. The observance of the seasons is necessary for the performance of the labours of the year. It is those labours by which provision is made for the necessities of life. Herein then lies the caring for the lives of the people. Not to inaugurate properly the intercalary month was to set aside the regulation of the seasons; —what government of the people could there be in such a case ?'
The inauguration of the month intended seems to be the offering of a sheep, alluded to in Ana. III. xvii. After this ceremony, the duke, it would appear, presented himself before the shrines of his ancestors, with what ceremonies we are not told; and this over, he proceeded to give audience to his officers. Maou K'e-ling thinks that that audience and the attention to the government which it implied is what is here intended by ???; butI cannot think so. The ? indicates that the ceremony which follows was less important than that which precedes it, which could not be said of attention to the business of the government.
VII. Seventh year.
1 In his seventh year, in spring, the duke invaded Choo.
2 In the third month, on Keah-suh, he took Seu-k'eu, and went on in consequence to wall Woo.
3 In summer, in the fourth month, Wang-shin, duke of Sung, died.
4 The people of Sung put to death [some of] their great officers.
5 On Mow-tsze, an army of Tsin and one of Ts'in fought a battle at Ling-hoo.
6 Seen Meeh of Tsin fled to Ts'in.
7 The Teih made an incursion into our western borders.
8 In autumn, in the eighth month, the duke had a meeting with other princes and a great officer of Tsin, when they made a covenant in Hoo.
9 In winter, Seu invaded Keu.
10 Kung-sun Gaou went to Keu to superintend a covenant.
Par. 1. Tso says the duke made this movement, 'taking the opportunity of the difficulties of Tsin.'
Par. 2. Seu-k'eu (Kung-yang has ??), —see V.xxii. 1. It was originally a Foo-yung of Loo. Choo had taken and appropriated it; and duke He took it from Choo, as related in that par., and restored its proper ruler. Choo, it would seem, had taken it a second time, and duke Wăn again reclaimed it, but not to restore it to its original holders. 'He placed over it,' says the Chuen, 'a son of duke Wăn [of Choo];—which was contrary to rule.' This scion of Choo had fled from his own State, where he had attempted to overturn the government, and taken refuge in Loo. He was now made governor of Seu-k'eu, absorbed by Loo, which thus extinguished the sacrifice that had been there maintained to Fuh-he. Woo was a town of Loo,—in the south-east of the dis. of Sze-shwuy, dep. Yen-chow. Loo now proceeded to wall it, as a precaution against reprisals from Choo.
Par. 3. For ?? Kuh-leang has ??. We have no subsequent entry of this duke's burial, probably because of the confusion into which Sung fell after his death, in which the ceremony was irregularly performed. Wang-shin became duke Ch'ing.
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'In the 4th month, duke Ch'ing of Sung died. At this time, duke Chwang's son, Ch'ing, commanded the army of the right, and Kung-sun Yew [A Son of Muh-e; —see the narrative at the end of V. viii.] that of the left; Loh Yu was minister of War; Lin Kwan, minister of Instruction; duke Hwan's son, Tang, minister of Works; and Hwa Yu-sze, minister of Crime. Duke Ch'aou [Who had succeeded to his father] wished to make away with some of the sons of former dukes, but Loh Yu said to him, "No. The various clans of the ducal House are its branches and leaves. If you remove them, the root and trunk will have no shelter or shade. Even the dolichos and other creepers can give sheltering protection to their root and stem, so that the superior man could use them by way of comparison [See the She, I. vi. ode VII]; how much more should rulers of States do so! Your project is like what the common saying describes, 'He should protect it, and he allows the measuring line and axe to cut it down.' It is entirely to be condemned. Cherish them by your kindness, and they will be arms and legs to you;—which of them will dare to cherish disaffection? Why should you think of removing them out of the way ?" The duke would not listen to this counsel. The clans therefore of Muh and Seang [i. e., the descendants of those two dukes] led the people of the State to attack the duke, and killed Kungsun Koo and Kung-sun Ch'ing in his palace. The six ministers succeeded in bringing the ducal house to harmony, and Loh Yu resigned his office as minister of War, in favour of the duke's brother, Gang. Duke Ch'aou then took the seat of his father, and buried him. The text says that the people of Sung put their great officers to death, without mentioning the names of those who did so, or of the sufferers, because they were many; it intimates also that the sufferers were not criminals.' Tso-she's explanation of the terms of the text is not satisfactory. Maou K'e-ling says better, 'The text does not give the names of the slayers and the slain, the historiographers having ascertained neither who the former were, nor for what cause the latter suffered. Hence the summariness of the language.' I have made the translation in accordance with this criticism.
Par. 5, 6. For Kung-yang has , and before he has the characters . Ling-hoo was in Tsin,—in the pres. dis. of E-she ( ), dep. P'oo-chow, Shan-se. The Chuen says:—'Duke K'ang of Ts'in sent an escort with duke Wăn's son Yung to Tsin, saying, "When duke Wăn entered Tsin [In the 24th year of duke He], he had no sufficient guard with him, and hence came his difficulties from Leu and Keoh." He therefore gave Yung a numerous guard of troops.
'In the meantime, Muh Ying carried her son,— the eldest son of the late marquis,—every day in her arms to the court, and wept there, saying, "What crime had the late marquis? and what crime has this child, his heir? In passing by the proper heir, not raising him to his father's place, and in seeking a ruler from abroad, what will you do with this child?" When she left the court, she carried her son to the mansion of the Chaous, and with her head bowed to the ground before Chaou Seuen, she said to him, "The late marquis took this child, and committed him to you, saying, 'Should this child turn out a man of ability, I shall receive it as your gift. Should he not do so, I shall have have occasion to resent [your neglect of his training].' Now, though the marquis be deceased, his words must still be in your ears;—how is it that you have abandoned his son?" Chaou Seuen and the other great officers were troubled by this conduct of Muh Ying, and were afraid of pressure from the people [Taking sides with her]. They accordingly turned their backs on Seen Meeh [and his mission to Ts'in], declared the child—duke Ling,—successor to the State, and took measures to oppose the army of Ts'in.
'Ke Ch'ing remained at the capital in charge of the government. Chaou Tun himself went in command of the army of the centre, with Seen K'ih as assistant commander. Seun Lin-foo went with the 1st army, its assistant commander [Ke Ch'ing, who had the chief command of it remaining at court]. Seen Meeh [Having returned to Tsin] was in command of the 3d army, and Seen Too was the assistant commander. Poo Chaou was charioteer, and Jung Tsin was spearman on the right.
'When they came to Kin-yin, Chaou Seuen said, "If we were to receive [Yung whom] Ts'in [is escorting], Ts'in would be our guest. If we do not receive him, Ts'in is our invader. As we do not receive him, if we be further dilatory in our measures, Ts'in will be led to suspect us. To be beforehand with others takes the heart out of them;—this is a good plan in war. To drive out an invader as if we were pursuing fugitives;—this is a good rule of action." He instructed the soldiers therefore to sharpen their weapons and feed their horses, to take a good meal on their beds, and, with all arrangements for silence and secrecy, to start while it was yet dark. In this way, on Maou-tsze he defeated the army of Ts'in at Hoo-ling, and pursued it to K'oo-show. On Ke-ch'ow, Seen Meeh fled to Ts'in, and Sze Hwuy followed him.
'When Seen Meeh was sent on his mission to Ts'in, Seun Lin-foo had tried to stop him, saying, 'The [late marquis's] wife and son are still here, and we are seeking a ruler abroad; this scheme will not succeed. What do you say to declining the mission on the plea of illness ? If you do not do so, you will meet with calamity. Get another special minister to go in your place;— why must you go? Officers of the same department are comrades; I have been your comrade, and feel compelled to advise you thus with all my heart." Meeh would not listen to this, and the other sang to him the 3d stanza of the Pan ode [She, III. ii. Ode X.] Still he would not hear him. When he became a fugitive, Seun Pih [Lin-foo] escorted to him in Ts'in all his family, with his household stuff, and treasures, saying, It is because of our comradeship." Sze Hwuy was in Ts'in for 3 years without seeing Sze Pih [Seen Meeh]. One of his people said to him, "You could become a fugitive with him from Tsin, and you cannot see him here! What is the reason of this?" Sze Ke [Ke was Hwuy's designation] replied, "I was in the same condemnation with him; It was not because I deemed him righteous [that I followed him];— why should I see him?" And up to the time of his return to Tsin, he did not see him.'
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'On this occasion, the duke sent word of the incursion to Tsin. Chaou Seuen sent a messenger, who, by means of Kea Ke, asked Fung Shoo [The chief minister of the Teih] about it, and reproved him. Fung Shoo asked Kea Ke which was the superior of the two, Chaou Ts'uy or Chaou Tun. Kea Ke replied, "Chaou Ts'uy was the sun of a winter's day [To be cherished]; Chaou Tun is the sun of a summer's [To be shrunk from]." '
Par. 8. Hoo was in Ch'ing,—in the north west of the pres. dis. of Yuen-woo, dep. K'aefung. The Chuen says:— 'In the 8th month, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the marquis of Ch'in, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, had a meeting with Ch'aou Tun of Tsin, when they made a covenant in Hoo;—having reference to the accession of the new marquis of Tsin. The duke arrived afterwards, and therefore the text does not say with whom he met. In all cases of any of our dukes meeting with other princes, when it is not said who these were, it must be understood that the duke came late. The reason why in such case the States are not given is to conceal the duke's want of diligence.' The canon which Tso here lays down for the explanation of the text has been called in question by Lew Ch'ang and Sun Keoh. Most of the critics, however, accede to it. To me it seems very questionable.
Par. 9. Too Yu accounts for the brevity of this par., where only the name Seu is given without any mention of the leader, on the supposition that the historiographers recorded the notice as it was received from Seu, which was too barbarous a State to draw up an announcement of the kind in the proper form. Lew Ch'ang, however, argues, from the statement in the Chuen on the next par., that Keu sent, on the invasion of Seu, to ask a covenant with Loo, and that the announcement came from it;—which is much more likely, and sufficiently accounts for the brevity of the notice.
Par. 10. Kung and Kuh have for *. ? The Chuen says:—'Muh-pih [Kung-sun Gaou] had married a wife from Keu, called Tae Sze [(?) in the text should probably be (?)] who bore to him Wan-pih. Her sister Shing Sze bore him Hwuy-shuh. On the death of Tae Sze he made proposals for another wife from Keu, but the party concerned in Keu declined them on the ground that Shing Ke was still alive, on which he made the proposal, on behalf of [his cousin] Seang-chung [Kung-tsze Suy]. This winter, when Seu invaded Keu, they sent from Keu to Loo, begging for a covenant, and Muh-pih went to Keu to superintend the making of it, and at the same time to meet the lady for Seang-chung. When he got to Yenling, having gone up on the wall of the city, [he saw her that] she was beautiful, and married her himself. Chung asked leave to attack him from the duke, who was about to give his consent, when Shuh-chung Hwuy-pih [A grandson of Kung-tsze Ya, who was murdered in Chwang's 32d year; a brother of Shuh-sun Tih-shin of I. 7. From him came the Shuh-chung family] remonstrated, saying, "Your servant has heard that hostilities within the State produce rebellion, while hostilities from without are from enemies. In dealing with enemies, you have still to do with strangers; in dealing with rebels, you are arrayed against yourself. Now a subject is going to produce confusion, and your lordship does not hinder him; and when the thing goes on to lead to hostile attacks [from without], what can be said?" The duke on this stopped Chung's movement, and Hwuy-pih reconciled the two officers, advising Chung to give up his claim to the lady, and Kung-sun Gaou to send her back to Keu, and that they should again be brothers as before. They followed his counsel.'
[The Chuen appends here:—'Keoh Keueh of Tsin said to Chaou Seuen, "Years ago, Wei being on bad terms with us, we took part of its territory [See the 1st year, par. 7]. Now it is on good terms with us. and we may restore the territory. When a State revolts from us, if we do not punish it, how can we display our majesty? When it submits, if we do not deal kindly with it, how can we display our indulgence? Without that majesty and indulgence, how can we display our virtue? And without virtue, how can we preside over the covenants [of the States]? You are our chief minister, the director of all the princes; and if you do not make it your object to manifest such virtue, what will be the consequence? It is said in one of the Books of Hea [or Yu; see the Shoo, II. ii. 7], 'Caution them with gentle words; correct them with the majesty of law; stimulate them with the nine songs:—in order, that your success may never suffer diminution.' There are the virtues seen in the nine services, all of which may be sung; and they are called the nine songs. There are the six magazines and three businesses, which are called the nine services. Water, fire, metal, wood, earth, and grain, are called the six magazines. The rectification of the people's virtue, the conveniences of life, and the securing abundant means of sustentation, are called the three businesses. The accomplishment of them with righteousness shows the possession of propriety. The want of this propriety, leading to dissatisfaction, is what produces revolt. If the virtue of you, Sir, cannot be sung, who will be attracted by you? Why not make those who are now on good terms with you sing you?" Chaou Seuen was pleased with this counsel.']
VIII. Eighth year.
1 It was the [duke's] eighth year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 It was summer, the fourth month.
3 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Mow-shin, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
4 In winter, in the tenth month, on Jin-woo, duke[Chwang's] son, Suy, had a meeting with Chaou Tun of Tsin, when they made a covenant in Hang-yung.
5 On Yih-yew, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, had a meeting with the Loh Jung, and made a covenant with them at Paou.
6 Kung-sun Gaou left to go to the capital, but he retraced his steps before he got to it. On Ping-seuh he fled to Keu.
7 There were locusts.
8 The people of Sung put to death their great officer, the minister of War. The minister of Works of Sung came to Loo a fugitive.
Par. 1. [The Chuen gives here the sequel of the narrative at the end of last year:—'In spring, the marquis of Tsin sent Heae Yang to restore to Wei the lands of K'wang and Ts'eih [See the Chuen on I. 6]. He also surrendered the territory, with which duke Wăn had invested his son-in-law, Ch'e, from Shin to the border of Hoo-laou.]'
Par. 2. [The Chuen appends here:—'In summer, a body of men from Ts'in invaded Tsin, and took Woo-shing;—in return for the affair at Hoo-ling.']
Par. 3. Tso observes that this was king Seang. He was succeeded by his son Jin-shin (??), known as king K'ing (??).
Par. 4. Hăng-yung was in Ch'ing,—near to Hoo, mentioned in p. 8 of last year. The Chuen says:—'A body of men from Tsin came to punish us on account of the covenant at Hoo [For which the duke arrived too late]. In winter, Seang-chung had a meeting with Chaou Tun, when they made a covenant in Hăng-yung;—in satisfaction for [the duke's negligence in the matter of] the covenant at Hoo.'
Par. 5. For ? Kung-yung, and also Tso's Chuen, have ??. This tribe of the Jung had its seat in the pres. dep. of Ho-nan. Paou was in Ch'ing. It could not be far from Hăng-yung, for Yih-yew was only the 3d day after Jin-woo, when Suy covenanted with Chaou Tun. Tso-she says that from that covenant Suy took occasion to go on, and made a covenant with the Jung of E-loh. They, it is supposed, had assembled with the intention of attacking Loo. Suy became aware of this, and took it upon himself, without waiting for instructions from the duke, to go on, and treat with them, inducing them to give up their purpose. Probably, the case was so. But Tso goes on to say that Suy is mentioned here as 'duke's son,' to indicate the excellence of his proceeding, while in other places the same 'duke's son' must be held to indicate condemnation!
Par. 6. Kung-yang leaves out the ? before ?. Tso-she says:— 'Muh-pih proceeded to Chow to express the duke's condolences on the king's death; but before he got there, he fled to Keu, to follow the lady Sze, taking the offerings which he carried with him.' The lady is the Sze mentioned in p. 9 of last year, whom Gaou had been induced to send back to Keu. ???? means that he stopt short in his way to the capital, retraced his steps so far, and then went to Keu. Many of the critics understand the phrase as indicating that Gaou refused altogether to comply with the duke's order for him to go to Chow;— a view which the K'ang-he editors rightly condemn.
Par. 7. Here, as elsewhere, Kung-yang has * for ? See on II. v. 8, et al.
Par. 8. The Chuen says:— 'The wife [=widow] of [duke] Seang of Sung was a sister of king Seang, and duke Ch'aou did not behave to her [His own grand-mother] with propriety. She, therefore, by means of the members of the Tae clan [Embracing the Loh Yu, Hwa Yu-sze, mentioned in the Chuen on p. 4 of last year, and others] got K'ung Shuh, grandson of duke Seang, put to death, with Kung-sun Chung-le, and the grand-minister of war, duke Ch'aou's brother Gang, who were all partisans of duke Ch'aou. The minister of War died grasping his seal of office in his hands; and therefore his official dignity is mentioned in the text. The minister of Works, Tang E-choo, came a fugitive to Loo, having given up his seal to the keeper of the treasury, when he left Sung. The duke met him in the manner due to his office, and procured the restoration of him and his followers. The text also mentions him by his official dignity, honouring him in the same way.'
[The Chuen returns here to the affairs of Tsin:— 'At the grand military review at E [See the Chuen at the beginning of the 6th year], the marquis had wished to raise Ke Ch'ing-foo and Seen Too [to the command of the 1st army], and to give Sze Hwoh and Leang Yih-urh the command of the 2d. Seen K'ih said to him, "The services of Hoo and Chaou should not be forgotten;" and the marquis followed the suggestion [in making the appointments]. Seen K'ih also subsequently took away from K'wae Tih the lands granted to him at Kin-yin. In consequence of these things, Ke Ch'ing-foo, Seen Too, Sze Hwoh, Leang Yih-urh, and K'wae Tih, arranged to raise an insurrection [in the State.']
XI. Ninth year.
1 In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, the earl of Maou came to Loo, to ask for [a contribution of] money.
2 The duke's wife, the lady Keang, went to Ts'e.
3 In the second month, Shuh-sun Tih-shin went to the capital.
4 On Sin-ch'ow there was the burial of king Seang.
5 The people of Tsin put to death their great officer Seen Too.
6 In the third month, the duke's wife, the lady Keang, arrived from Ts'e.
7 The people of Tsin put to death their great officers, Sze Hwoh and Ke Ch'ing-foo.
8 A body of men from Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing. Suy, duke [Chwang's] son, joined an officer of Heu, to relieve Ch'ing.
9 In summer, the Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.
10 In autumn, in the eighth month, Seang, earl of Ts'aou, died.
11 In the ninth month, on Kwei-yew, there was an earthquake.
12 In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo sent Tseaou to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
13 An officer from Ts'in came to present grave-clothes for duke He and Ch'ing Fung.
14 There was the burial of duke Kung of Ts'aou.
[Continuing the narrative at the end of last year, the Chuen proceeds:— 'In spring, in the king's first month, on Ke-yew, [the conspirators] employed ruffians to kill Seen K'ih. On Yihyew the people of Tsin put to death Seen Too and Leang Yih-urh.']
Par. 1. The earl of Maou,—see on I.5. Comp. the whole par. with I. iii. 4. The ? here and ?there seem to be two names for the same thing. Too says [Expanding the Chuen] that the money was sought, to help in the expenditure for the king's burial. Thougl this was the beginning of a new year since the death of the king, yet, he being not buried, the text does not say that the messenger was sent by the new king. The mission, Tso further says, was 'contrary to rule' and the earl's name was 'Wei.'
Par. 2. The lady Keang went to Ts'e to visit her parents. This all the critics admit; but as such visits were regularly made, and matters of custom and routine are held not to be entered in the Ch'un Ts'ew, they hazard various conjectures to account for this record; with which the student need not be troubled.
Parr. 3,4. These are treated in the Chuen as one paragraph.— 'Chwang-shuh (? was Tihshin's posthumous title) went to Chow, to the burial of king Seng. Too says that it was according to rule for a minister to go to Chow on such an occasion; but it was not so.— The duke ought to have gone himself.
Par. 5. The fact here recorded is given in the Chuen at the beginning of the year, and is said to have occurred on the day Yih-yew. Now Yih-yew was the 19th of the 1st month of this year. Here is a discrepancy between the text and the Chuen for which it is not easy to account.
Par. 6. This record is remarkable as being the only instance in which the return of a marchioness of Loo from a visit to her paternal State is entered. Fourteen times the leaving of Loo is recorded; but only on this occasion is the solemn celebration of the return in the ancestral temple mentioned.
Par. 7. See the Chuen at the end of last year, and the beginning of this. Here the Chuen merely repeats the text, with the addition of the name of K'wae Tih. The omission of that in the text, as of the name of Leang Yihurh in p. 5, is probably to be accounted for from the inferior rank of the two criminals. A canon is made to account for the use of ? here and in p. 5, and some similar passages, that it is used when the punishment of criminals is spoken of;— as if the execution were with the consent of all the people. It does not, however, always hold. Kuh-leang has many followers in thinking that the ? implies that Ch'ing-foo was involved (??) in crime and its consequences by Sze Hwoh; but so much stress need not be laid on the term. Maou K'i-ling says, ? ?,???,? = and next.'
Par. 8. Ts'oo had now pretty well recovered from the defeat at Shing-puh 15 years before this, and here resumes its attempts against the northern States. The Chuen says:—'Fan Shan [A great officer of Ts'oo] said to the viscount of Ts'oo, "The ruler of Tsin is quite young, and has no thought about the States;— you may take measures now for the land of the north." Accordingly the viscount took post with an army at Lang-yuen, to [direct] the invasion of Ch'ing. He made prisoners of Kung-tsze Keen, Kungtsze Mang, and Loh Urh, after which Ch'ing made peace with Ts'oo. Duke Chwang's son, Suy, joined Chaou Tun of Ts'in, Hwa Ngow of Sung, K'ung Tah of Wei, and a great officer of Heu, in order to relieve Ch'ing, but they did not come up with the army of Ts'oo. The text does not give the names of the ministers [of the several States] because of their dilatoriness, —to punish their want of sincerity.'
Par. 9. With Ts'oo pressing on them from the south, and the Teih, ever active and restless on the north, the States of the Middle kingdom were in an evil case.
[The Chuen gives here two additional notes about Ts'oo—'In summer, Ts'oo made an incursion into Ch'in, and reduced Hoo-k'ew;— because of its submission to Tsin.'
'In autumn, Kung-tsze Choo of Ts'oo invaded Ch'in by the way of the eastern E. The troops of Ch'in defeated him, and captured Kung-tsze Fei. This success made Ch'in afraid, and it made peace with Ts'oo.]
Par. 11. Too says:— 'It is the way of the earth to be still; its moving was accounted strange, and therefore recorded.' Jin Kungfoo (???) says:— 'For more than a hundred years before this we have no record of an earthquake; but from this time to king Gae, there are four earthquakes recorded;— nature's response to the prevailing confusion in the kingdom, the princes disobedient to the son of Heaven, and their officers disobedient to the princes.'
Par. 12. For ?Kuh-leang has?.The Chuen says:— 'Tsze-yueh Tseaou came to us on a mission of friendly inquiries, and carried his offerings in a careless, arrogant manner. Shuhchung Hwuy-pih said, "This man is sure to cause the extinction of all the clan of Joh-gaou. Treating thus insolently his ancient lords [In whose temple he had received the offerings for his mission], their Spirits will not bless him." ' The rule in the case of friendly missions was that the rank of the sender should be mentioned. In a former mission from Ts'oo [see III. xxiii. 5], the rule is not observed; but here and afterwards, in the only other mission of this kind from Ts'oo, we have the viscount of Ts'oo. Ts'oo has now come into the category of the other States. Its progress in civilization and influence was acknowledged. The K'ang-he editors very unnecessarily recount the various methods of the critics to account for the 'com mendation' which they think is indicated by the title.
Par. 13. ? = grave-clothes, or the presentation of them for the use of the dead (?? ???????). Such gifts were common between neighbouring States which were in friendly relations. In this case they came late, but we have a similar gift sent in the same way to Loo by the king in I. i. 4. Tso-she says:—'This offering was according to rule. The States presented to one another their condolences and congratulations. Although their gifts might not correspond to the circumstances, yet if they were according to rule, they were recorded, that the old friendship [thus signified] might not [subsequently] be forgotten.' Ts'in and Loo had taken part in the same covenant at Teih-ts'euen. The former State now took advantage of that to cultivate its friendly relations with the States of the 'Middle kingdom.'
X. Tenth year.
1 In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, in the king's third month, on Sin-maou, Tsang-sun Shin died.
2 In summer, Ts'in invaded Tsin.
3 Ts'oo put to death its great officer, E-shin.
4 From the first month, it did not rain till autumn in the seventh month.
5 The [duke] made a covenant with the viscount of Soo at Joo-leih.
6 In winter, the Teih made an incursion into Sung.
7 The viscount of Ts'oo and the marquis of Ts'ae halted in Keueh-mih.
Par. 1. Tsang-sun Shin,—see on III.xxviii. 7. See also Ana. V. xvii. He must have been an important minister of Loo for nearly half a century. Too says that his death is recorded here, because the duke went to be present at the dressing and preparing of his body for the coffin (????).
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'In spring, a body of men from Tsin attacked Ts'in, and took Shaou-leang. In summer, the earl of Ts'in invaded Tsin, and took Pih-ching.' In common with a host of the critics, the K'ang-he editors contend that the simple Ts'in here is condemnatory of that State for keeping up the long series of hostilities with Tsin, and thereby allowing Ts'oo to develope its power and aggressions on the 'Middle kingdom.' But according to the Chuen, Tsin had been the offender, and was responsible for the continuance of the animosity of Ts'in. The simple ? in the text merely indicates that it was not known in Loo who in particular had commanded in the invasion.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'In earlier years, Yih-sze, a soothsayer of Fan, had said that king Ch'ing [Of Ts'oo], Tsze-yuh, and Tsze-se [The E-shin of the text], would all die violent deaths. After the battle of Shing-puh, the king thought of this, and sent to stop Tsze-yuh, telling him he should not put himself to death, but the message came too late (See on V. xxviii. 6). [The king also sent] to stop Tsze-se. He had attempted to hang himself, when the rope by which he was suspended broke. Just then the message arrived, and his suicide was stayed. After this Ch'ing appointed him duke of Shang. Sailing down the Han and ascending the Keang, he was about to enter Ying. The king was in his island palace, and seeing Tsze-se below, he was afraid, and refused an interview, but the other said, "Your servant [formerly] escaped dying, but there have been slanderers again saying that I am going to run away;—I am coming back to die at the hands of the minister of Crime." King Ch'ing then made him director of the workmen; but after this he proceeded to plan with Tsze-kea the death of king Muh, who heard of their design, and in the 5th month put them to death; —both Tow E-shin and Chung-kwei (The above Tsze-kea).'
Par. 4. See on II. 5.
Par. 5. The Chuen says:— 'In autumn, in the 7th month, we made a covenant with the viscount of Soo, at Joo-leih, on account of the accession of king K'ing.' A viscount of Soo appears in the Chuen, after III. xix. 4, and on V. x.
2. See the note on the latter paragraph. There the State of Wăn or Soo is described as annihilated; but king Seang had probably restored it. The viscount of Soo in the text would be a son of the one in duke He's time. The site of Joo-leih is not ascertained.
Parr. 6,7. These two paragraphs are sometimes edited as one, the reason, no doubt, being that the viscount of Ts'oo's halting at Keuehmih was with a design against Sung, wasted by the incursion of the Teih. The Chuen says:— 'The marquis of Ch'in and the earl of Ch'ing had a meeting with the viscount of Ts'oo in Seih; and in the winter, [the viscount] and the marquis of Ts'ae halted at Keueh-mih, with the intention of thence attacking Sung. Hwa Yusze of Sung said [to the duke], "Ts'oo wishes to display our weakness;—had we not better show first that we know it ourselves? Why must we let the viscount challenge us? We have no ability [to cope with him]; —of what crime have the people been guilty [that you should involve them in hostilties?]" On this the duke went to meet the viscount, gave largess to his troops, and professed submission to his commands. He then led the way to hunt in Măngchoo.
'The duke of Sung led the party on the right, and the earl of Ch'ing that on the left. Fuh-suy, duke of Ke-sze, was director of the hunt for the right, and Tsze-choo and Wan-che Woo-wei were directors for the left. Orders were given [to the princes present] to have their carriages yoked early in the morning, and [for each] to carry an instrument for raising fire with him. The duke of Sung disobeyed [the latter of] these commands, on which Woo-wei caused his charioteer to be flogged, to show to all the hunt [the offence the duke had been guilty of]. Some one said to Tsze-chow (Woo-wei) that the ruler of a State ought not to be so disgraced; but he replied, "Acting as my office requires of me, what have I to do with the position [of the offender]? As the ode says (She, III. iii. ode VI. 5),
'He does not eject the hard Nor does he devour the soft;' and again (She, III. ii. ode IX. 3),
'Give no indulgence to deceit and obsequiousness, To make careful those who pay no regard to the rule.' These passages show that one is not to shrink from dealing with the powerful. Dare I prefer the duties of my office to be thrown into disorder rather than to die?"
Tso adds that the viscount of Keun withdrew secretly from this meeting at Keueh-mih. The site of that place does not seem to be ascertained. Kung-yang has ?for ?.
XI. Eleventh year.
1 In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Keun.
2 In summer, Shuh-chung P'ăng-săng had a meeting with Keoh Keueh of Tsin in Shing-k'wang.
3 In autumn, the earl of Ts'aou paid a court-visit to Loo.
4 Duke Chwang's son, Suy, went to Sung.
5 The Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.
6 In winter, in the tenth month, on Keah-woo, Shuh-sun Tih-shin defeated the Teih in Heen.
Par. 1. Keun (Kung-yang has ?), was a small State, whose lords were viscounts,—in the pres. dis. of Yun (?) dept, Yun-yang, Hoo-pih. Its chief town was Seih-heueh (??). The last Chuen relates how the viscount of Keun withdrew from the meeting at Keueh-mih; we have here his punishment. The Chuen says:—'In spring, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Keun, and Ch'ing Ta-sin [Son of Ch'ing Tih-shin, who was defeated at Shing-puh] defeated the army of Keun at Fang-choo. P'wan Ts'ung (See the Chuen on I.10), again invaded Keun, and advanced as far as to Seihheueh.'
Par. 2. Kung and Kuh have no ? after ? and they have ? instead of ?. Shing k'wang was in Sung,—30 le to the west of the city of Suy Chow (??), in the dep. of Kwei-tih. Shuh-chung Păng-săng is the Shuh-chung Hwuy-peh, whom we have met with in the Chuen more than once. He was the brother of Shuh-sun Tih-shin, and son of Kung-sun Tsze, or Tae-pih, mentioned in the 4th year of duke He:—see the note on I. 7. The object of the meeting, Tso-she says, was to consult about the adhesion given in by several of the States to Ts'oo. The K'ang-he editors observe that this is the first instance of a meeting by great officers of difft. States between themselves, to deliberate about public affairs;— showing how the power was gradually sliding out of the hands of the princes of the States.
Par. 3. This was a son of duke Kung, whose death and burial are chronicled in the 9th year. Tso observes that he was himself duke Wăn, and this visit was on the occasion of his succeeding to the earldom, to have an interview with his neighbour.
Par. 4. The Chuen says:— 'Seang-chung went on this friendly visit to Sung, when he mentioned the case of Tang E-choo, [Sung's] minister of Works (See VIII. 8), and procured his restoration, taking occasion also to congratulate Sung on its not having suffered from the army of Ts'oo'.
Par. 6. This Heen was in Loo,—difft. from the place of the same name in V. xiii.3. The Chuen says:— '[The Teih of] Sow-mwan made an incursion into Ts'e, and then came on to attack us. The duke consulted the tortoise-shell about sending Shuh-sun Tih-shin to pursue them, and received a favourable reply. How Shuh-hea was charioteer to Chwang-shuh [Tihshin]; Meen Fang-săng was spearman on the right; and Foo-foo Chung-săng went also in the same chariot. In winter, in the tenth month, on Keah-woo, the general defeated the Teih in Heen, and captured a giant called K'eaou-joo. Foo-foo Chung-săng smote him in the throat with his spear, and killed him. They buried his head by the Tsze-keu gate, and the general named one of his sons, known afterwards as Seuen-pih, after him.
'Before this, in the time of duke Woo of Sung [Earlier than the period of the Ch'un Ts'ew], the Sow-mwan invaded Sung, and the minister of Instruction, Hwang-foo Ch'ung-shih led a force against them, with Urh Pan as his charioteer, Kung-tsze Kuh-săng the spearman on his right, and New-foo, the minister of Crime, in the same chariot. He defeated the Teih at Ch'ang-k'ew, and captured a giant, called Yuen-sze. The two [other officers], and Hwang-foo, were killed ???????; but I cannot suppose that the Kung-tsze Kuh-săng and Newfoo were sons of Hwang-foo], and the duke of Sung rewarded Urh Pan with the revenues collected at one of the barrier gates, from which he was called Urh-mun.
'After this, when Tsin extinguished Loo, [?; in the 15th year of duke Seuen], Fun-joo, a younger brother of K'eaou-joo, was taken.
'In the 2d year of duke Seang of Ts'e [The 16th of our duke Hwan], the Sow-mwan had invaded Ts'e, when Ch'ing-foo, a king's son who was serving in Ts'e, captured Yung-joo, a younger brother still, and buried his head by the north gate of Chow-show; and afterwards the people of Wei captured the third younger brother, Keen-joo. After all these captures, the Sowmwan became extinct.'
[Ying-tah says that all these stories about giants are to be doubted. Too gives the height of K'eaou-joo as thirty cubits! In the ??, ??,?, art. there is a story about the people of Woo consulting Confucius about a large bone which they had found, which the sage pronounced to be that of a giant killed by the great Yu! He speaks there also of the 'long Teih' of his days.]
[The Chuen appends here :— 'Choo-joo, the eldest son of [the earl of] Shing took his ease in Foo-chung; and the people of the State did not yield him obedience.']
XII. Twelfth year.
1 In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the earl of Shing came a fugitive to Loo.
2 The earl of Ke came to Loo on a court-visit.
3 In the second month, on Kăng-tsze, duke [He's] daughter— the second one—died.
4 In summer, a body of men from Ts'oo laid siege to Ch'aou.
5 In autumn, the viscount of T'ăng came to Loo on a courtvisit.
6 The earl of Ts'in sent Shuh to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
7 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Mow-woo, the troops of Tsin and those of Ts'in fought at Ho-k'euh.
8 Ke-sun Hăng-foo led a force, and walled Choo and Yun.
Par. 1. For ? Kung-yang has ?. Shing, —see I. v. 3. We have in this par. the sequel to the Chuen with which the last year concludes. Tso-she says here, 'In the 12th year, in spring, the earl of Shing died, and the people raised another in his place. His eldest son then came a fugitive to Loo, surrendering to the duke the cities of Foo-chung and Shing-kwei. The duke met him with the honours due to the prince of a State;—which was contrary to rule. Hence the text calls him "earl of Shing," nor does it mention the places he surrendered, in deference to him as a prince.'
In III. viii. 3, we read that Shing surrendered to Ts'e, but that surrendering cannot have been equivalent to the extinction of the State, as Kung-yang supposes, else we should not read of it here. The account which Tso gives of the statement in the text, however, is much contested by the critics. Acc. to a rule, of which we have met with several instances, the son of the prince of a State, though succeeding quietly to his father, could not be named in the text by his title till a year had expired; and yet here is the son flying from the State, immediately after his father's death, acting, moreover, a traitor's part, and he is denominated 'earl.' Then, say the critics, a prince who has lost his State, is mentioned by his name, and there is no name here. The text is silent further about the fugitive's treachery, in deference to him. What comes of all the canons about the 'praise' and 'condemnation' which the structure of the paragraphs is supposed to convey?
Par. 2. In V. xxvii. 1, the prince of Ke appears as viscount only. Here he has regained one degree of the former rank of the House. The Chuen says:— 'This visit of duke Hwan of Ke was the first time he had been to the court of Loo since the duke's accession. Moreover he [now] begged that the engagement between him and [duke He's] second daughter might be at an end, while yet his intermarrying [with the House of Loo] should not be so;—to which the duke agreed.—See on next par.
Par. 3. The Chuen continues:—'In the 2d month, duke [He's] second daughter died. It is not said—"of Ke," because her engagement of marriage with the earl of Ke had been broken of. The terms "second daughter ??" tell that she was not a girl, [but had been betrothed].' According then to Tso-she, this was the lady who had been engaged to the earl of Ke when his mother came to the court of Loo in the 31st year of duke He, seeking a wife for him. She had remained in Loo, as being too young to be married until this time; and the earl of Ke finding, when he came in the previous month to Loo, that she was ill, begged that his engagement with her might be considered at an end, and that he might have a younger sister instead. The K'ang-he editors do not venture to reject this account of Tso, though they intimate their opinion that his identiflcation of the lady is wrong, and that his view was constructed by himself in consequence of his connecting this paragraph and the former too closely together. Tso's remark as to the force of the characters ??I do not understand. Too's explanation of it, that 'the deaths of young princesses, who had not been engaged to be married were not recorded,' would apply to the whole entry, and not to those terms.
As to the meaning of the ? before?? there is no consent of the critics. Kung-yang says the lady is so termed by way of distinction. ??, as being duke Wăn's full sister, but how the?marks such distinction it is difficult to perceive. I can make nothing of it.
Par. 4. Ch'aou was a small State, lying between Woo (?) and Ts'oo. It has left its name in the pres. dis. of Ch'aou, dep. Leu-chow, Ganhwuy. The Chuen says:—' On the death of Ta Sun-pih [Often mentioned before this in the Chuen as Ch'ing Ta-sin; the son of Ch'ing Tihshin, who was defeated at Shing-puh. The Ta (?) here, appearing as a surname I don't understand], chief minister of Ts'oo, Ch'ing Kea took his place. [At this time] the difft. Shoo States, revolted from Ts'oo; and in summer Tsze-k'ung (the above Ch'ing Kea) seized P'ing, viscount of Shoo, and the viscount of Tsung, and went on to lay siege to Ch'aou.'
Par. 5. Tso observes that this was another case of a first court-visit to duke Wăn. Ke Pun ??; Ming dyn., 1st half of 16th century) says that since the seizure of duke Seuen of T'ăng by Sung in the 19th year of duke He, the State had adhered to Sung; but that now, taking advantage of the troubles of Sung, it returned to its former preference for Loo.
Par. 6. Kung-yang has ? for ?. The Chuen says:— 'The earl of Ts'in sent Se-k'eih Shuh on this friendly mission, and to speak of his intention to invade Tsin. Seang-chung (Kungtsze Suy) declined to receive the jade symbol [which he had brought], saying, 'Your ruler, not forgetting the friendship between his father and us, has favoured Loo with this mission, giving its altars the assurance of his protecting and soothing care, and signalizing the importance of this mission with this grand instrument; but my ruler ventures to decline receiving it." The other replied, "This poor instrument is not worth your declining it." Thrice, however, [Suy], as the host, refused it, and then the guest replied, "My ruler wishing to obtain the favour of the duke of Chow and [his son], the [first] duke of Loo, by his service of your prince, sent me, with this poor instrument of his fathers, to deliver it to you, the manager of this negotiation, to be an auspicious symbol for the confirmation of our good agreement. It is to me the proof of my ruler's commission to tie the bond of friendship between our two States. This is why I presume to deliver it to you." Seang-chung said, "Without superior men, can a ruler order his State? Yours is no uncultivated State." He then sent Shuh away with rich presents.'
[Se-k'eih Shuh was one of the leaders of the army of Ts'in the expedition which terminated so fatally at Heaou;—see the Chuen at V. xxxiii.
3. His present mission was part of a scheme, on the part of Ts'in, to detach the States generally from Tsin.]
Par. 7. Ho-k'euh was in Tsin,—near the pres. dep. city of P'oo-chow (??). The Chuen says:—'Because of the affair at Ling-hoo (VII. 5), this winter, the earl of Ts'in invaded Tsin, and took Ke-ma. The troops of Tsin went out to meet him. Chaou Tun commanded the army of the middle, with Seun Lin-foo as assistant. Keoh Keueh led the 1st army, with Yu Peen as assistant. Lwan Tun led the 3d army, with Seu Keah as assistant. Fan Wooseuh was charioteer [to Chaou Tun]; and in this order they followed the army of Ts'in to Ho-keuh. Yu Peen said, "Ts'in cannot remain here long. Let us merely show a strong front, with deep entrenchments, and await his movements." Chaou Tun followed this counsel. The troops of Ts'in wished to fight, and the earl asked Sze Hwuy how a battle could be brought about. "Chaou Tun," said Hwuy, "has recently brought out his adherent Yu Peen, and it must be he who has counselled this measure, in order to weary our army. [But] Tun has a cousin, named Ch'uen, a son-in-law of the [late] marquis. Being a favourite, and young, he has not been employed in military affairs, but he is fond of showing his bravery and is excitable. He is angry, moreover, at Yu Peen's being employed as assistant-commander of the 1st army. If you send a small body of troops to flout [the army of Tsin], a battle may be brought about." On this the earl prayed to the Ho with a peih, about the battle [that would ensue].
'In the 12th month, on Mow-woo, [a portion of] the army of Ts'in made a sudden attack on Tsin's 1st army, [and retired], pursued by Chaou Ch'uen, without his being able to overtake it. When he returned, he said, in anger, "We took our provisions in our bags, and donned our armour, surely to look for our enemies. What are we waiting for that we do not strike the enemy when he comes?" His officers said, "We are waiting for an opportunity." "I do not know," he replied, "their plans, but I will go forth alone;" and forth he went with his followers. Chaou Seuen (Tun) said, "If Ts'in capture Ch'uen, it will capture a high minister. If its army return with such a victory, what shall I have to show in return?" With this the whole army went forth to battle, when there ensued a gentle encounter, and then both sides drew off.
'A messenger from the army of Ts'in came to that of Tsin at night with a warning a warning challenge, saying, "The soldiers of our two armies are not yet satisfied;—please let us see one another tomorrow." Yu Peen said to Tun, "The messenger's eyes kept moving about, and his words were incoherent; they are afraid of us, and will be going off. If we attack them at the Ho, we are sure to defeat them. Seu Shin and Chaou Ch'uen [went and] cried out, at the gate of the entrenchments, "While the dead and the wounded are not gathered in, to abandon them is not kind. Not to wait for the stipulated time, but to attack men while they are in a perilous position, is not brave." The design was consequently abandoned, and in the night the army of Ts'in withdrew, made an incursion into Tsin in another direction, and entered Hea.
I have translated ??,?? by 'the troops of Tsin and those of Ts'in.' The K'anghe editors hold that the simple ? is condemnatory of both the hostile States, especially as there is no ? between the phrases.
Par. 8. ?, see III. xxix. 5. Yun (Kung has ?) wae also a town in —in the north of the pres. dis. of E-shwuy (??), dep. E-chow. Loo now walled them as a precaution against attempts on the part of Keu. Tso-she says the thing is recorded to show 'the timeliness of the proceeding.'
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1 It was the [duke's] thirteenth year, the spring, the k'ing's first month.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Jin-woo, Soh, marquis of Ch'in, died.
3 K'eu-seu, viscount of Choo, died.
4 From the first month it did not rain till autumn, in the seventh month.
5 The roof of the permanent shrine-house went to ruin.
6 In winter, the duke went to Tsin; and the marquis of Wei had a meeting with him in Tah.
7 The Teih made an incursion into Wei.
8 In the twelfth month, on Ke-ch'ow, the duke and the marquis of Tsin made a covenant. The duke was returning from Tsin, when the earl of Ch'ing had a meeting with him in Fei.
Par. 1. [The Chuen appends here that this spring, the marquis of Tsin sent Chen Kea to reside in Hea, to guard all the border of T'aoulin.
Par. 2. [The Chuen enters here the following narrative about the affairs of Tsin:—'The people of Tsin were distressed by the use which Ts'in made of Sze Hwuy; and this summer, the six high ministers had a meeting together about the subject in Choo-fow. Chaou Seuen said, "Hwuy of Suy [Suy was the name of the town whence Sze Hwuy had derived his revenue] is in Ts'in, and Kea Ke is among the Teih; difficulties come upon us every day in consequence; —what is to be done?" The officer Hwan [who had had the command] of the Middle column [This was Seun Lin-foo, who had received command of the ??, one of the five armies of Tsin; see on V. xxxi, 6. ??is nearly equivalent to a surname. Hwan was Lin-foo's posthumous title.] begged that Kea Ke might be recalled, saying he would manage their external affairs [with the Teih]. and out of regard to the old services [of his family]. Keoh Ch'ing [Keoh Keueh; ? was his posthumous title] said, " Kea Ke is too insubordinate, and he was guilty of a great crime. He is not like Hwuy of Suy, who maintains his self respect even in a mean position, is mild and not insubordinate, and whose wisdom fits him for employment. Moreover, Hwuy had committed no crime." On this, [it was resolved] to send Show-yu of Wei [to Ts'in]. on the pretence that he had revolted with the city and lands of Wei, to beguile Sze Hwuy [back to Tsin]. They accordingly seized his family in Tsin, and made him abscond at night.
[Having got to Ts'in], he begged to transfer his allegiance to it, and the earl accepted his offer. At the court of Ts'in, he trod on Sze Hwuy's foot [To give him a hint of his object]. The earl took post with a force on the west of the Ho, and the men of Wei were on the east. Show-yu then said, "Let me beg the company of some man from the east who will be able to speak with my officers, so that I may go before with him." Sze Hwuy was appointed to go, but he refused, saying, "The people of Tsin are tigers and wolves. If they prove false to their word, your servant will die [there], and my wife and children will be put to death [here]. There will nothing, moreover, be gained by your lordship; and regrets [for the whole thing] will be of no avail." The earl said, "If they prove false to their word, I swear by the waters of the Ho, that I will send your family back to Tsin." On this, Sze Hwuy went with Show-yu. [As he was going], Jaou Chaou (an officer of Ts'in) presented to him a whip, saying, "Do not say that there are no men in Ts'in. [You get away], because my counsel has not at this time been followed." When they had crossed the Ho, the men of Wei [received them] with a shout, and returned; but Ts'in sent Hwuy's family back to Tsin. Some [of his surname] who remained there took the surname of Lew.']
Par. 3. Kuh-leang has ??instead of ??The Chuen says:—' Duke Wan (Wan was K'eu-seu's posthumous title) consulted the tortoise-shell about changing his capital to Yih. The officer [of divination] said, " The removal will be advantageous to the people, but not to their ruler." The viscount said, "If it be advantageous to the people, that will be advantageous to me. When Heaven produced the people, it appointed for them rulers for their profit. Since the people are to get advantage [from the removal], I shall share in it." His attendants said, "If your life may so be prolonged, why should you not decide not to remove?" He said, "My appointment is for the nourishing of the people; my death sooner or later has a [fixed] time. If the people are to be benefited, let us remove, and nothing could be more fortunate." The capital was accordingly removed to Yih; and in the 5th month [of this year, 5 years after his accession], duke Wan died. The superior man may say that he knew [the secret of] life.'
Par. 4. See X. 4, and II. 5.
Par. 5. The text here adopted is that of Kung-yang. Kuh-leang has ??, and the same is found in the Chuen. Kung says:—'By ?? is meant the shrine-house of the [first] duke of Loo. That of the duke of Chow was called ??; that of the duke of Loo [Pihk'in, son of the duke of Chow], ??; those of other dukes were simply called ?. The name ?? indicates that from generation to generation the spirit-tablet of Pih-k'in was not removed.' While Kuh-leang has ? and not ?, he yet distinguishes between ??, the temple of the duke of Chow, and ?? , that of Pih-k'in, agreeing so far with Kungyang. And ? and ? are often interchanged, especially in the phrases ?? and ??. Perhaps Tso-she was of the same opinion, for he simply says that 'the roof of the went to pieces, and the fact was recorded, because of the want of reverent attention [to the structure] which was implied in it. Too Yu, however, explains the ?? by ? ?. Whosesoever the shrine-house was, the fact of its roof going to ruin showed great carelessness on the part of the duke and his officers, —great carelessness where they might have been expected to be most careful.
Parr. 6,8. In p. 6, Kung-yang wants the ? after ?.In p. 8 both Kung and Kuh omit the ?. before ?. For ? Kung has ?. Where Tah was is not ascertained. Fei was in Ch'ing,—25 le east of the pres. dis. city of SinCh'ing, dep. K'ae-fung.
The Chuen says:—'In winter, the duke went to Tsin, paying a court visit, and renewing his covenant with the marquis. The marquis of Wei had a meeting with the duke at Tah, and begged his mediation to make peace with Tsin; as he was returning, the earl of Ch'ing met him at Fei, and begged from him a similar service. The duke accomplished the thing for them both. The earl of Ch'ing and he feasted at Fei, when Tsze-kea (an officer of Ch'ing) sang the Hung yen (She, II. iii. ode VII.). Ke Wan (an officer of Loo) said, "My ruler has his share in that," and he sang the Sze yueh She, II. v. ode X.). Tsze-kea then sang the 4th stanza of the Ts'ae ch'e (She, I. iv. ode X.), and Ke Wan responded with the 4th of the Ts'ae we (She, II. i. ode VII.). The earl of Ch'ing then bowed his thanks to the duke, and the duke returned the bow.'
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1 In his fourteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke arrived from Tsin.
2 A body of men from Choo invaded our southern border; [and] Shuh P'ang-sang led a force, and invaded Choo.
3 In summer, in the fifth month, on Yih-hae, P'wan, marquis of Ts'e, died.
4 In the sixth month, the duke had a meeting with the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, the earl of Ts'aou, and Chaou Tun of Tsin; [and] on Kwei-yew they made a covenant together in Sin-shing.
5 In autumn, in the seventh month, there was a comet, which entered the Northern Bushel.
6 The duke arrived from the meeting.
7 The people of Tsin undertook to establish Tseeh-tsze as viscount of Choo, but did not do so.
8 In the ninth month, on Keah-shin, Kung-sun Gaou died in Ts'e.
9 Shang-jin, a son of duke [Hwan] of Ts'e, murdered his ruler, Shay.
10 Tsze-gae of Sung came to Loo, a fugitive.
11 In winter, the earl of Shen went to Ts'e; and the people of Ts'e seized him and held him prisoner.
12 The people of Ts'e [also] seized the second daughter of our house, who was there, and held her prisoner.
Par. 1. [The Chuen appends here:—'This spring, king K'ing died. Yueh, duke of Chow, and Wang-sun Soo were contending which should get the government into his hands; and therefore no intelligence of the event came officially to Loo. The deaths of kings and princes of States which were not announced were not recorded, and the same rule obtained in regard to events prosperous or calamitous;—as a method of reproving the want of reverence implied [in not making those communications].']
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'On the death of duke Wăn of Choo [See XIII. 3], the duke sent his condolences by an officer, who did not behave respectfully; and a body of troops from Choo came to punish [the slight], and invaded our southern border. In consequence of this, Hwuy-pih invaded Choo.' Shuh Păng-săng is the same as the Shuh-chung P'ăng-săng of XI. 2.
Par. 3. This P'wan—duke Ch'aou—had made himself marquis of Ts'e, in the 28th year of duke He, by the murder of the son of his brother, duke Heaou. The Chuen says:—'A second daughter of one of our dukes was the wife of duke Ch'aou of Ts'e, and bore him Shay. She was not a favourite with him, however, and Shay was devoid of any dignity. Shang-jin, a son of duke [Hwan], gave frequent largesses to the people, and collected about him many followers. When he had exhausted his own resources, he borrowed from the duke and [various] officers [for the same purpose]. In summer, in the 5th month, duke Ch'aou died, and Shay succeeded him.'
Par. 4. Sin-shing was in Sung,—in the southwest of the pres. dis. of Shang-k'ew, dep. Kweitih. For the phrase ??, see on III.xvi.4. The use of it here is favourable to the view of its meaning given there by Tso-she. He says here that this meeting and covenant were to celebrate the submission [to Tsin] of the States which had [for a time] followed Ts'oo, and to consult about Choo.
[The Chuen appends here about Ts'e:—'In autumn, in the 7th month, on the night of Yihmaou, Shang-jin of Ts'e murdered Shay, and offered to yield the State to [his own elder brother], Yuen. Yuen said, "You have been seeking it for a long time. I can serve you; but you are not the man in whom to awaken further dissatisfaction and resentment. Would you in that case spare me? Take you the marquisate.']
Par. 5. ??=??, 'a comet.' The meaning of is variously explained. K'ung Ying-tah says the comet is so called from the resemblance of its motion to that of a broom (? ??????). Then as a broom sweeps away what is old to give place to something new, a comet is supposed to presage changes. With regard to this comet, the Chuen relates that Shuh-fuh, the historiographer of the Interior, of Chow, said, 'In not more than 7 years, the rulers of Sung, Ts'e, and Tsin will all die amidst the disorder of their States.' The 'Northern Bushel' is Ursa Major.
Par. 7. For ? Kung has ?. The Chuen says:—'The first wife of duke Wăn of Choo was a Keang of Ts'e, who bore to him [K'woh-tseu, who became] duke Ting. His second wife was a Ke of Tsin, who bore to him Tseeh-tsze. On his death, the people of Choo raised K'woh-tseu to his father's place, and Tseeh-tsze fled to Tsin. Chaou Tun of Tsin then undertook, with the armies of several of the States,—a force [in all] of 800 chariots,—to place him in the marquisate. But the people of Choo refused to receive him, saying, "K'woh-tseu is the son of [Keang of] Ts'e, and the elder of the two." Chaou Seuen said," They have reason for their refusal; and if we do not accept it, our conduct will be of evil omen." He accordingly returned to Tsin.'
The K'ang-he editors say that the concluding words of the par.—???—are expressive of approbation, and the ? in ?? of condemnation. We can see that if the undertaking were bad, then its abandonment was good and right; but the approbation is not in the characters, but in the fact. There is difficulty with the ?, as according to the Chuen the forces of many States took part in the expedition. To be sure they were all engaged in it in the interest and at the summons of Tsin; and therefore I prefer to translate ?? here by 'the people of Tsin,' rather than by 'an officer of Tsin,' or 'a body of troops from Tsin.
[The Chuen appends here two narratives. The 1st continues that after par. 1:—'The duke of Chow and Wang-sun Soo being about to argue their differences before Tsin, the [new] king turned against Wang-sun Soo, and sent the minister Yin and T'an K'e to explain the case of the duke of Chow. Chaou Seuen pacified the royal House, and brought the parties to their former relations.'
The 2d is about the affairs of Ts'oo:—'On the accession of king Chwang [Son of king Muh], Tsze-k'ung and P'wan Ts'ung, intending to surprise the various Shoo States, appointed Kungtsze Seeh, and Tsze-e, to remain in charge [of the govt.], while they themselves invaded Shoo-leaou. These two officers, however, made an insurrection, proceeded to wall Ying, and employed a ruffian to kill Tsze-k'ung, who returned without succeeding in that attempt. In the 8th month, they carried off the viscount, intending to go to Shang-meih; but Ts'ih-Ie of Leu and Shuh-keun beguiled them [to Leu], and put them to death,— both Tow K'ih [Tsze-e], andKung-tsze Seeh. At an earlier time, Tow K'ih had been a prisoner in Ts'in, which sent him. after the defeat at Heaou, back to Ts'oo, to ask for a settlement of its differences with that State. This was effected, but he did not get his wish (in the shape of reward). Kung-tsze Seeh had sought the office of chief minister, but did not obtain it. These were the reasons why the two raised an insurrection.']
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'When Muh-pih [went to Keu], following the lady Sze [See the Chuen on VIII. 6], they in Loo made his son Wan-pih [The Kuh in the Chuen on I. 3] head of the clan [in his room]. He begat two sons in Keu, and then he asked to be allowed to return to Loo, getting Wan-pih to make intercession for him. Seang-chung [agreed to his return] on condition that he should not appear in the court, which condition he accepted, returning to Loo, and not leaving his own house. After three years, however, he again went to Keu, taking all his household with him. Wan-pih fell ill, and begged [the duke] that [his brother] No might succeed him, as his son was still young; which was granted. This No was Hwuy-shuh. Again Muh-pih begged to be allowed to return once more to Loo, backing his application with large bribes. Hwuy-shuh also interceded for him; and the thing was conceded; but, when he was about to come, in the 9th month he died in Ts'e. [Hwuy-shuh] announced his death, and asked leave to bury him [with the honours of a high minister]; but this was refused.'
Par. 9. The murder of Shay took place in the 7th month [See the Chuen after par. 4], but it is supposed that no communication about it was received from Ts'e until now; and the fact is recorded under the date at which the information arrived. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ts'e having settled [the succession of] duke E [Shang-jin], they sent to Loo to announce the troubles which they had had. Hence we have the record under the 9th month. Duke E's brother Yuen, dissatisfied with his administration of the government, never spoke of him as "The duke," but as "So and so, No. 6."
The critics are perplexed by Shay's being here denominated ruler, seeing the year in which his father died had not expired. Too, Maou K'e-ling, and others, argue that five months had elapsed since duke Ch'aou's death, and that he was buried, and that therefore Shay might now be styled 'ruler (?);' but they do not take into consideration that Shay was murdered in the 7th month. Another perplexity arises here from Shang-jin being mentioned with his rank of 'duke's son;'—see on I. iv. 2.
Par. 10. The Chuen says:—'Kaou Gae of Sung was the border-warden of Seaou, and was appointed a high minister. Disapproving of the duke of Sung, he left the State, and then came a fugitive to Loo. His appearing in the text as "Tsze-gae" is in honour of him' To this criticism on the designation the K'ang-he editors make some demur.
Parr. 11,12. These two paragraphs have occasioned much perplexity and controversy. Duke Ch'aou of Ts'e had been a son-in-law of Loo. His wife, it is understood, was the '2d daughter of the House of Loo,' in p. 12,—the mother of the murdered Shay, and whom Loo now wished to rescue from Ts'e.
The Chuen says:—'Seang-chung sent an announcement to the king, begging that of his favour he would require Ts'e to deliver up Ch'aou Ke, saying, "Having killed the son, what use have they for the mother? Let us receive her, and deal with her guilt." In winter, the earl of Shen went to Ts'e, and begged that they would give up the lady; but they seized and held him as a prisoner, doing the same also with her.'
Here Tso-she understands ??, as in III. i. 3, which see. The K'ang-he editors, agreeing with the majority of the critics that?? was an officer of Loo, reject here altogether Tsoshe's narrative. The views of Kung and Kuh, that Shen Pih had a criminal intrigue with the lady, they reject on other grounds. I think, however, Tso-she's view is correct.
As to ???,—see on XII.3. The lady here of course is difft. from the one whose death is there recorded. Their being designated in the same way is certainly perplexing; and we do not know enough about them to explain and reconcile satisfactorily the two texts.
XV. Fifteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, Ke-sun Hang-foo went to Tsin.
2 In the third month, Hwa-sun, minister of war, of Sung, came and made a covenant.
3 In summer, the earl of Ts'aou came to Loo on a courtvisit.
4 The people of Ts'e sent back to Loo the coffin of Kungsun Gaou.
5 In the sixth month, on Sin-ch'ow, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed. Drums were beaten, and victims were offered at the altar of the land.
6 The earl of Shen arrived from Ts'e.
7 Keoh Keueh of Tsin led a force and invaded Ts'ae; and on Mow-shin, he entered [the capital of] Ts'ae.
8 In autumn, a body of men from Ts'e made an incursion into our western borders.
9 Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Tsin.
10 In winter, in the eleventh month, [many of] the States made a covenant at Hoo.
11 In the twelfth month, an officer of Ts'e came to Loo with the second daughter of our House.
12 The marquis of Ts'e made an incursion into our western borders, and then proceeded to invade Ts'aou, entering within the outer suburbs of its capital.
Par. 1. Tso-she says that this mission was on account of [the injury done by Ts'e to] the earl of Shen, and the second daughter of the House of Loo. The duke thought that the fear of Tsin might influence Ts'e more than the king's authority
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'Hwa Ngow of Sung came to Loo and made a covenant, accompanied by the officers of his department. The text speaks of him with his office—"Hwa-sun, minister of War, of Sung"—to do him honour. The duke was going to feast along with him, but he declined the honour, saying, "Your lordship's former servant, my ancestor Tuh, was a criminal with duke Shang of Sung (See II. ii. 1). His name is in the records of all the States. Charged as I am with his sacrifices, dare I disgrace your lordship [so]? Let me receive your commands from one of your officers of the rank below that of a high minister." The people of Loo considered him [in this speech] to be respectful and exact.'
Hwa Ngow was, no doubt, made minister of War in Sung, after the death of duke Ch'aou's brother, Gang, as related in the Chuen on VIII. 8. The ? is here added to his surname just as we have in Loo ??, ?? &c. As he is not said in the text to have been sent (?) on the mission by the duke of Sung, the critics discuss the point, very fruitlessly, whether he came to Loo as an envoy, or on his own motion.
Par. 3. Tso-she says, on this par., that 'it was an ancient regulation that the princes of States should interchange these court-visits once in 5 years, in order to their better observance of the king's commands.' But the subject of such visits is involved in obscurity. See on I.xi.1.
Par. 4. On p. 8 of last year it was stated that the duke refused permission to have the body of Gaou brought to Loo to be buried. Here we find that the thing was finally brought about. The Chuen says:—' Some one in Ts'e gave counsel in regard to the circumstances of the Măng family [The descendants of K'ing-foo, the Chung-sun clan, were sometimes called the Măng and the Mang-sun (??,???), saying, "[The House of] Loo and you are of kin. Get the coffin all ready with its decorations, and place it in T'ang-fow. Loo will be sure [to wish] to take it away." This counsel was taken, and the commandant of Peen sent word to the court [of where the coffin was]. Hwuy-shuh, still with all the symbols of deepest sorrow, took the opportunity to prosecute his [former] request, and stood in the court to await the duke's commands. The duke granted his request, when he took the coffin, and went through the ceremony of enshrouding the body [in the grand chamber of the Mang family]. An officer of Ts'e escorted the coffin. What the text says, that an officer of Ts'e brought the coffin of Kung-sun Gaou, was recorded out of regard to the Mang family, and its consanguinity with the ducal House. The burial was after the example of that of Kung-chung (K'ing-foo; with inferior honours to those due to a high minister). Shing Sze, (Gaou's first wife) did not go to see the coffin, but wept inside the screen in the hall. Seangchung wished not to weep, but Hwuy-pih said to him. "With the mourning there is an end of one's [living] relationship. Although you [and he] could not [be on good terms] before, you may be so now that that he is gone. The historiographer Yih said, 'Brethren should display all the beauty [of kindly regard], relieving one another's wants, congratulating in prosperity, condoling in calamity, in sacrificing reverent. in mourning really sad. Although they may be unable to agree, they do not abandon the relative affection which should subsist between them.' Do not you, Sir, fail in this point;— why should you cherish such resentment?" Seangchung was pleased, and conducted all his brethren to weep for Gaou.
'Years after, Gaou's two sons came [from Keu] to Loo, when the affection of Măng Heen [The grandson of Gaou, and son of Wăn-pih, Chung-shuh Meih, then Head of the family] for them became spoken of through the State. Some one slandered them to him, saying that they would kill him. He told this to Ke Wăn; and the two young men [having heard of it], said, "His love for us is well known, and it is talked of that we mean to kill him. Would this not be far from what is right? It is better that we should die than be considered so far removed from propriety." One of them, accordingly, died, defending the gate of Kow-măng, and the other died, defending the gate of Le-k'ew.'
Par. 5. This eclipse took place at sunrise, on April 20th, B. C. 611. On the ceremonies which were now observed—?,??? ?—Tso-she remarks that they were 'contrary to rule,' adding, 'On occasion of an eclipse of the sun, the son of Heaven should not have his table spread so full as ordinarily, and should have drums beaten at the altar of the land, while princes of States should present offerings of silk at the altar of the land, and have drums beaten in their courts;—thus showing how they serve the Spirits, teaching the people to serve their ruler, and exhibiting the different degrees of observance. Such was the way of antiquity.'
The text here, with the exception of the name of the day, is the same as that in the account of the eclipse in III. xxv. 3. Tso-she there says that the ceremonies were 'unusual;' here, that they were 'contrary to rule.' The K'ang-he editors explain the difference of these criticisms by saying that the ' 6th month' in III. xxv. 3 is a mistake for the 7th month, while the 6th month of the text is correct. Now the 6th month of Chow was the 4th month of Hea, or the 1st month of the natural summer, when according to Tso-she, the ceremonies mentioned in the Chuen were appropriate. In the eclipse of duke Chwang, they were 'unusual;' the month was not the time for them. In this eclipse of duke Wăn, they would have been right, if they had only been performed 'according to rule.' Perhaps this is a correct explanation of the difference of Tso-she's decisions in the two cases;— ingenious it certainly is. But see what I have said on III. xxv. 3 about the distinction which Tso would make out between eclipses in the 1st month of summer, and at other times.
Par. 6. Here we have ?? again, and the par. is appealed to as decisive of the question about the individual so described, whether he belonged to Chow or to Loo. Evidently, it is said, he belonged to Loo. Ordinarily the return of officers from their missions was not chronicled. The only exception was in the case of such as had been seized and imprisoned in the exercise of their functions. We have two cases in point, in X.xiv. 1, and xxiv.2; and here in the text is a third. The argument cannot be lightly set aside; but why should not the king's commissioner, who had endured on behalf of Loo as ?? had done, go to that State on his liberation, and be received by the duke in the ancestral temple. Such a visit perhaps was necessary in order to the liberation of Loo's daughter, which is related in the 11th paragraph. Tso-she says here:—'The people of Ts'e granted what the earl of Shen requested, and liberated him, that he might come to Loo, and report the fulfilment of his mission. The language of the text—'The earl of Shen came from Ts'e—is modelled to honour him.'
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Ts'ae took no part in the covenant at Sin-shing [See p. 4 of last year], and now Keoh Keueh, with the 1st and 3d armies, invaded Ts'ae, saying, "Our ruler is young;—we must not dally over our work." On Mow-shin, he entered [the capital of] Ts'ae, obliged [the marquis] to make a covenant with him close by the wall, and returned.' Tso-she adds that when a State was [entirely] conquered, [the conquerors] were said to 'extinguish it,' and when a great city was taken, they were said to 'enter it.'
The form of this par. indicates two operations on the part of the general of Tsin; first the invasion, and next, when that failed to produce the submission of T'sae, the capture of its capital.
Parr. 8, 9. Tso-she connects these two paragraphs together, saying that Hang-foo's visit to Tsin was to inform that leading State of the injury received from Ts'e.
Par. 10. Hoo,—see VII.8. The Chuen says: —'In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the marquis of Ts'ae, the marquis of Ch'in, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, and the earl of Ts'aou, made a covenant at Hoo, renewing that at Sin-shing, and to consult about invading Ts'e. The people of Ts'e bribed the marquis of Tsin, and he returned without doing anything against that State. At this time the duke was not present at the meeting because of his difficulties with Ts'e. The text says that "the princes covenanted at Hoo, [without specifying them]." because they were able to do nothing.' This is Tso's judgment, and may be questioned. He adds, 'In general, on occasions of meetings of the States, when the duke of Loo was not present, the names are not specified, to conceal the duke's remissness! When he was present, and yet the names are not specified, it is because he came late!'
Par. 11. Tso says that Ts'e thus sent the lady to Loo at last, 'because of the king,' i. e., in deference to his request or requirement.
Par. 12. The Chuen says that the former part of this paragraph tells the inability of the other States [to control Ts'e]; and the movement of Ts'e against Ts'aou was to punish it because of the earl's visit to Loo (in p. 3). ? is defined as ??, 'the extension of the suburbs. Lew Ch'ang observes that to penetrate thus far was nearly to enter the city itself (???). The Chuen continues:—'Ke Wăn said, "The marquis of Ts'e will not escape his doom. Himself regardless of propriety, he punishes those who observe it, saying, 'Why do you practise that rule?' [Now], propriety is to express accordance with Heaven; it is the way of Heaven. He sets himself against Heaven, and goes to punish others [for obeying it];—it will be hard for him to escape his doom. The ode says (She, II. iv. ode X. 3),
'Why do ye not stand in awe of one another? Ye do not stand in awe of Heaven.' The superior man does not oppress the young or the mean, because he stands in awe of Heaven. It is said in the Praise-songs of Chow (She, IV. i.[i.]VII.),
'I revere the majesty of Heaven, And for ever preserve its favour. By villainy he got his State. Though he were to try to keep it by all the rules of propriety, without the fear of Heaven, how can he preserve himself? I fear he would not be able to do so. Doing many things contrary to those rules, he cannot live [long]." '
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, Ke-sun Hăngfoo had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Yangkuh; but the marquis would not make a covenant with him.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, the duke for the fourth time did not give audience to his ministers on the first day of the moon.
3 In the sixth month, on Mow-shin, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, and the marquis of Ts'e, made a covenant in Sek'ew.
4 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Sin-we, [duke He's] wife, the lady Keang, died.
5 [The duke] pulled down the tower of Ts'euen.
6 A force from Ts'oo, one from Ts'in, and one from Pa, extinguished Yung.
7 In winter, in the eleventh month, the people of Sung murdered their ruler, Ch'oo-k'ew.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'In the 1st month of this year, [Loo] and Ts'e agreed to be at peace, and the duke being ill, he sent Ke Wăn to have a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Yang-kuh. Ke Wăn requested a covenant, but the marquis was unwilling to make one, and said, "Allow me to wait till your ruler is better." 'It is to be understood that the marquis of Ts'e did not believe that the duke was really ill; and many of the critics suppose that the illness was in some measure at least feigned. Yang-kuh—see V. iii. 5.
Par. 2. Tso says that this neglect of the duties of the 1st day of the moon was owing to the duke's illness. The phrase ?? is a pregnant one. Acc. to Maou. the first day of the moon was inaugurated by the sacrifice of a sheep in the ancestral temple, after which the prince announced to his ancestors the arrival of the day, according to the calendar which he had received from the king, and asked their permission to go on to the duties of the month. All this was called ??. When these ceremonies were over, he proceeded to give audience to his ministers, and arrange, so far as could be done, for the business of the month, and this was called ?? and ??. From the 2d month to the 5th this business had now been left undischarged. I do not see why we should not simply receive the reason assigned for it by Tso-she; but the critics are as unbelieving in the duke's illness as the marquis of Ts'e was. Kaou K'ang says that if the non-observance was from illness, it was nothing extraordinary, and would not have been recorded; —the real reason was the duke's indolence, and inattention to the duties of his position. Hwang Chung-yen (???; Sung dyn., 1st half of 13th century) even finds in the text an intimation that for 4 months on end the duke had neglected all the affairs of the govt.
Par. 3. For ? Kung-yang has ?, and Kuh-leang has ?. Se-k'ew was in Ts'e,— somewhere in the pres. dis. of Tung-o (? ?), dep. T'ac-gan.
The Chuen says that the covenant was brought about by the duke's sending Seangchung (Kung-tsze Suy) with bribes to the marquis of Ts'e
Parr. 4,5. This lady Keang was Shing Keang (??), the widow of duke He, and mother of Wăn. Kung-yang says that 'the tower of Ts'euen' was the name given to that built at Lang by duke Chwang in his 31st year. The Chuen says:—'There came out from the palace of Ts'euen, and entered the capital, serpents, as many as there had been marquises of Loo [No fewer than seventeen]; and when Shingkeang died on Sin-we in the 8th month, [the duke] caused the tower to be pulled down.' If this story were true, we must suppose that the people believed there was some connection between the appearance of the serpents and the death of the duchess, who perhaps lived in the palace of Ts'euen.
Par. 6. Pa was a considerable State, whose lords were viscounts, with the Chow surname of Ke. It has left its name in Pa, the principal dis. of the dep. Ch'ung-k'ing (??), Sze-ch'uen. Of Yung little is known. Its chief town was 40 le east from the pres. dis. city of Chuh-shan (??), dep. Yun-yang (??), Hoo-pih. The Chuen says:—'There was a great famine in Ts'oo, and the Jung invaded it on the south west, advancing as far as the hill of Fow, and taking post with their army at Ta-lin. Another body of them invaded it on the southeast, advancing as far as Yang-k'ew, and thence making an incursion to Tsze-che. The people of Yung, [at the same time], headed all the tribes of the Man in a revolt against Ts'oo, while those of Keun led on the many tribes of the Puh, and collected at Seuen, intending to invade it. On this the gates of Shin and Seih on the north were kept shut, and some in Ts'oo counselled removing from the capital to Fankaou. Wei Kea, however, advised against such a step, saying, "If we can go there, the robbers also can go there. The best plan is to invade Yung. Keun and all the Puh think that we are unable from the famine to take the field, and therefore they invade us. If we send forth an army, they are sure to be afraid, and will return to their own country. The Puh dwell apart from one another, and when they are hurriedly going off, each tribe for its own towns, who among them will have leisure to think of any body but themselves?" An army accordingly was sent forth, and in 15 days there was an end of the attempt of the Puh. The army went on from Leu, throwing open the granaries, from which officers and men shared alike, until it halted at Kow-she. From there Ts'ih-le of Leu was sent to make an incursion into Yung, as far as to Fang-shing, when the people drove him and his troopsaway, taking prisoner Tsze-yang Ch'wang. He managed to escape on the third night after, and said. "The troops of Yung are numerous, and all the Man are collected. We had better return to the army [at Kow-she]. Having raised the king's troops, and effected a junction with them, we may then advance." Sze-shuh said, "No. Let us for a time keep meeting the enemy, to make them presumptuous. When they are presumptuous, and we have become angry, we shall conquer them. This was the way in which our ruler aforetime, Fun-maou [The father of king Woo of Ts'oo], subdued Hing-seih." Accordingly seven times they met the Jung, and seven times they fled. Only the men of P'e, Yew, and Yu were employed to drive them off, so that the men of Yung said that Ts'oo was not worth fighting with, and gave up making any preparations against an attack. The viscount of Ts'oo then hurried, with relays of horses, to join the army at Lin-p-in. He divided it into two bodies, with one of which Tsze-yueh proceeded to invade Yung by Shihk'e, while Tsze-pei led the other by Jin. A body of men from Ts*in and another from Pa came to join Ts'oo. The result was that the tribes of the Man made a covenant with the viscount, and he proceeded to extinguish Yung.'
The above narrative is important, showing how Ts'oo, itself but half-civilized, was encompassed by tribes still more barbarous than itself, and in danger from them.
Par. 7. For ?. Kung-yang has ?. The Chuen says:—'Paou of Sung, son of duke [Ch'ing, and half-brother of duke Ch'aou], courteously entreated the people of the State. In a time of famine he exhausted all his stores of grain, lending freely. To all who were 70 years old and upwards he sent [supplies of food], presenting them with more and rarer dishes at the [commencement of the] several seasons. There was no day when he was not a frequent visitor at the gates of the six high ministers; to all the men of ability he professed service and respect, and to his kinsfolk, from the descendants of duke Hwan downwards, he expressed sympathy and regard. Paou was beautiful and handsome, and the widow of duke Seang [Duke Ch'aou's grandmother and also Paou's; as having been the principal wife of their grandfather] sought a criminal intrigue with him; and though this proved impracticable, she helped him to bestow his favours [more widely]. In consequence of the unprincipled course of duke Ch'aou, the people wished to raise Paou to the dukedom, on the ground of the wishes of the grand-duchess.
'At this time, Hwa Yuen was master of the right, and Kung-sun Yew of the left; Hwa Ngow, minister of War; Lin Kwan, minister of Instruction; Tang E-choo, minister of Works; and the duke's brother, Chaou, minister of Crime. Before this, when Tang [the last] minister of Works died, [his son], Kung-sun Show, declined the office, and begged that it might be given to E-choo, [his son]. Afterwards, he told people, saying, " Our ruler is so unprincipled, that, as the office would bring me near him, I was afraid of calamity coming on me. By putting the office from me, I may seem to leave my kindred without protection. My son is a second self, but by means of him I could postpone my death for a while. Although I abandon him, I shall still not abandon my kindred."
'By and by, the grand-duchess wished to send the duke to hunt at Măng-choo, and have him put to death there. The duke came to be aware [of the plot], and set out carrying all his treasures with him. Tang E-choo said to him, "Why not go to some other State?" He replied, "Since I have not been able to satisfy the great officers, nor my grandmother, nor the people, who of the princes of the States will receive me? And moreover, since I have been a ruler, than that I should go on to be a subject it is better for me to die." With this he distributed all his treasures among his attendants, and made them go away. The grand-duchess sent word to the minister of Works that he should leave the duke, but he said, "If, having been his minister, I should now skulk away from him in his calamity, how should I appear before his successor?"
'In winter, in the 11th month, on Keah-yin, duke Ch'aou was going to hunt at Mang-choo; but before he arrived at the place, the grandduchess, a lady of the royal House, had him killed by the directors of the hunt. Tang E-choo died with him. The words of the text—"The People of Sung murdered their ruler, Ch'ook'ew "—show that the ruler was devoid of all principle. Duke Wăn [The above Paou] succeeded him, and made his own brother Seu minister of Works. Hwa Ngow died, and [the son of Tang E-choo], Tang Hwuy, was made minister of War.
The K'ang-he editors enter here into a long discussion on the explanation which Tso-she gives of the text's assigning the murder of duke Ch'aou to the people of Sung, of which it is worth while to give the substance.—They say: —'In all the twelve books of the Ch'un Ts'ew, there are 3 cases, in which the murder of the ruler is attributed to the people:—1st, that in the text; 2d, the murder of Shang-jin by the people of Ts'e (p.3 of the 18th year); and 3d, the murder of Meih-chow by the people of Keu (IX.xxxi.7). There are 4 cases in which the murder of the ruler is attributed to the State: 1st, the murder of Shoo-k'e by Keu (9th p. of the 18th year); 2d, that of Chow-p'oo by Tsin (VIII.xviii.2); 3d, that of Leaou by Woo (X. xxvii. 2); and 4th, that of Pe by Seeh (XI.xiii. 8). Now of all these 7 cases, Tso's canon can only be applied, with an appearance of justice, to the first two, the murders of duke Ch'aou of Sung, and Shang-jin of Ts'e. Then we have the murders of the three dukes Ling,—of Tsin, of Ts'oo, and of Ch'in, who were all bad rulers. The names of their murderers are fully given, viz. Chaou Tun (VII. ii. 4), Kung-tsze Pe (X. xiii.2), Hea Ch'ing-shoo (VII. x. 7). How is it that we have similar facts recorded with such differences of manner? The answer is that the sage made the Ch'un Ts'ew from what he found in the tablets of the old historiographers, in which the entries were made according to the announcements received in Loo from the difft. States, which might be abbreviated, but could not be added to. Now when ministers murdered their rulers or sons their fathers, there would be few that would announce the exact truth to friendly States;—they would throw the crime on other, and generally on meaner parties. When the sage had carefully examined the historiographers of his State, and all that he heard in the 72 other States through which he travelled, if he wished to exhibit the real offender and execute him with his pencil, there was the difft. statement of the original communication; if he wished to allow the crime to rest on the parties on whom it was thrown, the real criminal escaped from the net. His plan was to leave it an open question as to the true criminals, and to write "the State murdered—," or "the people of the State murdered"—; and thus, though he gave no names, the crime of rebellious ministers and ruffian sons did not escape.
This note sufficiently disposes of the canon of Tso-she, and all other attempts to explain particular characters of the text on the 'praise and blame' principle. The editors' own account of the matter has been sufficiently discussed in the prolegomena.
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1 In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, an officer of Tsin, an officer of Wei, an officer of Ch'in, and an officer of Ch'ing, invaded Sung.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Kwei-hae, we buried our duchess, Shing Keang.
3 The marquis of Ts'e invaded our western borders. In the sixth month, on Kwei-we, the duke and the marquis of Ts'e made a covenant in Kuh.
4 [Several] of the States had a meeting in Hoo.
5 In autumn, the duke arrived from Kuh.
6 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts'e.
Par. 1. Tso-she says:—'This spring, Seun Linfoo of Tsin, k'ung Tah of Wei, Kung-sun Ning of Ch'in, and Shih Ts'oo of Ch'ing, invaded Sung. [Coming] to punish it, they said, "For what cause did ye murder your ruler?" but yet they recognized duke Wăn, and returned. The names of the ministers are not given in the text, indicating that they failed in what [they had undertaken].' Too observes that from the time of duke Min, precedence is always given in the accounts of meetings, &c., to Ch'in over Wei, while in this instance we have ?? before ??. He supposes the reason to be that Kung-sun Ning was a minister of lower rank than K'ung Tah.
Par. 2. See on III.xxxii. 2. Kung-yang gives ? for ?. Tso says the burial took place late, in consequence of the troubles of Loo with Ts'e.
Par. 3. Kuh,—see III. vii. 4. Tso says:— The marquis of Ts'e invaded our northern border. Seang-chung [on behalf of duke Wăn] begged a covenant, and in the 6th month, a covenant was made in Kuh.' The 'western' border of the text is the 'northern' in the Chuen. Ying-tah thinks the text is wrong, because Kuh lies north of Loo.
Par. 4. The Chuen says:— 'The marquis of Tsin had a grand review in Hwang-foo, and proceeded to assemble the States again in Hoo; —for the pacification of Sung. The duke was not present at the meeting, because of the difficulties with Ts'e. The text says [simply] " the various princes," [without further specifying them], because they accomplished nothing. At this meeting, the marquis of Tsin did not see the earl of Ch'ing, and concluded that he was [again] inclining to Ts'oo. Tsze-kea of Ch'ing, [being aware of this], sent for the carrier of despatches, and gave him a letter, in which he laid the following statements before Chaou Seuen:—"In the 3d year of my ruler, he called the marquis of Ts'ae, and agreed with him that they should serve your State. In the 9th month, the marquis came to our poor city on the way to Tsin. But at that time we were occupied with the troubles caused by How Seuen-to, and my ruler was not able to go along with him; but in the 11th month, having succeeded in diminishing [the power] of Seuen-to. he followed the marquis that he might appear at your court before you the manager of its affairs. In his 12th year, [I], Kwei-săng, assisted my ruler's eldest son, E, in persuading the marquis of Ch'in to separate from Ts'oo, and go to the court of your ruler. In his 14th year, in the 7th month, my ruler further appeared at your court to complete the business of [the submission of] Ch'in. In his 15th year, in the 5th month, the marquis of Ch'in went from our poor city to the court of your ruler. Last year, in the 1st month, Chuh Che-woo went to present E at your court; and in the 8th month, my ruler appeared there himself. That Ch'in and Ts'ae, near as they are to Ts'oo, have not wavered [in their adherence to Tsin], is all through our influence with them. But considering only our own service of your ruler, how is it that we do not escape [such an imputation as is brought against us]? Since his accession, our marquis paid one court-visit to duke Seang, and has twice appeared before your present ruler. [His son] E, and more than one of us, his ministers, have been one after another to Keang. No other State has been more assiduous than ours in its service of Tsin. And now your great State says [to Ch'ing], "You do not satisfy my wishes!" There is ruin for our poor city; we are at the last extremity.
'There is a saying of the ancients, "Fearing for its head and fearing for its tail, there is little of the body left [not to fear for]," And there is another, "The deer driven to its death does not choose the [best] place to take shelter in." When a small State serves a large one, if dealt with kindly, it shows the gratitude of a man; if not dealt with kindly, it acts like the stag. That runs into danger in its violent hurry, for how in its urgency should it be able to choose where to run? [The State], driven by the commands to it without limit, in the same way only knows that there is ruin before it. We will raise all our poor levies, and await you at Yew,—just as you, the director of affairs, may command us. Our [former] duke Wăn in his second year, in the 6th month, on Jin-shin, acknowledged the court of Ts'e, but in his 4th year, in the 2d month, on Jin-scuh, because Ts'e made an incursion into Ts'ae, he [felt obliged to] obtain terms of peace from Ts'oo. Situated between great States, is it our fault that we must follow their violent orders? If your great State do not consider these things, we will not seek to evade the command you shall lay upon us (i.e., Ch'ing would meet Tsin in arms, if the necessity were laid upon it)."
'[After the receipt of this letter], Kung Soh of Tsin went and settled the difficulties with Ch'ing, Ch'aou Ch'uen, and Ch'e, son-in-law of duke Wăn, going there as hostages.'
Par. 5. [The Chuen appends here two brief notices:—'In autumn, Kan Ch*uh of Chow surprised the Jung in Shin-sh'uy, while they were drinking spirits, and defeated them.'
'In winter, in the 10th month, E, the eldest son of the earl of Ch'ing, and Shih Ts'oo, became hostages in Tsin.']
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'Seang-chung went to Ts'e to express our acknowledgments for the covenant at Kuh. When he returned, he said, 'I heard the people of Ts'e [say] they will eat the wheat of Loo, but according to my view they will not be able to do so. The words of the marquis of Ts'e are rude; and Tsang Wăn-chung remarked that when a people's lord is rude, he is sure to die." '
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1 In his eighteenth year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Ting-ch'ow, the duke died, [in a chamber] beneath [one] of his towers.
2 Ying, earl of Ts'in, died.
3 In summer, in the fifth month, on Mow-seuh, the people of Ts'e murdered their ruler, Shang-jin.
4 In the sixth month, on Kwei-yew, we buried our ruler, duke Wăn.
5 In autumn, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, and Shuh-sun Tih-shin, went to Ts'e.
6 In winter, in the tenth month, the [duke's] son died.
7 The [duke's] wife, the lady Keang, went back to Ts'e.
8 Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Ts'e.
9 Keu murdered its ruler, Shoo-k'e.
Par. 1. See on III. xxxii. 4, and V.xxxiii. 11. Kuh-leang says here that duke Wăn did not die in the place where he should have died; but all the Chuen, and the critics also, are provokingly silent as to what or where the place was. Only in Koo Tung-kaou's 'Tables of the great matters in the Ch'un Ts'ew (???,??? ??,????)' have I found anything bearing on the subject. He says that the tower was that of Ts'euen, mentioned in XVI. 5, —a tower in the palace of Ts'euen. It is there said that the duke pulled the tower down, and Koo adds that he pulled down the palace as well. Yet it happened that he died somehow where the tower had been, showing that the death foreshadowed by the serpents that issued from under it was not that of Shing Keang, but the duke's own death! The matter must be left in its obscurity.
The Chuen says;—'In the spring, the marquis of Ts'e, was preparing for the time when he should take the field [to attack Loo], when he fell ill, and his physician said that he would die before autumn. The duke heard of it, and consulted the tortoise-shell, saying, "May his death take place before the time [of his taking the field]!" Hwuy-pih communicated the subject inquired about to the shell. Ts'oo-k'ew, the diviner, performed the operation, and said, "The marquis of Ts'e will die before that time, though not of illness; and the duke also [will die] without hearing of the marquis's death. There is evil also in store for him who communicated the subject to the shell." [Accordingly], the duke died on Ting-ch'ow, in the 2d month.'
Par. 2. This was duke K'ang (??); and this is the first record of the death of an earl of Ts'in in the Classic. The growth of the State had been rapid, for it was not till after the battle of Shing-puh that its chiefs interchanged messages and other courtesies with the princes of the Middle States.
Par. 3. ??,—see on XVI.7. The Chuen says:—'When duke E of Ts'e was [only] duke's son, he had a strife with the father of Ping Ch'uh about some fields, in which he did not get the better; and therefore, when he became marquis, he caused the grave of his opponent to be dug open, and the feet of the corpse to be cut off, while yet he employed Ch'uh as his charioteer. And though he took to himself the wife of Yen Chih, he carried Chih with him as the third attendant in his chariot.
'In summer, in the 5th month, the duke having gone to the pool of Shin, these two men were bathing in the pool, when Ch'uh struck the other with a twig, and then said to him, when he got angry, "Since you allowed your wife to be taken from you without being angry, how does a tap like that hurt you?" "How is it," replied Chih, "between me and him who was able to see his father's feet cut off without feeling aggrieved.?" The two men then consulted together, murdered duke E, and laid his body among the bamboos. They then returned [to tne city], calmly put down their cups [after drinking], and went away. The people of Ts'e raised duke Hwan's son Yuen to his brother's place.'
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, Seangchung and Chwang-shuh went to Ts'e, [to congratulate] duke Hwuy on account of his accession, and to express Loo's acknowledgment for the presence of an officer of Ts'e at duke Wăn's burial.' Seang-chung was charged with one of these duties, and Chwang-shuh with the other. Though they went together, each had his own mission. But they transacted other business in Ts'e. The Chuen goes on:—'King Ying, the second wife [in rank] of duke Wăn bore him a son, [Tseeh, who became] duke Seuen. She was the duke's favourite, and privately paid court to Seang-chung, to whom she entrusted the care of her son's interests as he grew up. [In consequence of this], Seang-chung wished to declare Tseeh his father's successor; but Shuhchung (Shuh P'ăng-săng, or Hwuy-pih) objected. When Chung had an interview with the marquis of Ts'e, he begged his sanction to what the proposed, and the marquis, being new in his own position, and wishing to be on friendly terms with Loo, granted it.'
Par. 6. The son who is here said to have died was called Goh, duke Wăn's eldest son by the lady Keang (See IX. 2). By her, his proper wife, the duke had two sons, Goh and She; and on his death, Goh, the elder of the two, though only a child, had been recognized as 'marquis;' and as the late marquis was now buried, he ought to appear here with his name and his title as ' marquis 'or 'ruler.'Instead of dying a natural death, as we should conclude from the text, he was murdered, as the Chuen immediately goes on to relate. The critics have a great deal to say in trying to account for the state of the record in the text; but it is of the same character as many others throughout the classic, from which we should do anything but know the truth about the things recorded, if we were entirely dependent on the sage for our information. The instances of ?? in III. xxxii. 5, and ??, in IX. xxxi. 3, are somewhat difft. from that before us, because in them the fathers of the young marquises had not yet been buried, and it was proper they should appear as 'sons' only.
The Chuen says:—'In winter, in the 10th month, [Seang-] 'chung killed Goh and She, and set up [Tseeh, who became] duke Seuen. The entry that 'the [duke's] son died' is to conceal the nature of the fact. Chung then, [as if] by the [young] ruler's order, called Hwuy-pih [to come to him]. Hwuy-pih's steward, Kung-jen Woo-jin endeavoured to stop him, saying that, if he entered [the palace]. he was sure to die. Shuh-chung said, "If I die in obeying my ruler's command, it is right I should do so." The steward answered, "Yes, if it be the ruler's command; but if it be not, why should you listen to it?" Hwuy-pih would not take this advice, but entered [the palace], where they killed him, and hid his body among the horses' dung. His steward then carried his wife and children with him, and fled to Ts'ae; but the Shuh-chung family was afterwards restored.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'This return of duke Wăn's wife Keang to Ts'e was a return for good. When she was about to go, she wept aloud. Passing through the market place, she cried out, "O Heaven, Chung has done wickedly, killing the son of the wife, and setting up the son of a concubine!" All in the market wept, and the people of Loo called her Gae Keang ("The sorrowful Keang").'
Par. 8. Kung-tsze Suy, Shuh-sun Tih-shin, and Ke-sun Hăng-foo were confederates in the atrocious deeds which had been perpetrated. The former two had got a sort of sanction for them from the marquis of Ts'e, as related in p. 5, and Hang-foo now went to tell him of their accomplishment.
Par. 9. The Chuen has a long narrative on this paragraph:—'Duke Ke of Keu had two sons,—Puh the eldest, [and who should have succeeded him], and Ke-t'o; but through his love for Ke-to he degraded Puh. He also did many things against all propriety in the State, and Puh, by the help of the people, proceeded to murder him. He then gathered all his valuable treasures together, and came flying with them to Loo, and presented them to duke Seuen. The duke gave orders to assign him a city, saying,"It must be given to him to-day;" but Ke Wăn made the minister of Crime send him beyond the borders, saying, "He must get there to-day." The duke asked the reason of this conduct, and Ke Wăn sent K'ih, the grand historiographer, with the following reply:—" A deceased great officer of our State, Tsang Wăn-chung taught Hăng-foo rules to guide him in serving his ruler, and Hăng-foo gives them the widest application, not daring to let them slip from his mind. Wanchung's words were, 'When you see a man who observes the rules of propriety in his conduct to his ruler, behave to him as a dutiful son should do in nourishing his parents. When you see a man who transgresses those rules towards his ruler, take him off as an eagle or a hawk pursues a small bird.' The founder of our House the duke of Chow, in the Rules which he framed for Chow, said, 'By means of the model of conduct you can see a man's virtue. His virtue is evidenced in his management of affairs. From that management his merit can be measured. His services result in the support of the people.' In the Admonitory Instructions which he made, [the duke of Chow] said, 'He who overthrows [the laws of conduct] is a villain; and he who conceals him is his harbourer. He who filches money is a thief; he who steals the treasures of a State is a traitor. He who harbours the villain, and he who uses the treasures of the traitor, is guilty of the greatest crime. He must suffer the regular penalty, without forgiveness;—such a case is not omitted in [the Book of] the nine Punishments.' When Hăng-foo viewed the whole action of Puh of Keu, he saw nothing in him fit to be a model of conduct. Filial reverence and loyal faith are virtues of good conduct; theft and villainy, and harbouring [the thief] and [accepting the gifts of] the traitor, are vices of evil conduct. Now what was the pattern of filial reverence given by Puh of Keu?—The murder of his father and ruler. And his pattern of loyal faith was his stealing the treasures and jewels of the State. The man is a robber and a villain; the things he brought with him are the signs of his treachery. To protect him and accept his gifts would be to be a principal in harbouring him. If we, with [the duke of Chow's] lessons, should take such a blind course, the people would have no pattern; and unable to take the measurement of good themselves, they would be in the midst of vices of bad conduct. It was for these reasons that [Hăng-foo] sent Puh of Keu away.
'The ancient [emperor] Kaou-yang (i. q. Chuen-heuh) had eight descendants of ability [and virtue]:—Ts'ang-shoo; T*uy-gae; T'aou yin; Ta-lin; Mang-hang; T'ing-keen; Chungyung; and Shuh-tah. They were correct and sagely, of wide comprehension and deep, intelligent and consistent, generously good and sincere:—all under heaven called them the eight Harmonies.
'[The emperor] Kaou-sin [i. q. Kuh] had [also] eight descendants of ability [and virtue]:— Pih-fun; Chung-k'an, Shuh-heen; Ke-chung; Pih-hoo; Chung-heung; Shuh-p'aou; and Kele. They were leal and reverential, respectful and admirable, all-considering and benevolent, kind and harmonious:—all under heaven called them the eight Worthies.
Of these 16 men [after] ages have acknowledged the excellence, and not let their names fall to the ground. But in the time of Yaou, he was not able to raise them to office. When Shun, however, became Yaou's minister, he raised the eight Harmonies to office, and employed them to superintend the department of the minister of the Land. All matters connected with it were thus regulated, and everything was arranged in its proper season;—the earth was reduced to order, and the influences of heaven operated with effect. He also raised the eight Worthies to office, and employed them to disseminate through the four quarters a knowledge of the duties belonging to the five relations of society. Fathers became just and mothers gentle; elder brothers kindly, and younger ones respectful; and sons became filial:—in the empire there was order, and beyond it submission.
'The ancient emperor Hung [Hwang-te] had a descendant devoid of ability [and virtue]. He hid righteousness from himself, and was a villain at heart; he delighted in the practice of the worst vices; he was shameless and vile, obstinate, stupid, and unfriendly, cultivating only the intimacy of such as himself. All the people under heaven called him Chaos.
'The emperor Shaou-haou [Preceded Chuenheuh] had a descendant devoid of ability [and virtue]. He sought to overthrow faith, and disowned loyalty. He delighted in evil speeches and tried to make them attractive; he was at home with slanderers, and employed the perverse; he readily received calumnies, and sought out men's iniquities, to stigmatize what was sincere. All the people under heaven called him Monster.
'[The emperor] Chuen-heuh had a descendant devoid of ability [and virtue]. He would receive no instruction; he would acknowledge no good words. When told, he was obstinate; when left alone, he was stupid. He was an arrogant hater of intelligent virtue, seeking to confound the heavenly rules of society. All the people under heaven called him Block.
'Of these three men [after] ages acknowledged the wickedness, and added to their evil names. But in the time of Yaou, he was not able to put them away.
'[The officer] Tsin-yun [In the time of Hwang-te] had a descendant who was devoid of ability and virtue. He was greedy of eating and drinking, craving for money and property. Ever gratifying his lusts, and making a grand display, he was insatiable, rapacious in his exactions, and accumulating stores of wealth. He had no idea of calculating where he should stop, and made no exceptions in favour of the orphan and the widow, felt no compassion for the poor and exhausted. All the people under heaven likened him to the three other wicked ones, and called him Glutton
When Shun became Yaou's minister, he received the nobles from the four quarters of the empire, and banished these four wicked ones, Chaos, Monster, Block, and Glutton, casting them out into the four distant regions, to meet the spite of the sprites and evil things. The consequence of this was, that, when Yaou died, all under heaven, as if they had been one man, with common consent bore Shun to be emperor, because he had raised to office those sixteen helpers, and had put away the four wicked ones. Therefore the Book of Yu, in enumerating the services of Shun, says, 'He carefully set forth the beauty of the five cardinal duties, and they came to be universally observed (The Shoo, II. i. 2):'—none were disobedient to his instructions; 'being appointed to be General Regulator, the affairs of each department were arranged according to their proper seasons (ibid.):'—there was no neglect of any affair; 'having to receive the princes from the four quarters of the empire, they all were docilely submissive (ibid.):'—there were none wicked among them. Shun's services were shown in the case of those 20 men, and he became emperor; and now, although Hăng-foo has not obtained one good man, he has put away one bad one. 'He has a twentieth part of the merit of Shun; and may he not, perhaps, escape the charge of having been disobedient?" '
[The above long and elaborate vindication of his conduct by Ke-sun Hăng-foo is worthy of careful study in many respects. The references to men and things in what we may call the præhistoric period were, no doubt, in accordance with traditions current at the time, though we cannot accept them as possessed of historical authority, more especially as there is an anticonfucian spirit in what is said of Yaou.
Leaving this, it is remarkable that Ke-sun, in condemning Puh of Keu. and vindicating his own conduct in expelling him from Loo, seems altogether unconscious of crimes in Loo nearly affecting himself, hardly less atrocious than those of which Puh had been guilty. He had allowed the murder of Goh and She by Kung-tsze Suy: he had made no remonstrance on the murder by that statesman of their old colleague Shuhchung Hwuy-pih. He connived in fact at these deeds, and was confederate with Suy in securing the usurpation by Seuen of the marquisate. His expulsion of the refugee from Keu marks a new era in the relations of the marquis .of Loo and his ministers. From the time of Ke Yew (??), the three great clans of Chung-sun, Shuh-sun, and Ke-sun had ruled the State, but the semblance of supreme authority was still left with the marquis. From the beginning of Seuen's rule, the government was carried on by the ministers with little regard to the wishes of the marquis. and often in opposition to them.
An inconsistency has been pointed out in the Chuen about Puh of Keu. If he, as it is said, 'by the help of the people,' murdered his father, then he ought to have taken possession of the State, instead of fleeing to Loo. Chaou K'wang would obviate this difficulty by changing ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? into ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?. But Ke-sun in his memorial charges the murder directly upon Puh. If we had more details of the state of things in Keu, the apparent inconsistency in Tso-she would probably disappear.]
[There is appended a short narrative about the affairs of Sung:—'The Woo clan in Sung led on a son of duke Ch'aou. to support Seu the minister of Works, in making an insurrection. In the 12th month, the duke of Sung put to death his own brother Seu, and the son of duke Ch'aou. He also made the heads of clans, descended from dukes Tae, Chwang, and Hwan, attack the head of the Woo clan in the court-house of Tsze-pih, minister of War, and then expelled the chiefs of the clans of Woo and Muh. He appointed Kung-sun Sze minister of Works; and on the death of Kungtsze Chaou, he made Yoh Leu minister of Crime; —thus quieting [the minds of] the people.']
BOOK VII. DUKE SEUEN.
I. First year.
1 In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts'e, to meet the [duke's] bride.
3 In the third month, Suy arrived with the [duke's] wife, the lady Keang, from Ts'e.
4 In summer, Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Ts'e.
5 Tsin banished its great officer, Seu Keah-foo, to Wei.
6 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in P'ingchow.
7 Duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts'e.
8 In the sixth month, a body of men from Ts'e took the lands of Tse-se.
9 In autumn, the viscount of Choo came to Loo on a court-visit.
10 The viscount of Ts'oo and an officer of Ch'ing made an incursion into Ch'in, and went on to make one into Sung.
11 Chaou Tun of Tsin led a force to relieve Ch'in.
12 The duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei, and the earl of Ts'aou, joined the army of Tsin at Fei-lin, and invaded Ch'ing.
13 In winter, Chaou Ch'uen of Tsin led a force, and made an incursion into Ts'ung.
14 A body of men from Tsin and one from Sung invaded Ch'ing.
Title of the Book.—Duke Seuen's rule lasted for 18 years, from B. C. 607 to 590. His name was Tseeh (?), or, according to Szema-tseen, Wei (?). He was a son of duke Wăn by his favourite concubine, King Ying (??). His honorary title Seuen (?) denotes—'Fond of asking, and universally informed (? ? ? ? ? ?).'
His first year synchronized with the fifth of king K'wang (??); the 13th of Ling (?) of Tsin; the 1st of Yuen, duke Hwuy of Ts'e (???); the 27th of Ch'ing of Wei; the 4th of Wăn (?) of Ts'ae; the 20th of Muh of Ch'ing; the 10th of Wăn, (?) of Ts'aou; the 6th of Ling (?) of Ch'in; the 29th of Hwan of Ke; the 3d of Wăn (?) of Sung; the 1st year of Taou, duke Kung (???) of Ts'in, and the 6th of Chwang (?) of Ts'oo.
Par. 1. This record of Seuen's accession is the same as that in II. i. 1. His marquisate and Hwan's were both the fruit of murder, and, according to the canon for such a case, we should not have the ??. See on II. i. 1.
Parr. 2,3. The transactions recorded here were hurried on 'contrary to all rule,' through the urgency of the duke's circumstances, and his anxiety to make his ill-got position good by an alliance with the powerful House of Ts'e. The Chuen on p. 5 of last year tells us how Suy had obtained the sanction of Ts'e to the coup which he contemplated in Loo; and though it says nothing on p. 8, it is understood that Hăng-foo, when he went to Ts'e, after the coup, obtained a contract of marriage between the duke and a daughter of Ts'e; and now no time was lost in the accomplishment of it. On ??, see I. ii. 5; and on the term ?, see V. xxv. 3. But I do not see how the canon about the appellation ?, which is there given, can apply here. Maou says, 'In her father's house the lady was called ?; on the way to the State where she was to be married, she was called ?; in that State she was called ??.
Tso-she says:—'Suy is here (in p. 2) called "duke's son,'—to do honour to the ruler's command; and in p. 3 only Suy,—to do honour to the wife.' I confess that I do not clearly understand this.
Par. 4. The alliance with Ts'e had been accomplished, but it was necessary the marquis should be acknowledged as the ruler of Loo at a conference with one or more great States; and to effect this was the object of Hăng-foo's mission. Tso-she says:—'In summer Ke Wăn went to Ts'e, and with the offer of bribes begged [the marquis] to give [the duke] a meeting.'
Par. 5. ?. may be translated 'banished,' but it denotes 'banishment to a certain place, where the criminal must remain (? ? ? ?,? ? ? ?,? ?).' After the affair at Ho-k'euh, Chaou Ch'uen and Seu Keahfoo, who was then assistant-commander of the 3d army, frustrated, as the Chuen relates [VI. xii. 7] the design of Chaou Tun to attack the army of Ts'in while crossing the Ho. The crime had been allowed to slumber for nearly 8 years, and is now visited on Seu Shin, but not on Chaou Ch'uen, the leader in the offence. The Chuen says:—'The people of Tsin, to punish him for his disobedience to orders, banished Seu K'eah-foo to Wei, and appointed [his son], Seu K'ih, to his command. Seen Sin fled to Ts'e.'
Par. 6. P'ing-chow was in Ts'e, in the pres. dis. of Lae-woo (? ?), dep. T'ae-gan. Tso says the meeting was 'to establish the duke's seat in Loo.'
Par. 7. Tso-she here calls Suy—'Tung-mun Seang-chung,' i.e.,, Seang-chung who lived near the eastern gate, where ?? becomes a sort of surname; and says he now went to Ts'e 'to express [the duke's] acknowledgments for the settlement [of his position].' See on V. xxvi. 5.
Par. 8. Tse-se teen,—see V. xxxi. 1. It seems a strange action on the part of the marquis of Ts'e, after all the favours he had done to duke Seuen, now to proceed to appropriate part of his territory. We must suppose that the bribe mentioned in the Chuen on p. 4, had only been offered and not paid, and that Ts'e lost no time in securing it (if these lands were the bribe), or at least an equivalent for it. The Chuen says: —'These fields were taken, because of the service in the establishment of the duke, in order to bribe Ts'e.'
Par. 9. All through the times of dukes He and Wăn, Choo and Loo had been in bad relations. Perhaps the viscount of Choo came now to Loo, thinking the time was opportune for the healing of their differences, in which, however, he was deceived;—see below in the 10th year. Many critics think he made his visit through fear of Ts'e.
Par. 10. The Chuen says:—'When the people of Sung murdered duke Ch'aou (VI. xvi. 7), Seun Lin-foo of Tsin, with the armies of [several other] States, invaded Sung; but Sung and Tsin made peace (VI. xvii. 1; the Chuen); and duke Wăn of Sung was subsequently admitted to a covenant with Tsin. [Tsin], moreover, assembled the States at Hoo (VI. xv. 10), intending, in behalf of Loo, to punish Ts'e; but on that occasion as well as the other, it took bribes and withdrew, [without doing anything]. Duke Muh of Ch'ing [on this] said, "Tsin is not worth having to do with;" and he was thereafter admitted to a covenant by Ts'oo. On the death of duke Kung of Ch'in [In Wăn's 12th year], the people of Ts'oo did not behave courteously, and duke Ling of Ch'in obtained a covenant from Tsin. The viscount of Ts'oo, [therefore], now made an incursion into Ch'in, and proceeded to make one into Sung.'
Par. 11. Tso says:—'To relieve Ch'in and Sung.'
Par. 12. For ? Kung-yang has ?. Feilin was in Ch'ing,—in the pres. dis. of Sinch'ing, dep. K'ae-fung. The Chuen says:— They met at Fei-lin to invade Ch'ing, but Wei Kea of Ts'oo came to its relief, met the allies at Pih-lin, and took Heae Yang of Tsin prisoner; on which the troops of Tsin returned to their own State.'
Par. 13. In the Chuen on VI. xvii. 4, we find Chaou Ch'uen going to ch'ing as a hostage. He had not remained there long, as the peace between Tsin and Ch'ing, patched up by the letter of Tsze-kea of Ch'ing, had soon come to an end.
Ts'ung was a small State, acknowledging the jurisdiction of Ts'in. Its territory aforetime had been the State of Fung ?, in the pres. dis. of Hoo ?, dep. Se-gan, Shen-se. The Chuen says:—'Tsin wanted to ask peace from Ts'in, when Chaou Ch'uen said, "I will make an incursion into Ts'ung, and Ts'in, urgent in its behalf, is sure to go to its relief, when I can take the opportunity to ask for peace." He acted accordingly, but Ts'in would not make peace with Tsin.'
Par. 14. The Chuen says:—'The people of Tsin invaded Ch'ing, to repay the affair at Pihlin [See on p. 12]. At this time the marquis of Tsin was giving way to all extravagance, and Chaou Seuen, in whose hands the government was, offered repeated remonstrances without effect. In consequence of this, [Tsin] could not make itself strong against Ts'oo.
II. Second year.
1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Jin-tsze, Hwa Yuen of Sung, at the head of a force, and duke [Wăn's] son, Kwei-săng of Ch'ing, [also] at the head of a force, fought at Ta-keih, when the army of Sung was shamefully defeated, and Hwa Yuen was made prisoner.
2 An army of Ts'in invaded Tsin.
3 In summer, a body of men from Tsin, one from Sung, one from Wei, and one from Ch'in, made an incursion into Ch'ing.
4 In autumn, in the ninth month, on Yih-ch'ow, Chaou Tun of Tsin murdered his ruler, E-kaou.
5 In winter, in the tenth month, on Yih-hae, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
Par. 1. Ta-keih was in Sung,—at a bend in the west of the pres. Suy Chow (??), dep. Kwei-tih. Some refer it to a place, not far from this, in the dis. of Ning-ling. The Chuen says:—'In the 2d month of this year, Kungtsze Kwei-săng of Ch'ing received orders from Ts'oo to invade Sung. Hwa Yuen and Yoh Leu of Sung met him; and on Jin-tsze of the 2d month they fought at Ta-keih. when the army of Sung received a disgraceful defeat, Hwa Yuen being made prisoner, and Yoh Leu captured [Yoh Leu was probably put to death as well, for so only can we make a distinction between ? and ?. [The army of Ch'ing also took] 460 chariots of war, 250 men, and the left ears of 100. K'wang Keaou engaged a man of Ch'ing, who jumped into a well, from which the other brought him out with the end of his spear,— [only] to be captured by him. The superior man will say that K'wang Keaou transgressed the rule of war, and was disobedient to orders, deserving to be taken. What is called the rule of war is to be having ever in the ears that in war there should be the display of boldness and intrepidity. To slay one's enemy is boldness, and to show the utmost boldness is intrepidity; and he who does otherwise deserves death.
'When the battle was impending, Hwa Yuen slaughtered sheep to feed the soldiers, and did not give any to Yang Chin, his charioteer. When the battle came on, Chin said, "In the matter of the sheep yesterday, you were the master; in the business of to-day, I am the master." With this he drove with him into the army of Ch'ing, which caused the defeat. The superior man will say that Yang Chin did very wrong. For his private resentment he brought defeat on his State, and destruction on [many of] the people. No crime could deserve greater punishment. May we not regard the words of the ode, about "people without conscience (She, II. vii., ode IX. 4)," as applicable to Yang Chin? He occasioned the death of many to gratify his own feeling.
'The people of Sung ransomed Hwa Yuen from Ch'ing with 100 chariots of war and 400 piebald horses. When the half of them had been sent, he made his escape back to Sung; and when he arrived at the capital, he stood outside the gate, and announced himself before he entered. When he saw Shuh-tsang [The designation of Yang Chin], he said to him, "It was the horses that did so;" but the other replied, "It was not the horses; it was myself." Having given this answer, he fled to Loo.
'Sung was repairing the wall of its capital, and Yuen had the superintendence of the work. As he was going a round of inspection, the builders sang, [as he passed],
"With goggle eyes and belly vast, The buff-coats left, he's back at last. The whiskers long, the whiskers long, Are here, but not the buff-coats strong." Yuen made [one of] them ride with him in his carriage, and said to him, "Bulls still have skins; rhinoceroses and wild bulls still are many. The throwing away the buff-coats was not such a great thing." The work-man said, "There may be the skins, but what about the red varnish for them?" Hwa Yuen said, "Go away. Those men have many mouths, and I am alone."
Parr. 2, 3. The Chuen says:—'The army of Ts'in invaded Tsin, in return for the attack of Ts'ung [P.13 of last year], and besieged Tseaou. In summer, Chaou Tun of Tsin relieved Tseaou; and then, going on from Yin-te, he proceeded, along with the armies of [several] States, to make an incursion into Ch'ing, in order to repay the action at Ta-keih. Tow Tseaou of Ts'oo [came to] relieve Ch'ing, saying, "Can we wish to get the adherence of the States, and shrink from the difficulties in the way of doing so?" He halted therefore in Ch'ing to wait for the army of Tsin. Chaou Tun said, 'Tseaou's clan is so strong in Ts'oo, that it is likely to come to ruin. Let us for a time [give way, and] increase its malady." He accordingly withdrew before it.'
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ling of Tsin conducted himself in a way unbecoming a ruler. He levied heavy exactions, to supply him with means for the carving of his walls, and shot at people from the top of a tower to see how they tried to avoid his pellets. Because his cook had not done some bears' paws thoroughly, he put him to death, and made some of his women carry his body past the court in a basket. Chaou Tun and Sze Ke [Hwuy, of whose return from Ts'in we have an account in the Chuen after VI. xiii. 2] saw the man's hands, [appearing through the basket], and asked about the matter, which caused them grief. [Tun] was about to go and remonstrate with the duke, when Sze Ke said to him, "If you remonstrate and are not attended to, no one can come after you. Let me go first; and if my remonstrance do not prevail, you can come after." Accordingly, Hwuy entered the palace, and advanced, through the first three divisions of it, to the open court before the hall, before he was seen by the duke, who then said, "I know my errors, and will change them." Hwuy bowed his head to the ground, and replied, "Who is without errors? But there can be no greater excellence than for a man to reform and put them away. There are the words of the ode (She, III. iii. ode I. 1.),
'All have their [good] beginnings, But few are able to carry them out to the end.' From them we see that few are able to mend their errors. If your lordship can carry out your purpose to the end, the stability of the altars will be made sure, and not your ministers only will have reliance on you. Another ode (She, III. i. ode VI. 6) says,
'The defects in the king's duties Only Chung San-foo can repair.' [showing how that minister] could mend the errors of the king. If your lordship can repair your faults, your robe will never cease to be worn."
Notwithstanding this interview, the marquis made no change in his conduct, and [Chaou] Seuen made repeated remonstrances, till the marquis was so vexed that he employed Ts'oo Mei to kill him. This Mei went to Seuen's house very early in the morning, but the door of the bedchamber was open, and there was the minister in all his robes ready to go to court. It being too early to set out, he was sitting in a sort of half sleep. Mei retired, and said, with a sigh, "Thus mindful of the reverence due to his prince, he is indeed the people's lord. To murder the people's lord would be disloyalty, and to cast away from me the marquis's command will be unfaithfulness. With this alternative, before me, I had better die;" and with these words he dashed his head against a cassia tree, and died.
'In autumn, in the 9th month, the marquis called Chaou Tun to drink with him, having first concealed soldiers who should attack him. Tun's retainer, who occupied the place on the right in his chariot, T'e-me Ming, got to know the design, and rushed up to the hall, saying, "It is contrary to rule for a minister in waiting on his ruler at a feast to go beyond three cups." He then supported his master down the steps. The marquis urged on an immense dog which he had after them, but Ming smote the brute and killed him. "He leaves men, and uses dogs!" said Tun. "Fierce as the creature was, what could it do?" [In the meantime, the soldiers who were concealed made their appearance, but] Tun fought his way out, T'e-me Ming dying for him.
'Before this, once when Seuen was hunting on mount Show, he rested under a shady mulberry tree, and noticed one, Ling Cheh, lying near in a famishing condition. Seuen asked what was the matter with him, and he said that he had not eaten for three days. When food was given him, however, he set the half of it apart; and when asked why he did so, he said, "I have been learning abroad for three years, and do not know whether my mother is alive or not. Here I am not far from home, and beg to be allowed to leave this for her." Chaou Tun made him eat the whole, and had a measure of rice and meat put up for him in a bag, which was given to him. This man was now present among the duke's soldiers, but, turning the head of his spear, he resisted the others, and effected the minister's escape. Tun asked him why he thus came to his help, and he replied, "I am the famishing man whom you saw at the shady mulberry tree;" but when further asked his name and village, he made no answer, but withdrew, disappearing afterwards entirely.
'On Yih-ch'ow, Chaou Ch'uen attacked [and killed] duke Ling in the peach garden, and Seuen, who was flying from the State, but had not yet left its hills behind him, returned to the capital. The grand historiographer wrote this entry,—"Chaou Tun murdered his ruler," and showed it in the court. Seuen said to him, "It was not so;" but he replied, "You are the highest minister. Flying from the State, you did not cross its borders; since you returned, you have not punished the villain. If it was not you who murdered the marquis, who was it?" Seuen said, "Ah! the words (? She, I. iii. ode VIII. 1),
'The object of my anxiety Has brought on me this sorrow,' are applicable to me."
'Confucius (?) said "Tung Hoo was a good historiographer of old time:—his rule for writing was not to conceal. Chaou Seuen was a good great officer of old time:—in accordance with that law he accepted the charge of such wickedness. Alas! if he had crossed the border, he would have escaped it."
'Seuen then sent Chaou Ch'uen to Chow to meet duke [Wăn's] son Hih-t'un, whom he raised to the marquisate. On Jin-shin, Hiht'un presented himself in the temple of duke Woo [the first marquis of Tsin].
The words of Confucius quoted above by Tso-she are nowhere else to be found. Perhaps Tso had heard them from the sage, or they had been reported to him. Some even think that he put his own view here into the sage's lips to give it more weight. Tun's conduct in employing the real murderer to go to Chow for duke Ling's successor cannot be justified; but on the whole, the reader will probably conclude that he received hard measure, first from the historiographer of Tsin, and then from the sage as the compiler of the Ch'un Ts'ew.
[The Chuen appends here a further narrative about the affairs of Tsin:—'At the time of the troubles occasioned by Le-ke [See the Chuen on V.iv. 8, et al.], an oath was taken [in Tsin] that they would not maintain in the State any of the sons of their marquises; and from that time they had no families in it which were branches of the ruling house. When duke Ch'ing [The above Hih-t'un], however, succeeded to the State, he gave offices to the eldest sons by their wives of the high ministers, and assigned them lands, so that they should form the branchfamilies of his House. He gave offices also to the other sons of the ministers by the same mothers, and recognized them by that designation [as the Heads of their families]. Their sons by concubines were made leaders of the duke's columns [of chariots]. Thus Tsin came to have ducal families, other sons, and leaders of the duke's columns. Chaou Tun begged that [his half-brother] Kwoh might be made [Head of] their branch of the ducal families, saying, "He was the loved son of our ruler's (duke Wăn's) daughter, and but for her I should have been a Teih [See the Chuen at the commencement of V. xxiv.]." The duke granted his request. In winter, Tun declared himself head of the flags-men of the chariots, and caused Ke of Ping [The above Kwoh], to whom he surrendered all his old adherents, to be made the great officer of their one among the ducal families.]'
III. Third year.
1 In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first month, the bull for the border sacrifice received some injury in its mouth. It was changed, and the tortoiseshell consulted about the [other] bull. That died, and so the border sacrifice was not offered.
2 Still [the duke] offered the sacrifices to the three objects of Survey.
3 There was the burial of king K'wang.
4 The viscount of Ts'oo invaded the Jung of Luh-hwăn.
5 In summer, a body of men from Ts'oo made an incursion into Ch'ing.
6 In autumn, the Red Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.
7 An army of Sung laid siege to [the capital] of Ts'aou.
8 In winter, in the tenth month, on Ping-seuh, Lan, earl of Ch'ing, died.
9 There was the burial of duke Muh of Ch'ing.
Parr. 1, 2. See on V. xxxi. 3—5. The border sacrifice, here, however, was probably that at the winter-solstice to Heaven. Kuh-leang and other critics think that the characters,—? ? ? ?, indicate that the bull had itself become ill, without receiving any external injury (? ? ?,? ? ? ? ?). Too say that the creature is here called ?, and not ? or 'victim,' because the day for the sacrifice had not yet been divined for. Tso-she says:—'The giving up the border sacrifice, and yet offering those to the objects of Survey, were both contrary to rule. The latter were adjuncts of the former, and, if it were not offered, they might be omitted.' He does not say how the giving up the border sacrifice in the circumtances mentioned in the text was 'contrary to rule.' Maou thinks the fault was in giving it up so suddenly, without divining for another victim; but then he contends that the sacrifice was that offered at the beginning of summer, like the one in V. xxxi.
Par. 3. This burial must have been hurried on for some reason which we do not know. King K'wang was succeeded by his brother, king Ting (? ?).
[The Chuen appends here:—'The marquis of Tsin invaded Ch'ing, and penetrated as far as Yen. Ch'ing then made peace with Tsin, and Sze Hwuy entered its capital, and made a covenant.]
Par. 4. The Jung of Luh-hwăn were a tribe of the Little Jung (??), whose original seat lay in the extreme west of the present Kan-suh; but, as related under the 22d year of duke He, they were removed by Ts'in and Tsin to E-ch'uen,—in the north of the pres. dis. of Sung (? ?), dep. Ho-nan; which brought them within the reach of Ts'oo. They were also called the Yin Jung (? ?). For ? Kung has ?; and both he and Kuh omit the (?) before ?. The Chuen says:—The viscount of Ts'oo invaded the Jung of Luh-hwăn and then went on as far as the Loh, where he reviewed his troops on the borders of Chow. King Ting sent Wang-sun Mwan [See the former mention of him in the Chuen on V.xxxiii. 1] to him with congratulations and presents, when the viscount asked about the size and weight of the tripods. Mwan replied, "[The strength of the kingdom] depends on the [sovereign's] virtue, and not on the tripods. Anciently, when Hea was distinguished for its virtue, the distant regions sent pictures of the [remarkable] objects in them. The nine pastors sent in the metal of their provinces, and the tripods were cast, with representations on them of those objects. All the objects were represented, and [instructions were given] of the preparations to be made in reference to them, so that the people might know the sprites and evil things. Thus the people, when they went among the rivers, marshes, hills, and forests, did not meet with the injurious things, and the hill-sprites, monstrous things, and water-sprites, did not meet with them [to do them injury]. Hereby a harmony was secured between the high and the low, and all enjoyed the blessing of Heaven. When the virtue of Keeh was all-obscured, the tripods were transferred to Shang, for 600 years. Chow of Shang proved cruel and oppressive, and they were transferred to Chow. When the virtue is commendable and brilliant, the tripods, though they were small, would be heavy; when it gives place to its reverse, to darkness and disorder, though they were large, they would be light. Heaven blesses intelligent virtue;—on that its favour rests. King Ch'ing fixed the tripods in Keah-juh, and divined that the dynasty should extend through 30 reigns, over 700 years. Though the virtue of Chow is decayed, the decree of Heaven is not yet changed. The weight of the tripods may not yet be inquired about."'
Par. 5. The reason of this incursion was, says Tso-she, 'because Ch'ing had joined the party of Tsin.' See the Chuen appended to par. 3. The utter mercenariness of Ling of Tsin had alienated Ch'ing from it; but the earl seems to have hasted, on his death, again to join the side of the north against Ts'oo.
Par. 6. This is the first appearance of the Red Teih in the classic. They are supposed to have been so called, because they wore clothes of a red colour, as the White Teih preferred white. There were many tribes of them,—the Loo-she (* ?), Keah-she (? ?), &c. Their seats were in the pres. dep. of Loo-gan (* ?), Shan-se.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Three years after the accession of duke Wăn of Sung, he put to death his full brother, Seu, and the son of duke Ch'aou, because of the schemes of the Head of the Woo clan about them. He then made the clans of Tae and Hwan attack Woo-she in the court-house of Tsze-pih, the minister of War, and drove out of the State the clans of Woo and Muh. They [fled to Ts'aou], and with an army from it invaded Sung. In autumn, an army of Sung laid siege to the capital of Ts'aou, in return for the disorders occasioned by the officer Woo.
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'In winter, duke Muh of Ch'ing died. [His father], duke Wăn, had a concubine of mean position, who was called Yen K'eih [As belonging to the House of the southern Yen], who dreamt that Heaven sent and gave her a lan flower, saying, "I am Pih-yew [The founder of that House]; I am your ancestor. This shall be [the emblem of] your child. As the lan is the most fragrant flower of a State, so shall men acknowledge and love him." After this, when duke Wăn saw her, he gave her a lan flower, and lay with her. She wished to decline his approaches, saying, "I am but a poor concubine, and should I be fortunate enough to have a son, I shall not be believed. I will venture to prove it by this lan." The duke agreed, and she bore a son, [who became] duke Muh, and named him Lan.
'Now duke Wăn had had an intrigue with Ch'in Kwei, the wife of [his uncle] Tsze-[e], and she bore to him Tsze-hwa and Tsze-tsang, the latter of whom for some offence left the State. His father by a deception put Tsze-hwa to death in Nan-le [See the 3d Chuen after V. xvi. 4], and he made some ruffians kill Tsze-tsang between Ch'in and Sung [See the 1st narrative in the Chuen after V. xxiv. 2].
'Wăn also took a wife from the House of Keang, who bore him Sze; but he having gone to the court of Ts'oo, was poisoned there, and died on his way back at Yeh.
'He also took a wife from the House of Soo, who bore him Hea, and Yu-me. Yu-me died early; and both his father and Seeh Kea hated Hea, so that he was not appointed to succeed to the State. The duke then drove out all his own and his predecessors' sons, when Lan fled to Tsin, from which he attended duke Wăn in his invasion of Ch'ing [See the Chuen on V. xxx. 5]. Shih Kwei said, "I have heard that when Ke and K'eih make a match, their descendants are sure to be numerous. The K'eihs are lucky;—the great wife of How-tseih was one. Now, the duke's son Lan is the child of a K'eih. Heaven has perhaps opened the way for him. He must become our ruler, and his descendants will be numerous. Let us take the lead in receiving him, and we shall enjoy the greatest favour." Accordingly, with K'ung Tseangts'oo and How Seuen-to, he received Lan, and brought him to Ch'ing, when they made a covenant with him in the grand temple, and had him appointed successor to the State;—thereby obtaining peace from Tsin.
'When duke Muh was ill, he said, "When the lan die, I will die. It is by them I live." When they cut the lan, he died.'
Par. 9. Something must have hurried on this burial, but the critics cannot tell what. For ? Kung-yang has ?.
IV. Fourth year.
1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke and the marquis of Ts'e [tried to] reconcile Keu and T'an. The people of Keu were not willing [to be reconciled], and the duke invaded Keu and took Heang.
2 Taou, earl of Ts'in, died.
3 In summer, in the sixth month, on Yih-yew, duke [Wăn's] son, Kwei-săng of Ch'ing, murdered his ruler, E.
4 The Red Teih made an incursion into Ts'e.
5 In autumn, the duke went to Ts'e.
6 The duke arrived from Ts'e.
7 In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.
Par. 1. T'an was a small State, of the same surname as Keu [Sze, *] which has left its name in the dis. of T'an-shing ? ?), dep. E-chow. Heang is, no doubt, that mentioned in I. ii. 2. Tso-she says that the duke acted wrongly, in now attacking Keu. 'States must be reconciled by the rules of propriety, and not by disorder. To attack Keu, without regulating [the difference by those rules], was creating disorder. By disorder to attempt to reconcile disorder, left no room for the [proper] regulation; and without such regulation, how could any rule of propriety be carried out?'
Par. 3. E was the eldest son of duke Muh, who died in the 10th month of the last year. He enjoyed his earldom, therefore, but a very short time. The Chuen says:—"A large turtle had been presented from Ts'oo to duke Ling of Ch'ing. Kung-tsze Sung and Tsze-kea were going [soon after] to have an audience of the duke, when Tsze-kung's [The Kung-tsze Sung] forefinger began to move. He showed it to Tszekea, saying, "On other occasions, when my finger has done this, I have been sure to taste [soon] some extraordinary dish." When they entered the palace, the cook was about to cut up the turtle, and they looked at each other, and laughed. The duke [saw it, and] asked the reason, which Tsze-kea told him. When the duke, however, was feasting the [other] great officers on the turtle, he invited Tsze-kung, but did not give him any. Tsze-kung was angry, dipped his finger into a dish, tasted the turtle, and went out, which so enraged the duke that he wished to kill him. Tsze-kung then consulted with Tsze-kea about their first killing the duke; but Tsze-kea said, "Even an animal which you have long kept about you, you shrink from killing; how much more should you shrink from killing your ruler!" The other turned round, and threatened to bring a charge against Tsze-kea, who then agreed, through fear, to let him take his course; and Tsze-kung murdered duke Ling in the summer.
'The text says that Kwei-săng murdered his ruler, because his power was not sufficient [to prevent the deed, as it ought to have been]. The superior man may say that a man who is benevolent, but has not prowess, cannot carry out his benevolence. In cases of the murder of a prince, when he is mentioned [by name], it indicates that he was without principle (?), and the mention of the name of the minister indicates his guilt.
'The people of Ch'ing wanted to raise Tszeleang [A son of duke Muh by a concubine] to be earl, but he declined the dignity, saying, "If it is to be given to the worthiest, I, K'eu-ts'ih am not fit to receive it. If it is to be given according to natural order, my brother Keen is the oldest." On this [Keen, known as] duke Seang was appointed. He wished to drive away all the sons of duke Muh excepting Tsze-leang, who remonstrated against the proposed measure, saying, "The sons of Muh should all be allowed to remain, and this is what I wish. If you banish them, then I will go into banishment with the rest;—what should I do, [remaining here alone]?" On this the duke let them alone, and they all became great officers.'
The K'ang-he editors reject from their text all the remarks of his own, which Tso-she has interjected in the above Chuen, seeing in them only matter for question and condemnation. Kwei-săng certainly was more blameworthy for his share in the murder of his ruler than Chaou Tun for his part in the murder of Ling of Tsin.
Par. 4. See on p. 6 of last year.
Parr. 5, 6. [The Chuen gives here a long narrative relating to Ts'oo, 'Before this, Tszeleang, the minister of War in Ts'oo, had a son born to him,—Tsze-yueh Tseaou. [When] Tszewăn [Tsze-leang's elder-brother] [saw the child], he said 'You must put him to death. He has the appearance of a bear or a tiger, and the voice of a wolf. If you do not kill him, he will cause the extinction of our Joh-gaou family. There is the common saying, 'A wolf-like child will have an evil heart.' This is a wolf, and should he be brought up in your family?" Tsze-leang rejected this proposal,—to the great grief of Tsze-wăn, who collected all his family, when he was about to die, and said to them, "When Tseaou is entrusted with the govt., do you quickly leave the State, so as to avoid the misfortunes he will occasion." He then wept, and said, "If ghosts must be seeking for food, will not those of our Joh-gaou clan be famished?" When Tsze-wăn, who was the chief minister of Ts'oo, died, the office was given to Tow Pan [Tsze-wăn's son, designated Tszeyang]. Tsze-yueh was then minister of War, and Wei Kea minister of Works. The latter made a false charge against Tsze-yang and procured his death, when Tsze-yueh was made chief minister, and Kea himself became minister of War, but was hated by Tsze-yueh, who, with the help of all the branches of the Joh-gaou clan, imprisoned him—Pih-ying—in Leaou-yang. and put him to death. Tseaou then took up his quarters in Ching-yay, and threatened to attack the king, who offered to place the sons of his three predecessors (Wăn, Ch'ing, and Muh) with him as hostages. The other, however, would not receive them, and encamped with his army on the banks of the Chang.
'In autumn, in the 7th month, the viscount of Ts'oo and the Joh-gaou fought at Kaou-hoo. Pih-fun [Tseaou] shot an arrow at the king, which skirted the curved pole of his chariot, reached the frame of the drum in it, and hit the metal jingle. A second arrow skirted in the same way the curvature of the pole, and then pierced the bamboo screen above the wheel. The troops became frightened and retired. The king made it be circulated through the army, that when the former ruler, king Wăn, subdued Seih, he had got three [great] arrows, two of which had been stolen by Pih-fun, but had now been both discharged. He then made the drums be beaten again, and urged his men on, so that he [gained a complete victory, and] extinguished the clan of Joh-gaou.
'Before this, Joh-gaou [Joh-gaou was viscount of Ts'oo from B.C. 789 to 763] took to his harem a daughter of the House of Yun, who bore to him Tow Pih-pe [See the Chuen at the beginning of II. xiii.] but, on his father's death, this son followed his mother, and was brought up in Yun. He had an intrigue with a daughter of the viscount of Yun, the fruit of which was a son, afterwards styled Tsze-wăn. Her mother caused the child to be thrown away in the [marsh of] Mung. There a tigress suckled him. The thing was seen by the viscount of Yun, when hunting; and when he returned home in terror, his wife told him the whole affair, on which he sent for the child and had it cared for. The people of Ts'oo called suckling now, and a tiger they called woo-t'oo; hence the child was named Now-woo-t'oo [See his first appearance in the Chuen after III.xxx.2, where he is called T'oo-woo-t'oo instead of Nowwoo-t'oo], and his mother was married to Pih-pe. The child subsequently became the chief minister of Ts'oo, Tsze-wăn. His grandson, K'ih-hwang, was minister of Remonstrance, and was absent on a mission to Ts'e [when the above rebellion took place]. He heard of it in Sung, on his way back, when his people said to him, "You must not enter the State." But he replied, "If I abandon the king's commission, who will receive it? My ruler is Heaven;—can Heaven be fled from?" He accordingly returned to Ts'oo, reported the discharge of his mission, and then delivered himself a prisoner to the minister of Crime. The king thought of Tsze-wăn's govt. of Ts'oo, and said, "If I leave Tsze-wăn without any posterity, how shall I encourage men to good?" He made K'ih-hwang return to his office, and changed his name to Săng.'
Par. 7. Tso-she says the reason of this invasion was that Ch'ing had not yet submitted, notwithstanding that Ts'oo had attacked it in the summer of last year.
V. Fifth year.
1 In his fifth year, in spring, the duke went to Ts'e.
2 In summer, the duke arrived from Ts'e.
3 In autumn, in the ninth month, Kaou Koo of Ts'e came to meet [his bride], the duke's second daughter.
4 Shuh-sun Tih-shin died.
5 In winter, Kaou Koo of Ts'e and the duke's second daughter came to Loo.
6 A body of men from Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.
Par. 1. The Chuen says that, on this visit, Kaou Koo [A minister of Ts'e] made the marquis of Ts'e detain the duke, and ask him to give Koo his second daughter in marriage.
Part. 2. The Chuen says that this entry shows how the duke 'exceeded,' in the ceremony which is implied. What that ceremony was has been described on II. ii. 9. Now on this occasion the duke had been forcibly detained in Ts'e, and obliged to consent to marry his daughter to a man of rank inferior to his own, compromising his own character and that of his ancestors. But should he therefore have refrained from the ceremony 'proper,' on his own safe return to his State?
Par. 3. The Chuen says that Kaou Koo came himself to meet his bride, but that we have not the phrase ? ?, the lady being mentioned by her designation, because the case was that of a minister meeting her for himself. Too calls attention to there being on further entry about her going to Ts'e (? ? ?), because such entries were only made when the daughters of Loo married princes of States. Tso-she does not have the ? before ? ?. There can be no doubt as to its meaning here. Comp. VI. xii. 3; xiv. 12; xv. 11.
Par. 4. Too needlessly finds a reason for the day of Tih-shin's death not being given. Tihshin is often mentioned as Chwang-shuh (? ?), Chwang being his posthumous epithet. He was succeeded by his son K'eaou-joo (? ?; given from the Sow-mwan giant whose death is mentioned in the Chuen on VI. xi. 6), known as Seuen-pih (??).
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'They came to Loo in winter, returning the horses:'—which needs explanation. On the marriage of a lady to a great officer or a husband of higher rank, she was escorted to her home with a carriage and horses;—one or many. Three days after, the carriage was sent back, but the horses were detained for 3 months, in case there should be need of them for the lady's return to her parents, the experiment of marriage not proving satisfactory. If it did prove so, then they also were sent back by a messenger. Here the husband himself accompanies his wife on her visit to her parents, and takes charge of the horses, to show his satisfaction with her. Still the critics all insist on the impropriety of the lady's visit to Loo;—it was too early for it, and the time had not come. Then, again, it was contrary to rule for her on such an occasion to be accompanied by her husband.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'On this invasion, Ch'in and Ts'oo made peace, when Seun Lin-foo relieved Ch'ing, and invaded Ch'in.'
VI. Sixth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, Chaou Tun of Tsin and Sun Meen of Wei made an incursion into Ch'in.
2 It was summer, the fourth month.
3 In autumn, in the eighth month, there were locusts.
4 It was winter, the tenth month.
Par. 1. Sun Meen,—there was a clan with the surname Sun in Wei, descended from a son of duke Woo, who died B. C. 757, a little before the commencement of the period of the Ch'un Ts'ew. Tso-she says here that the reason of this incursion by Tsin and Wei was Ch'in's adherence to Ts'oo. The invasion of it by Seun Lin-foo the previous winter had failed to alter Ch'in's policy.
Kung-yang gives here in a long note an account of the murder of duke Ling of Tsin, substantially the same as that in Tso-she's Chuen on II. 4; and seems to think that the reappearance of Chaou Tun in this par. is a sort of condoning him for his connection with the deed.
Par. 2. See on I. vi. 3. [The Chuen introduces two brief notices:—'In summer, king Ting sent Tsze-fuh to ask a queen for him from Ts'e.' 'In autumn, the Red Teih invaded Tsin, when they besieged Hwae and Hing-k'ew The marquis of Tsin wished to invade their country [in return], but the officer Hwan of the middle column said to him, "Let [their chief first] make his people hate him [for his incessant warfare], filling up the measure of his practices, and then he may be utterly destroyed. The language in one of the Books of Chow,—'Exterminate the great Yin (Shoo, V. ix. 4),' is applicable to this kind of people."']
Par. 3. See II. v. 8.
Par. 4 [The Chuen appends here:—1st, 'In winter, duke Hwan of Shaou met the king's bride in Ts'e.' 2d, 'A body of men from Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing, took conditions of peace, and returned to Ts'oo.' 3d, 'Kung-tsze Man-mwan of Ch'ing spoke to the king's son Pih-leaou, [who was serving in Ch'ing], about his wish to become a high minister. Pih-leaou told another person, saying, "The case of one who covets [a high position] without the proper virtue appears from the Chow Yih, and is like the diagram Fung's (*) becoming Le (*). [Man-mwan] will not live beyond the time thereby indicated." After the interval of a year, the people of Ch'ing put Man-mwan to death.']
VII. Seventh year.
1 In his seventh year, in spring, the marquis of Wei sent Sun Leang-foo to Loo, to make a covenant [with the duke].
2 In summer, the duke joined the marquis of Ts'e in invading Lae.
3 In autumn, the duke arrived from the invasion of Lae.
4 There was great drought.
5 In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, and the earl of Ts'aou, in Hih-jang.
Par. 1. The Chuen says that this mission of the officer Hwan ? was the posthumous title of Sun Leang-foo] was the first intercourse between Wei and Loo since the duke's accession, and that the object was to consult about the duke's attending a meeting to be called by Tsin. For these purposes a friendly mission of inquiry (?) would have been sufficient; but it is to be understood that Wei was acting in the interest of Tsin, the new ruler of which wished to assert what he considered his claim to be the leader of the States. Duke Seuen had, since his accession, been a devoted adherent of Ts'e, and had stood aloof from Tsin; and now Wei required from him the engagement of a covenant, to clear itself with Tsin, should the duke after all not attend the meeting.
Par. 2. Lae was a small State, held by Keangs, with the title of viscount,—in the pres. dis. of Hwang (? ?), dep. Tăng-chow, Shantung. Tso-she here gives his canon regarding the use of ? and ?, in the case at least of military expeditions, saying that the ? here implies that Loo had not been a party in planning the expedition:—'In all military expeditions, where Loo had previously acted in the planning of them, ? is used; where it had not done so, we have ?.' The K'ang-he editors accept the canon with a slight reservation.
Par. 4. See on V. xxi. 3. Too observes here that 'the sacrifice for rain had had no effect, or perhaps it had not been offered.' [The Chuen appends:—'The Red Teih made an incursion into Tsin, and cut down and carried off the growing grain of Heang-yin'].
Par. 5. Hih-jang was in Tsin,—40 le northwest from the pres. dis. of Ts'in-shwuy, dep. Tsih-chow, Shan-se.
The Chuen says:—'Peace had been brought about between Ch'ing and Tsin by means of the counsels of Kung-tsze Sung, who therefore now attended the earl of Ch'ing, as his assistant, to this meeting. In winter, a covenant was made at Hih-jang, when the king's uncle, the duke of Hwan, was present, to consult on the case of discordant States. On the accession of the marquis of Tsin, [in the duke's 2d year], the duke had not paid a court-visit to him, nor had he since sent any great officer to Tsin with friendly inquiries. The people of Tsin therefore now detained him at the meeting, and when the covenant was made at Hwang-foo [i. q. Hihjang], he did not take part in it. He got away to Loo, however, by means of bribes; and the text does not mention the covenant at Hih-jang, to conceal the duke's disgrace in connection with it.'
VIII. Eighth year.
1 In his eighth year, in spring, the duke arrived from the meeting [at Hih-jang].
2 In summer, in the sixth month, duke [Chwang's] son, Suy, went to Ts'e. When he had got to Hwang, he returned.
3 On Sin-sze, there was a sacrifice in the grand temple; and Chung Suy died at Ch'uy.
4 On Jin-woo, the sacrifice was repeated for the next day; but when the pantomimes entered, they put away their flutes.
5 On Mow-tsze, [duke Wăn's] wife, the lady Ying, died.
6 An army of Tsin and the White Teih invaded Ts'in.
7 A body of men from Ts'oo extinguished Shoo-leaou.
8 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Keah-tsze, the sun was totally eclipsed.
9 In winter, in the tenth month, on Ke-ch'ow, we [had arranged to] bury our duchess, King Ying.
10 Because of rain the interment was not effected; but on [the next day] Kăng-yin, at mid-day, it was completed.
11 [The duke] walled P'ing-yang.
12 An army of Ts'oo invaded Ch'in.
Par. 1. See on V. 1, 2. The Chuen has here an entry, which terminates very strangely, and which the K'ang-he editors do not give, looking on it, no doubt, as incredible:—'This spring, the White Teih made peace with Tsin, and in the summer they joined it in an invasion of Ts'in. The people of Tsin caught a spy of Ts'in, and put him to death in Keang, in the market place, but on the 6th day he came alive again!'
Par. 2. Hwang,—see II. xvii. 1. Kuh-leang seems to take ? in the sense of ? ?, 'reported the execution of his mission,' which is evidently incorrect. The meaning must be that given in the translation. From the mention of Suy's death in the next par., we must conclude that, when he got to Hwang, he felt himself too ill to proceed farther, and began to retrace his steps to Loo. The critics are hard upon him for doing so. Too says it was 'contrary to rule,' for, having received his ruler's commission, he should have gone on till he died, and arranged that his corpse should be carried to the capital of Ts'e!
Parr. 3,4. Ch'uy was in Ts'e,—somewhere in the borders of the pres. dis. of P'ing-yin (? ?), dep. Yen-chow. The phrase ??=? ? ?,'there was a sacrifice.' This is certain from the usage in the Ch'un Ts'ew;—comp. ? ? in VI.ii.6, and ? ?, in X.xv.2. But what particular sacrifice is intended in the text is a matter of controversy. Ying-tah and many other critics think it was the Te (?) sacrifice;—see on V.viii.4. Woo Ch'ing and others hold that it was merely the summer seasonal sacrifice. The discussion of this question is not important to the elucidation of the text.
The sacrifice was offered on Sin-sze, and that same day the Kung-tsze Suy died at Ch'uy. The two events are chronicled together, though it is not likely the news of Suy's death reached Loo before the offering of the sacrifice. It reached it, however, before the following day, when the previous sacrifice was repeated;—see the note on the name of the 9th Book in the 4th part of the Shoo. That repetition was comparatively unimportant, and the news of Suy's death should have prevented it. Hence Tsoshe says that it was 'contrary to rule,' and we have the same decision regarding it, as from Confucius himself, in the Le Ke, II., Pt.II.ii. 20.
In p.4, ?is the name for the pantomimic performers at the sacrifice. There were civil pantomimes (??) and martial pantomimes (??); and the term ? was used to cover them both. Here we are to think only of the civil. The martial pantomimes carried in their right hand an axe, and in the left a shield; the civil carried in their right a pheasant's feather, and in their left a flute, on which they played. The flutes were put away on this occasion, their sound being thought inconsistent with the feelings which the news of Suy's death should produce. It remains only to speak of the characters ? ? in p.3, the former of which has occasioned the critics great trouble. The ? ? of p. 2 gives place here, it will be seen, to ?, which was only Suy's designation as having been the second among his brothers. It became the surname of his descendants; and the simplest way of accounting for its employment here is to suppose, with Maou, that duke Seuen at once gave it to his deceased relative and minister as the clan-name (?) of himself and his posterity.
Par. 5. This was duke Seuen's mother. Though only a concubine of duke Wăn, she appears here as his wife,—raised to that rank by her son. Kuh and Kung have ? instead of ?, making the lady thereby to have been of the House of Ts'oo, and not of that of Ts'in.
Par. 6. See on III. 6. This is the first appearance of the white Teih in the Classic. See the Chuen at the commencement of this year.
Par. 7. ? is with Kung-yang ?. Shooleaou was a small State,—in the pres. dis. of Leu-keang (??), dep. Leu-chow, Ganhwuy. The other Shoo States were near to it. Too Yu says erroneously that Shoo and Leaou were two States. The Chuen says:—'Ts'oo, because the various Shoo States had revolted from it, attacked Shoo-leaou and extinguished it. The viscount of Ts'oo laid out anew its boundaries, as far as the banks of the Hwah, took a covenant from Woo and Yueh, and returned [to Ying].'
Par. 8. ?=?, 'completely,' as in II.iii.4. There is an error in the text in the record of this eclipse. It was total about half past 3 o'clock in the afternoon of Sept. 12, B. C. 600, thus corresponding to the 1st day of the tenth moon, which would on that year be Keahtsze (??), as in the text. Wang Taou supposes that the ? in the text should be ?, and would cast out the ?, transferring the ? from the next par. to the head of this. But in that way we should have no entry in this year under the season of autumn;—which is contrary to the rule of the classic. Perhaps we should read ??? as a paragraph, simply saying—'It was autumn, the 7th month.' Then this par. will begin ??? which characters must be removed from p. 9, the day ?? of which would still be in the tenth month,—the 26th day of it.
[The Chuen appends here:—Seu K'ih of Tsin had an illness which unsettled his mind. Keoh Keueh became chief minister of the State. In autumn Seu K'ih was discharged from his office, and Chaou Soh was appointed assistant-commander of the 3d army.']
Parr. 9,10. Kung and Kuh for ?? have ? ?. But ? as a posthumous title is evidently wrong. ? so used denotes—'Day and night reverently attentive to duty (??? ???).'
Tso-she records that, at this burial, there being no flax in consequence of drought, they first used ropes made of the fibres of the dolichos, to draw the bier. As the burial did not take place till the day after Ke-ch'ow, we must understand???as in the translation. That day had been determined on for the ceremony, after consulting the tortoise-shell, according to the rule mentioned in the Le Ke, I. Part I. v. 23, that the day should be determined at least ten days before. At the interment of a person of rank, however, the number of persons employed and observances to be attended to was so great, that we can easily understand how the business would be stopt by rain, though such delay was not allowed in the case of the burial of a common person. Tso-she says:—'Not to complete the burial because of the rain was according to rule. The rule required that the tortoise-shell should be consulted about an interment on a distant day, [not less than ten days], before it took place, to avoid the charge of not being affectionately solicitous in thec ase of such a duty.' The K'ang-he editors, however, strongly condemn the delay in the interment, thinking, with Kung and Kuh, that it was occasioned by the want of sufficient care and diligence in making the necessary preparations, even after the day had been fixed so long before.
Par. 11. P'ing-yang was 4 le to the northwest of the pres. dis. city of Sin-t'ae (??), dept. Tse-nan. Tso-she says the record was made to show the seasonableness of the undertaking.
Par. 12. The Chuen says:—'Ch'in and Tsin had made peace. An army of Ts'oo, [therefore], invaded Ch'in, took terms of submission from it, and returned.'
XI. Ninth year.
1 In his ninth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke went to Ts'e.
2 The duke arrived from Ts'e.
3 In summer, Chung-sun Meeh went to the capital.
4 The marquis of Ts'e invaded Lae.
5 In autumn, [we] took Kin-mow.
6 In the eighth month, the viscount of T'ăng died.
7 In the ninth month, the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, and the earl of Ts'aou, had a meeting in Hoo.
8 Seun Lin-foo of Tsin led the armies [of the above States], and invaded Ch'in.
9 On Sin-yew, Hih-t'un, marquis of Tsin, died in Hoo.
10 In winter, in the tenth month, on Kwei-yew, Ch'ing, marquis of Wei, died.
11 A body of men from Sung laid siege to [the capital of] T'ăng.
12 The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing; [and] Keoh Keueh of Tsin led a force, and relieved it.
13 Ch'in put to death its great officer Seeh Yay.
Parr. 1, 2. Tso-she says nothing on these two parr. Fan Ning, Sun Fuh, and other critics, remark on the duke's throwing on one side the mourning for his mother, and going away to Ts'e; but we have seen that during all his rule the duke was reduced to a miserable subserviency to that State.
Par. 3. This Chung-sun Meeh was the grandson of Kung-sun Gaou, whose name occurs so often in Books V. and VI. Of course he was the great-grandson of K'ing-foo, who died, or was obliged rather to strangle himself, in the 2d year of duke Min. Meeh's posthumous title was Heen (?), He was ???;—see the Chuen on VI.xv.4.
The Chuen says:—'In spring, the king had sent to Loo demanding from the duke a mission of friendly inquiries. In summer, [therefore], Măng Heen went on such a mission to Chow, and the king, considering that he conducted it according to the rules of propriety, gave him rich gifts.' Too observes that the king's previous mission is not mentioned in the text, as a gentle condemnation of the king's conduct.
Par. 4. Lae,—see p. 3 of last year.
Par. 5. Acc. to Too Yu, Kin-mow was a State belonging to one of the E or wild tribes of the east;—in the south of the pres. dis. of E-shwuy (??), dep. E-chow. This identification is better than that of Kung-yang, who would make it out to be a town of Choo (??? ?). Tso-she thinks the 'took' (?) denotes the ease with which the capture was made. More likely is the opinion of Wang K'ih (???), that the term is a gentle one for 'extin guished,' partially concealing the lawlessness of Loo.
Par. 6. This was duke Ch'aou (??) of T'ăng. See on I.vii.2; but in Yin's time the lords of T'ăng were marquises. They had now descended two steps, and were only viscounts.
Parr. 7—9. Hoo—see III.xxiii. 10, et al. Too, in assigning the situation of Hoo, always says it belonged to Ch'ing. Kung-yang, however, here says it belonged to Tsin; and the K'ang-he editors adduce the Bamboo books, under the reign of king Ching-ting, to show that, though the place originally belonged to Ch'ing, it ultimately became a possession of Tsin. At this time, however, it still belonged to Ch'ing.
The Chuen says:—'The meeting at Hoo was to punish discordant States. The marquis of Ch'in did not attend it [See on p. 12 of last year], and Seun Lin-foo, with the armies of the States, invaded Ch'in; but, on the death of the marquis of Tsin at Hoo, he returned.'
Acc. to Too, there was no Sin-yew day in the 9th month. Kwei-yew in next par. was the 16th of the 10th month; and Sin-yew therefore must have been the 6th.
Par. 10. In this attack of T'ăng, Sung, says Tso-she, took advantage of the death of the viscount in the 8th month.
Par. 12. The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo, because of the affair at Le [What affair this was is not known. Too finds it in connection with the 2d Chuen at the end of the 6th year], invaded Ch'ing, which was relieved by Keoh Keueh of Tsin. The earl of Ch'ing defeated an army of Ts'oo at Lew-fan, to the joy of all the people. Tsze-leang, however, was sad, and said, "This [victory] will prove a calamity to the State. We shall die before very long."'
Par. 13. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ling of Ch'in, with [his two ministers] K'ung Ning and E Hăng-foo, all had an intrigue with Hea Ke [A daughter of the House of Ch'ing, surnamed Ke, the widow of an officer of Ch'in, surnamed or designated Hea], and each of the three of them wore an article of her under clothing, with which they made game with one another in the court. Seeh (Kung and Kuh have ? for ?) Yay remonstrated with the duke, saying, 'When ruler and ministers thus proclaim their lewdness, the people have nothing good to imitate. The report of such things is not good;—let your lordship put that article away." The duke said he would change his conduct, but he told the other two what Seeh Yay had said; and when they asked leave to kill him, he did not forbid them. Yay thereon was killed. Confucius said, "The words of the ode, (She, III.ii. ode X. 6),
'When the people have many perversities Do not you set up your own perversity before them,' are applicable to the case of Seeh Yay."'
This cannot be the decision of Confucius upon the fate of Seh Yay, though we find it expanded in the Kea Yu ? ?, Bk. XIX. (the ????).
X. Tenth year.
1 In his tenth year, in spring, the duke went to Ts'e. The duke arrived from Ts'e,
2 The people of Ts'e restored to us the lands of Tse-se.
3 In summer, in the the fourth month, on Ping-shin, the sun was eclipsed.
4 On Ke-sze, Yuen, marquis of Ts'e, died.
5 The Head of the Ts'uy family of Ts'e left the State, and fled to Wei.
6 The duke went to Ts'e.
7 In the fifth month, the duke arrived from Ts'e.
8 On Kwei-sze, Hea Ch'ing-shoo of Ch'in murdered his ruler, P'ing-kwoh.
9 In the sixth month, an army of Sung invaded T'ăng.
10 Kung-sun Kwei-foo went to Ts'e, to the burial of duke Hwuy of Ts'e.
11 A body of men from Tsin, one from Sung, one from Wei, and one from Ts'aou, invaded Ch'ing.
12 In autumn, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent his youngest brother to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
13 Kung-sun Kwei-foo led a force to invade Choo, and took Yih.
14 There were great floods.
15 Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Ts'e.
16 In winter, Kung-sun Kwei-foo went to Ts'e.
17 The marquis of Ts'e sent Kwoh Tso to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
18 There was famine.
19 The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.
Parr. 1,2. This was now the 4th time that the duke had repaired to the court of Ts'e. The Chuen says:—'In spring, the duke went to Ts'e; and the marquis of Ts'e, in consideration of the submission and service of the duke, restored the lands of Tse-se.' Those lands were taken by Ts'e, it will be remembered, in the duke's first year, being the price which Loo paid for Ts'e's support of the duke's usurpation.
Par. 3. This eclipse was visible at sunrise, on the 26th February, B. C. 598. Ping-shin was the 1st day of the moon.
Parr. 4,5. The Ts'uy family or clan was one of the most powerful in Ts'e. It was descended from a son of one of the ancient princes of the State,—duke Ting (??), who died B. C. 1052. To that son the lands of Ts'uy had been assigned, and Ts'uy became the surname of his descendants. We have met with a Ts'uy Yaou, who was present at the battle of Shing-puh, in the 28th year of duke He. The head of the clan at this time was, acc. to Tso-she, Ts'uy Choo (? ?), and it is to him the text refers. We find him (?) long after this, in IX.xxv.2. in Ts'e again, and murdering his ruler.
The Chuen says:—'In summer, duke Hwuy of Ts'e died. Ts'uy Choo had been a favourite with him; and [the ministers], Kaou and Kwoh, being afraid of Ts'uy's exercising a pressure upon them, drove him out;—when he fled to Wei. The language of the text,—'The Head of the Ts'uy family,' shows that he was not driven out for any fault of his (?); moreover, the announcement was made to Loo about him as the Head of his clan, and not by his name. When a great officer of any State fled from it, or was banished, the announcement of it ran,—"Our subject, so and so, Head of the clan so and so, has failed to maintain the charge of his ancestral temple; and we presume to announce the fact." Such announcement was made to other States in the case of one who had been sent with the mission-jade aud offerings of silk (i.e., on missions of friendly inquiries) to them; but not in the case of other officers.'
The reason why we have ?? here, and not ??, if indeed the officer was really Choo, need not be anxiously sought. Tso-she's canon about it is inadmissible; so is Kung-yang's, that it is to condemn the principle and the practice in Ts'e of hereditary offices (??); and so is Kuh-leang's, that it indicates that the clan, as well as the individual, was driven from the State.
Parr. 6,7. 'The duke,' says Tso-she, 'hurried away to Ts'e, to be present at the earliest ceremonies to the deceased marquis.' After this he paid no more visits to Ts'e.
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ling of Ch'in, with K'ung Ning and E Hăng-foo, was drinking in the house of the Hea family [See the Chuen on the last par. of last year], when the duke said to Hăng-foo, "Ch'ing-shoo [The son of Hea Ke, and Head of the family, as his father was dead] is like you." "He is also like your lordship," was the reply. Ch'ing-shoo [overheard these remarks, and] was indignant at them; and when the duke was [trying to] escape [from the house] by the stable, he shot, and killed him. The two officers fled to Ts'oo.' This is a case in which 'executed' would be a better rendering really of ? than 'murdered.'
Par. 9. The siege of the capital of T'ăng by Sung in the past year [p. 10] had, we may presume, been fruitless Now, again, as the Chuen says, 'the people of T'ăng, relying upon Tsin, would not do service to Sung; and in the 6th month, an army of Sung invaded T'ăng.'
Par. 10. Kwei-foo was the son of Chung Suy, and of course was himself a Kung-sun, 'grandson' of duke Chwang. The burial of duke Hwuy took place before the proper time. Hwuy Ching-heen observes that when we consider how the head of the Ts'uy clan was driven out of the State immediately after the duke's death, how the burial was hastened, and how his son is styled marquis (p. 17) before the year was expired, there must have been troubles in Ts'e, of which we have not any record.
Par. 11. The Chuen says:—'Ch'ing had made peace with Ts'oo [After the events related on p. 12 of last year]. The armies of these States, [therefore], invaded Ch'ing, took from it terms of submission, and returned.'
Par. 12. Kung-yang says that 'the king's youngest son' here introduced was the reigning king's full brother. His father therefore was king K'ing (??). The prince's descendants were dukes of Lăw, and the Chuen here calls him 'duke K'ang of Lew,' adding that his visit was in return for that of Măng Heen to the court, in p. 3 of last year.
Par. 13. Yih was a city of Choo,—in the pres. dis. of Tsow (? ?), dep. Yen-chow. But in the Chuen on VI.xiii.3 the capital of Choo appears removed to Yih; and the taking of Yih would be equivalent to extinguishing Choo, which, we know, was not the case. On this account, the K'ang-he editors incline to adopt the reading of Kung-yang,—of ? for ?.
Par. 14. See II.i. 5, et al.
Par. 15. Tso-she says:—'Ke Wăn went on a friendly mission to Ts'e,—for the 1st time, since the accession of the new marquis.'
Par. 16. Tso-she says:—'In winter Tsze-kea (Kung-sun Kwei-foo's designation) went to Ts'e, with reference to our invasion of Choo.'
Par. 17. Tso-she says:—'Kwoh Woo's (? was the posthumous title of Kwoh Tso) mission was in return for that of Ke Wăn, in p. 15.
Par. 18. Sun Fuh defines the term 'famine' as descriptive of the crops not coming to maturity, 'the five kinds of grain not ripening (????).'
Par. 19. The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing [See the reason on p. 11]. Sze Hwuy of Tsin relieved it, and drove the army of Ts'oo to the north of the Yin. Tsze-kea [The Kung-tsze Kwei-săng] died, and the people proceeded to punish the authors of the disorder in which duke Yew died. They broke open the coffin of Tsze-kea, and drove all the branches of the family from the State. They changed the grave of duke Yew, and gave him the posthumous title of Ling.'
XI. Eleventh year.
1 It was the [duke's] eleventh year, the spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo, the marquis of Ch'in, and the earl of Ch'ing, made a covenant in Shin-ling.
3 Kung-sun Kwei-foo joined an officer of Ts'e in invading Keu.
4 In autumn, the marquis of Tsin had a meeting with the Teih in Tswan-han.
5 In winter, in the tenth month, the people of Ts'oo put to death Hea Ch'ing-shoo of Ch'in.
6 On Ting-hae, the viscount of Ts'oo entered [the capital of] Ch'in.
7 He restored Kung-sun Ning and E Hăng-foo to Ch'in.
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'This spring, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing [Because of the action in the Chuen on par. 12 of the 9th year], and advanced, as far as Leih. Tszeleang (K'eu-tsih of the Chuen on IV. 3) said, "Tsin and Ts'oo make no effort to show kindness [to smaller States], but keep struggling for the superiority;—there is no reason why we should not take the side of the [first] comer. They have no faith;—why should we show good faith?" Accordingly, Ch'ing accepted the demands of Ts'oo; and in summer, Ts'oo took a covenant in Shin-ling, when Ch'in and Ch'ing make their submission to it.'
Shin-ling was in Ch'in,—40 le to the northwest of the dep. city of Ch'in-chow, Ho-nan. Kuh has ??. This was the 2d time at which the chief of Ts'oo presided over a meeting of other princes. The 1st time was in the 27th year of duke He.
[The Chuen adds here:—'Tsze-ch'ung, minister of the Left, of Ts'oo, made an incursion into Sung, while the king (i.e., the viscount) waited at Yen. Wei Gae-leeh, the chief minister, undertook the walling of E, and appointed the border-warden to make the arrangements and calculations for the business. He then gave these to the superintendent of the work, who estimated the labour to be done, and the number of days; gave out all the money that was necessary for it; adjusted the frames, and provided the baskets and stampers, and other articles for raising the walls; apportioned equally their tasks, according to the distance of the labourers from the place; marked out with his feet the foundations; supplied the provisions; and determined the inspectors. The work was completed in 30 days, exactly in accordance with the previous calculations.']
Par. 3. Notwithstanding the operations of Ts'e and Loo against Keu in the duke's 4th year, that State, it would appear, continued to maintain a hostile attitude, which led to the invasion in the text.
Par. 4. We have here probably the issue of the policy towards the Teih, recommended to the marquis of Tsin in the Chuen appended to VI. 4. The Chuen says here:—'Keoh Ch'ing [Keoh Keueh] of Tsin sought for terms of peace from the Teih; and all the rest of their tribes, being, distressed and indignant at the services required from them by the Red Teih, made submission to Tsin. The meeting this autumn was on the occasion of their doing so. In regard to the marquis's going to them, all the great officers wished to call [the chiefs of] the Teih [to Tsin], but Keoh Ch'ing said, "Where there is not virtue, the next best thing is to show earnest diligence. Without such diligence, how can we seek for the adherence of others? If we can show it, however, [success] will follow. Let the marquis go to them.' It is said in the ode (She, IV. i. [iii.] X.), 'King Wăn did indeed labour earnestly.'
[If king Wăn did so, how much more ought we, who are of such inferior virtue!"'
Tswan-han was in the territory of the Teih, but its site has not been more exactly determined.
Parr. 5—7. See IX. 13, and X. 8, with the Chuen on them. The Chuen says here:—'In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo, because of the deed perpetrated by the head of the Hea family, invaded Ch'in, publishing a notice to the people that they should make no movement, as he wished to punish only the head of the Shaou-se ?? was the name of the grand-father of Ch'ing-shoo. His designation was Tsze-hea]. Forthwith he entered [the capital of] Ch'in, and put to death Hea Ch'ing-shoo, having him torn in pieces by chariots [See the 1st Chuen, appended to II. xviii. 3] at the Leih gate. He then proceeded to make Ch'in a district [of Ts'oo].
'At this time, the marquis of Ch'in was in Tsin; and Shuh of Shin had been sent [by the viscount] to Ts'e. When Shuh returned, he reported the discharge of his mission, and withdrew, [without saying anything about the affairs of Ch'in]. The king sent to reprove him, saying, "Hea Ch'ing-shoo acted very wickedly, murdering his ruler. With [the forces of my own and] other-States I have punished and executed him. The princes of those States and the dukes of our districts have all congratulated me; what is the reason that you alone have offered no congratulation?" "May I still explain myself?" replied Shuh. "You may," said the king; and Shuh continued, "The crime of Hea Ch'ing-shoo in murdering his ruler was great, and you performed a righteous deed in punishing and executing him. But the people have a saying, "He led his ox through another man's field, and the ox was taken from him." Now he that so led his ox to trample on another man's field indeed committed an offence; but when his ox was taken from him, the punishment was too severe. The princes followed you in this enterprise, saying it was to punish a criminal; but now you have made Ch'in one of your districts, desiring its riches. You called out the princes to punish an offender, and you are sending them away after satisfying your covetousness;—does not this seem improper?" The king replied, "Good! I had not heard this view of the case! Can I still give Ch'in back?" "That," said Shuh, "will be an instance of what we small men call "Taking a thing from one's breast and giving it [back].'"
'The viscount accordingly restored the State of Ch'in; but from each of its villages he took a man, and carried them with him to Ts'oo, where he settled them in a place which he called Heachow. Hence what the text says,—"The viscount of Ts'oo entered Ch'in, and restored Kung-sun Ning, and E Hăng-foo," is worded to show how the viscount observed the rules of propriety.'
The viscount of Ts'oo did right in not appropriating Ch'in to himself; but most western readers will form a very different judgment from Tso-she on his execution of Hea Ch'ingshoo and his restoration of the two villains, K'ung Ning and E Hăng-f'oo. Here, as elsewhere, Kung-yang has ? for ?.
[The Chuen adds here:—'After the affair at Le [See on IX. 12], the earl of Ch'ing made his escape home, and [the viscount of] Ts'oo was not able subsequently to obtain his desire. And though Ch'ing accepted a covenant [from Ts'oo] this year at Shin-ling, it kept trying to strengthen itself by doing service to Tsin.']
XII. Twelfth year.
1 In the duke's twelfth year, in spring, there was the burial of duke Ling of Ch'in.
2 The viscount of Ts'oo laid siege to [the capital of] Ch'ing.
3 In summer, in the sixth month, on Yih-maou, Seun Linfoo of Tsin led a force, and fought with the viscount of Ts'oo at Peih, when the army of Tsin was disgracefully defeated.
4 It was autumn, the seventh month.
5 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Mow-yin, the viscount of Ts'oo extinguished Seaou.
6 An officer of Tsin, one of Sung, one of Wei, and one of Ts'aou, made a covenant together at Ts'ing-k'ew.
7 An army of Sung invaded Ch'in, [but] a body of men from Wei relieved it.
Par. 1. Twenty-two months had elapsed since the death of duke Ling at the hands of Hea Ch'ing-shoo. We can hardly suppose that his body had been unburied all that time. Perhaps the rites of interment were now performed in a more regular and solemn manner, the coffin being deposited in a new grave.
Par. 2. The Chuen at the end of last year was preparatory to this par., to supply the reason for the fresh invasion of Ch'ing by Ts'oo. We have here the following narrative:—'In spring, the viscount of Ts'oo had held the capital of Ch'ing in siege for 17 days, when the people divined whether it would be well for them to accept conditions of peace, but the answer was not favourable. They then divined whether they should weep in the grand temple, and bring forth their chariots into the streets [i.e., probably, to be ready for removing where Ts'oo might direct]; and the reply was favourable. The people of the city then made a great weeping, and the keepers of the parapets all cried aloud, so that the viscount of Ts'oo withdrew his men, till the people repaired the wall. He then advanced and renewed the siege, when the place was reduced at the end of three months. He entered the city by the Hwang gate, and proceeded to the principal street, where he was met by the earl of Ch'ing, with his flesh exposed, and leading a sheep. "Uncared for by Heaven," said the earl, "I could not serve your lordship, and aroused your anger, till it has been discharged upon my city. The offence is all mine; and I dare do nothing now but wait for your commands. If you carry us away to the south of the Keang, to occupy the land by the shores of the sea, be it so. If you take the State and give it to some other as its ruler, to whom I shall be as in the position of a handmaid, be it so. If you kindly regard former relations of friendship between our States, and to obtain blessing from [the kings] Le and Seuen, and from [the dukes] Hwan and Woo, you do not extinguish our altars, so that I may change my course, and serve your lordship equally with the governors of the nine [new] districts [which you have established], that will be your kindness, and it is my desire, but it is what I do not dare to hope for. I have presumed to disclose to you all my heart; your lordship will take your measures accordingly.'"
'His attendants urged the viscount not to grant [the earl's request], urging that, having got the State, he ought not to forgive him; but the king replied, "Since the ruler of Ch'ing can humble himself thus, he must be able to secure the faith of his people; how can I hope to obtain the State?" With this he retired 30 le, and granted peace. P'wan Wang entered the city and made a covenant; and Tsze-leang left it to be a hostage [with Ts'oo].'
Par. 3. Peih was in Ch'ing,—6 le to the east of Ch'ing Chow, dep. K'ae-fung.
The Chuen says:—'In summer, in the 6th month, the armies of Tsin [marched to] relieve Ch'ing. Seun Lin-foo commanded the army of the centre [In place of Keoh Keueh], with Seen Hwoh as his assistant [In room of Lin-foo]. Sze Hwuy commanded the first army, with Keoh K'ih as his assistant [In room of Chaou Soh]. Chaou Soh commanded the 3d army, with Lwan Shoo as his assistant. Chaou Kwoh and Chaou Ying-ts'e were the great officers of the army of the centre; Kung Soh and Chaou Ch'uen, those of the 1st army; and Seun Show and Chaou T'ung, those of the 3d. Han Keueh was marshal of the host.
'When they reached the Ho, they heard that Ch'ing had made peace with Ts'oo, and Hwantsze [Hwan was Lin-foo's posthumous title] wished to return, saying, "We are too late for the relief of Ch'ing; what will be the use now of perilling the lives of our people? Let us wait till Ts'oo has retired, and then make a movement [against Ch'ing]."
'Woo-tsze of Suy (Sze Hwuy) approved of this view, and said, "According to what I have heard, military enterprizes should be undertaken only when there is an opportunity of prosecuting them with advantage. An enemy who cultivates, without changing, kindness in his virtue, justice in his punishments, the ordering of his government, the right regulation of different affairs, and the statutes and rules of his State, is not to be contended with; it is not against such an one that we conduct punitive expeditions. Now when the army of Ts'oo punished Ch'ing, there was anger because of its double dealing, and compassion when the earl humbled himself. When it revolted from him, [the viscount] invaded it. When it submitted, he forgave it:— his kindness and justice were established. There was the justice of punishment in the attack of revolt; there was the kindness of virtue in the gentle dealing with submission. Both these things were shown.
'[Again], last year Ts'oo entered the capital of Ch'in, and this year it entered that of Ch'ing; but its people have not complained of the fatigue and toil, nor murmured against their ruler: —showing how well its government is ordered. [Then], throughout Ts'oo, when its forces are called out according to its system, its travelling merchants, husbandmen, mechanics, and stationary traders, have not their several occupations injuriously interfered with, and the footmen and chariot-men act in harmony with one another: —showing how collision is avoided in its ordering of affairs.
'[Further], when Wei Gaou became chief minister, he selected the best statutes of Ts'oo. When the army is marching, the [footmen of the] right keep on either side of the chariot, and those of the left go in quest of grass and rushes. The bearers of the standards of the maou keep in advance, looking out anxiously that nothing occur for which there is not preparation. The troops in the centre are ready to act as occasion may require, while behind them is the strength of the army. The different officers move according to the signals displayed, and the ordering of the army is ready for any emergency, without special orders for it being given. Thus is Ts'oo able to carry out its statutes.
[Lastly], When the viscount of Ts'oo raises individuals to office, they are of the same surname with himself, chosen from among his relatives, and of other surnames, chosen from the old servants of the State. But offices are given with due respect to the necessary qualifications, and rewards are conferred according to the service performed, while at the same time additional kindness is shown to the aged. Strangers receive gifts, and enjoy various exemptions. Officers and the common people have different dresses to distinguish them. The noble have a defined standard of honour; the mean have to comport themselves according to different degrees. Thus are the rules of propriety observed in Ts'oo.
'Now why should we enter on a struggle with a State which thus manifests kindness, carries out justice, perfects its government, times its undertakings, follows its statutes, and observes so admirably the rules of propriety? To advance when you see advance is possible, and withdraw in face of difficulties, is a good way of moving an army; to absorb weak States, and attack those that are wilfully blind, is a good rule of war. Do you for the present order your army accordingly, and follow that maxim. There are other States that are weak and wilfully blind; why must you deal with Ts'oo, [as if it were so]? There are the words of Chung Hwuy [Shoo, IV. ii. 7], 'Take their States from the disorderly, deal summarily with those that are going to ruin, absorb the weak.' The Choh ode (She, IV. i. [iii.] VIII.) [also] says,
'Oh! powerful was the royal army, But he nourished it in obedience to circumstances, while the time was yet dark;— the king's object was to deal with the blind. [Again], in the Woo (She, IV. i. [i] IX.) it is said,
'Irresistible was his ardour.' If you soothe [for a time] the weak, and bring on the wilful blindness, aiming at ardour [like that of Woo], you will pursue the proper course."
'Che-tsze (Seen Hwoh) then said, "This counsel is not good. Tsin obtained the leadership of the States by the prowess of its armies and the strength of its leaders. But now it is losing the States, and its strength cannot be spoken of. If, when the enemy is before us, we do not follow him, we cannot be said to have prowess. If we are to lose our chief place among the States, the best thing we can do is to die. Moreover, we marched out with our armies in array; if, because the enemy is strong, we retire, we shall not be men. To begin with our ruler's charge to a command in the army, and to end with not being a man:—you all may play that part, but I will not do so." Upon this with [the portion of] the army of the centre [under his command], he crossed the Ho.
'Chwang-tsze of Che (Seun Show) said, "This army is in great peril. The case is that indicated in the change of the diagram Sze (?, *) into Lin (?, *). (On Sze) it is said, 'A host must be led forth according to the rules of service. If these be not good, there will be be evil.' When the commanders all observe their proper harmony, the rules are good; if they oppose one another, they are not. [The change of * into * indicates] the separation of the host producing weakness; it is the stopping up of a stream so as to form a marsh. The rules of service are turned into each one's taking his own way. Hence the words,—'the rules become not good;'—they are as it were dried up. The full stream is dried up; it is stopped and cannot have its course:—consequently evil must ensue. Lin [moreover] is the name for what does not proceed. When a commander does not follow the orders of his leader, what greater want of on-going could there be? and it is the case we now have. If we do meet the enemy we are sure to be defeated; and the calamity will be owing to Che-tsze. Though he should now escape, yet, on his return to Tsin, great evil will await him."
'Han Heen-tsze (Han Keueh) said to Hwantsze, 'Che-tsze with his portion of the army has committed a grave offence. But you are commander-in-chief;—whose offence is it that the generals do not obey your orders? You have lost our subject State (Ch'ing); and if you lose that army, your offence will indeed be heavy;— you had better advance. If the affair do not prove successful, there will be others to share the blame. Will it not be better for you to bear the blame as one of six than to bear it alone?"
'The whole army then crossed the Ho. The viscount of Ts'oo was halting, with his army looking northwards, at Yen. The governor of Shin commanded the centre; Tsze-chung, the left; and Tsze-fan, the right. The viscount meant to water their horses at the Ho, and then return to Ts'oo. When he heard that the army of Tsin had crossed, he wanted to withdraw before it; but his favourite, Woo Ts'an, wished to fight. Shuh-sun Gaou, the chief minister of Ts'oo, did not wish [to fight], and said, "Last year we entered Ch'in, and this year we have entered Ch'ing;—it cannot be said that we have accomplished nothing. If we fight and do not succeed, will the eating Ts'an's flesh be sufficient to atone for the result?" Ts'an replied, "If the battle be gained, you will be proved to have been incapable of planning. If it be lost, my flesh will be in the army of Tsin, and you will not get it to eat."
'The chief minister then turned his chariot to the south, and ordered the great standard to be carried back. But Woo Ts'an said to the king, "Tsin's chief minister is new, and cannot make his commands obeyed. His assistant commander, Seen Hwoh, is violent and headstrong, without any benevolence, and unwilling to obey the other's commands. The generals of the three armies would each take the chief controul, but not one of them can do so. In council there is no supreme Head; whom can the multitudes follow? In this expedition Tsin cannot fail to be defeated. Moreover, if your majesty flee before a subject of Tsin, what becomes of the honour of our altars?" The king felt powerfully these representations, and told the chief minister to change the course of the chariots, and proceed northwards. He then halted at Kwan to await the army of Tsin, which was between Gaou and K'aou.
'[In the meantime], Hwang Seuh of Ch'ing came on a mission to the army of Tsin, saying, "Ch'ing has submitted to Ts'oo only to preserve its altars, and does not waver in its preference for your State. The army of Ts'oo is proud with repeated victories, and weary with the length of its service. Nor does it make preparations for an engagement. If you attack it, the army of Ch'ing will second you; and Ts'oo is sure to be defeated." Che-tsze said, "The defeat of Ts'oo, and the securing the adherence of Ch'ing, both depend on this action. We must agree to the envoy's proposal." Lwan Woo-tsze (Lwan Shoo), however, urged," Since the time when Ts'oo subdued Yung [See VI.xvi.6], its ruler has let no day pass without training and instructing his people, saying, 'Ah! the people's welfare is not easily secured. Calamity may come without a day's warning. You must be cautious and apprehensive, never giving way to idleness.' In the army [also], he has not been a day without looking after the weapons, and admonishing the men, saying, 'Ah! victory cannot be made sure of. There was Chow, who, after a hundred conquests, yet left none to succeed him.' He has also inculcated on them the examples of Johgaou and Fun-maou, who laboured in wooden carts and tattered hempen clothes to bring the hills and forests under cultivation. He made this proverb for them also, 'People's weal depends on diligence; with diligence there is no want.' His army cannot be said to be elated. A former great officer [of our State], Tsze-fan, said, 'When an army has right on its side, it is strong; when the expedition is wrong, the army is weary and weak.' In this case we cannot plead our virtue, but are bent on a quarrel with Ts'oo. We are in the wrong, and Ts'oo is in the right;—its army cannot be said to be weary and weak. Its ruler's own chariots are divided into two bodies of 15 each. To each of them are attached 100 men, and an additional complement of 25 men. The body on the right is harnessed early, and kept on duty till mid-day, when that on the left takes its place till dusk. The officers in immediate attendance on the ruler keep watch by turns during the night. Thus provision is made against any surprise, and the army cannot be said to be without preparation. Tsze-leang is the best man of Ch'ing and Szeshuh [Pwan Wang] is highly honoured in Ts'oo. Sze-shuh entered [the capital of Ch'ing] and made a covenant; and Tsze-leang is [a hostage] with Ts'oo. Ts'oo and Ch'ing are in friendly relations; and Ch'ing advises us to fight! If we conquer, it will come to us; if we do not conquer, it will draw off. According as I should divine, the counsel of Ch'ing is not to be followed."
'Chaou Hwoh and Chaou T'ung said, "We have led our host thus far, seeking for the enemy. We have to conquer the enemy, and recover our subject State;—what more do we wait for? We must follow Che-tsze.'
'Ke of Che [Chwang-tsze; Seun Show] said, "Yuen [Chaou T'ung] and Ping [Chaou Kwoh are partizans of our evil counsellor [Che-tsze]." Chaou Chwang-tsze [Chaou Soh] said, "Lwan Pih [Woo-tsze; Lwan Shoo] has spoken well! Let him make his words good, and he will take the chief command in Tsin."
'[After these discordant counsels], the subadministrator of Ts'oo went to the army of Tsin, and said, 'Our ruler, when young, met with sorrowful bereavement, and was not able to cultivate the accomplishments of learning. But he has heard that his two predecessors [the kings Ch'ing and Muh] went backwards and forwards by this path. His only aim has been to instruct and settle Ch'ing, without seeking to give offence to Tsin. You, the officers of Tsin, should not remain here long." Ke of Suy (Sze Hwuy) replied, "Long ago king P'ing gave charge to our former ruler, the marquis Wăn, saying, 'Along with Ch'ing support the House of Chow, and do not disregard the king's charge.' Now Ch'ing is showing no regard for it, and our ruler sent us to ask it the reason; we do not presume to inflict any disgrace on you who have met us. Let me acknowledge the condescension of your ruler in this message." Che-tsze thought this reply was fawning, and sent Chaou Kwoh to follow the envoy with a different one, saying, "Our messenger gave you a wrong reply. Our ruler sent his servants to remove from Ch'ing every foot-print of your great State, telling us not to evade any enemy. We will not slink away from any commands you may lay on us."
'The viscount of Ts'oo, however, sent another message to ask for peace with Tsin, which was agreed to on the part of Tsin; and a day was set for a covenant.
'[In the meantime], Heu Pih of Ts'oo drove Yoh Pih, with Sheh Shuh on the right of the chariot, to flout and provoke the army of Tsin. Heu Pih said, "I have heard that when an army is flouted, the driver urges his chariot, with the flag shaking, close to the entrenchments, and then returns." Yoh Pih said, "I have heard that the archer on the left discharges a strong arrow, and then takes the reins, while the charioteer descends, dusts the horses, and adjusts the martingales, and then they return." Sheh Shuh said, "I have heard that the spearman on the right enters the entrenchments, cuts off an ear, takes another nam prisoner, and returns." They all three did as they had heard, and were returning, pursued by the men of Tsin, who came after them like two horns, from the left, and the right. Yoh Pih shot the horses on the left, and the men on the right, so that the pursuers could not advance. He had but one arrow left, when a stag rose up before the chariot, which he shot right in the hump. Paou Kwei of Tsin was right behind him, when he made Sheh Shuh take the stag, and present it to the pursuer, saying, "It is not the season of the year for such a thing, the time for presenting animals has not arrived, but I venture to offer this to feast your followers." Paou Kwei stopped the pursuit, saying, "He on the left shoots well; he on the right speaks well;—they are superior men." So they got off. Wei E [A son of Wei Ch'ow; see the Chuen on V. xxvii., p. 4 and xxviii., p. 4] of Tsin had asked to be appointed among the ducal clans [See the Chuen at the end of the 2d year], and been refused. In his resentment he wished to bring on the defeat of the army, and now asked [the commander-inchief] to allow him to flout the army [of Ts'oo]. This was refused; but his further request to be sent with a message to it was granted; so he went, challenged Ts'oo to battle, and was returning. P'wan Tang of Ts'oo pursued him; but when E had got to the marsh of Yung, he saw six stags, and shot one of them. Then turning round, he presented it to Tang, saying, "A mid the business of the army, your hunters may have failed to supply you with fresh meat, and I venture to present this for your followers." On this Shuh-tang gave orders to leave off the pursuit.
'Chaou Chen [a son of Chaou Ch'uen] had asked to be made a minister [in Tsin], and been refused. He was angry, moreover, at the escape of the party of Ts'oo which had flouted the army, and begged to be allowed to go and provoke a battle. This was refused, but he was allowed to go and call Ts'oo to a covenant. So he and Wei E both went to the army of Ts'oo on their several missions.
'Keoh Heen-tsze [Keoh K'ih] said, "These two dissatisfied spirits are gone. If we do not make preparations, we are sure to be defeated." Che-tsze said, "The people of Ch'ing advised us to fight, and we do not dare to follow their counsel. Ts'oo asked for peace, and we are not able to come to terms with it. There is no acknowledged authority in the army;—what can many preparations do?" Sze Ke [Sze Hwuy] said, "It is well to be prepared. If those two enrage Ts'oo, and its army come suddenly upon us, we shall lose our army in no time. Our best plan is to make preparations [for a battle]. If Ts'oo do not make an attempt upon us, we can remove our preparations, and make a covenant, without there being any injury to a good understanding. If it do make an attempt, being prepared for it, we shall not be defeated. Even in the case of an interview between two princes, they take the precaution not to dispense with a guard of troops."
'Che-tsze [still] refused to agree to this proposal, and Sze Ke sent Kung Soh and Han Ch'uen to place 7 ambushments in front of Gaou. By this means the 1st army was saved from the defeat [which ensued]. Chaou Yingts'e sent a party to prepare boats at the Ho; and in this way, though he shared in the defeat, he and his men were the first to cross the river.
'When P'wan Tang had driven away Wei E, Chaou Chen came that same night to the army of Ts'oo; and having spread his mat outside the gate of the camp, he sent his followers in. There were the two bodies of the viscount's own chariots, drawn up on the right and left. Those on the left had stood with the horses yoked from day-break till mid-day; and those on the left had then been similarly harnessed until sun-down. Heu Yen was charioteer to the king in the body on the right, with Yang Yew-ke as spearman; while P'ăng Ming performed the same duty on the left, with K'euh Tang as spearman.
'On Yih-maou, the king at the head of the chariots of the left, drove out to pursue Chaou Chen, who abandoned his chariot, and ran into a wood, pursued by K'euh Tang, who got his buff-coat and lower garment. [Meanwhile], being afraid in the camp of Tsin that the two officers would enrage the army of Ts'oo, they had sent some large chariots to meet them. P'wan Tang, seeing at a distance the dust raised by these, sent a horseman with all speed to tell the king that the army of Tsin was advancing. The men of Ts'oo, [on their side], were also afraid lest the king should enter the army of Tsin, and issued from their camp in order of battle. Sun Shuh said, "Let us advance. It is better that we set upon them than let them set upon us. The ode says (She, II. iii. ode III., 4),
'Ten large war chariots Led the van;'— the object was to be beforehand with the enemy. The 'Art of War' [also] says, 'Anticipate your enemy, and you take away his heart.' Let us press on them." Accordingly he hurried on the army. The carriages dashed along, and the footmen seemed to fly; and so they fell on the army of Tsin. Hwan-tsze did not know what he was doing, but ordered the drums to be beaten in the army, crying out, "A reward to those who first recross the river!" The army of the centre and the 3d army struggled for the boats, till the fingers [of those trying to get in, and that were cut off by those who had already got possession] could be taken up with both hands at once. The other armies moved to the right of the 1st, which alone held its place without moving. Ts'e, minister of Works [in Ts'oo], led the troops which had occupied the left front to pursue the 3d army [At the same time], the viscount sent T'ang Keaou and Ts'ae Kew-keu with a message to the marquis Hwuy of T'ang, saying, "All unworthy I am, and in my ambitious desires I have encountered a great enemy. I acknowledge my offence; but if Ts'oo do not conquer, it will be your lordship's disgrace. I venture to depend on your powerful influence to complete the victory of my army." While sending this message, he ordered P'wan Tang, with 40 of the chariots of reserve, to follow the marquis of T'ang, and to act on the left by following the 1st army [of Tsin]. Keu Pih, (Keoh K'ih) said, "Shall we await their onset?" Ke of Suy replied, "The army of Ts'oo is in the flush of its might. If it now collect around us, we are sure to be destroyed. Our best plan is to gather in our troops, and retreat. We shall share the reproach of the other armies, but we shall save the lives of the people." He then placed his own troops in the rear of the retreating forces, and retired without being defeated.
'The king, seeing his own chariots of the right, wished to continue the pursuit in one of them; but K'euh Tang stopped him, saying, "You began with this, and you must end with this." From this time in Ts'oo the chariots of the left got the precedence.
'[In the flight], a chariot belonging to Tsin sank in a rut, and could not proceed. A man of Ts'oo told its occupant to take out the frame for weapons. After this, it advanced a little, and then the horses wanted to turn. The same man advised to take out the large flag-staff, and lay it crosswise. When this was done, the carriage got out of the hole, when its occupant turned round and said to his helper, "We are not so accustomed to fly as the soldiers of your great State!"
'Chaou Chen gave his two best horses to assist his elder brother and his uncle, and was going back with the others, when he met the enemy, and was unable to escape them. He abandoned his chariot therefore, and ran into a wood. The great officer Fung was driving past with his two sons, and [catching sight of Chen], he told them not to look round. They did so, however, and said, "The old great officer Chaou is behind us." He was angry with them, and made them dismount, pointing to a tree, and saying, "Let me find your bodies there." He then gave the reins to Chaou Chen, who thus made his escape. The other, next day, found his sons' bodies at the spot which he had marked.
'Heung Hoo-ke of Ts'oo took Ying of Che prisoner; and when [Ying's father], Chwang-tsze knew it, he returned to the battle-field with the soldiers of his own clan, Woo-tsze of Ch'oo [Wei E] acting as his charioteer, and many soldiers of the 3d army following him. Whenever he drew out an arrow, though it seemed to be strong, he placed it in the quiver of Wootsze, till the latter was angry, and said, "Are you not looking for your son? And do you grudge your arrows? Will it be possible to exhaust the willows of the Tung marsh?" Chwang-tsze replied, "If I do not get some one's son, shall I be able to recover mine? I must not shoot an arrow that I cannot be sure of." He then shot the Leen-yin, Seang Laou, killed him, and took the body into the carriage. Another arrow hit the Kung-tsze Kuh-shin, whom he made prisoner; and these two trophies obtained, he returned to the army of Tsin. When it was dusk, the army of Ts'oo encamped in Peih, while what remained of that of Tsin could not encamp anywhere, but kept crossing the Ho all the night, the noise of its movements never ceasing.
'On Ping-shin, the heavy waggons of Ts'oo were brought to Peih, and the viscount went on to Hăng-yung. P'wan Tang said to him, 'Why should your lordship not signalize your triumph by making a mound, and collect in it the bodies of the Tsinites so as to form a grand monument? I have heard that succeessful battles should be shown to posterity, so that the prowess of them may not be forgotten." The viscount said, "You do not know what you are talking about. The character for 'prowess' is formed by those for 'to stay' and 'a spear' (?=? and ?). When king Woo had subdued Shang, he made the ode, which says (She, IV. i. [i.] VIII.),
'He has called in shields and spears; He has returned to their cases bows and arrows. I will seek true virtue, And display it throughout the great land, That as king I may indeed preserve our appointment.' He also made the Woo (?; She, IV. i. [ii.] X.), of which the last stanza says,
'So he firmly established his merit.' The 3d stanza says (see She, IV. i. [iii.] X. This is not now a part of the Woo song),
'We wish to develope the purposes [of king Wăn], And go to seek the settlement of the kingdom.' The 6th stanza says (She, IV. i. [iii.] IX.),
'He gave repose to all the States, And there ensued several years of plenty.' Thus military prowess is seen in the repression of cruelty, the calling in of the weapons of war, the preservation of the great appointment, the firm establishment of one's merit, the giving repose to the people, the harmonizing all [the States], and the enlargement of the general wealth; and king Woo took care by those stanzas that his posterity should not forget this. Now I have caused the bones of the soldiers of two States to lie bleaching on the earth:—an act of cruelty; I display my weapons of war to awe the States:—thus unable to call them in. Cruel and not calling in the weapons of war, how can I preserve the great appointment? And while still the State of Tsin remains, how can I firmly establish my merit? There are many things by which I oppose what the people desire, and how can they get repose from me? Without the practice of virtue, striving by force for supremacy among the States, how can I produce harmony among them? I have made my gain from the perils of others, and found my safety in their disorders;—these things are my glory, but what enlargement of the general wealth is there in them? Not one of the seven virtues belonging to military prowess attaches to me;—what have I to display to my posterity? Let us simply make here a temple for the tablets of my predecessors, and announce to them our success. The merit of military prowess does not belong to me.
'[Moreover], in ancient times, when the intelligent kings punished disrespectful and disobedient States, they took the greatest criminals among them, and buried them under a mound as the greatest punishment. Thus it was that grand monuments were made for the warning of the unruly and bad. But now when it is not certain to whom the guilt can positively be ascribed, and the people have all with the utmost loyalty died in fulfilling their ruler's commands, what grounds are there for rearing a grand monument?"
'After this the viscount offered sacrifice at the Ho, reared a temple for the tablets of his predecessors, announced to them the successful accomplishment of his enterprise, and returned to Ts'oo.
'At this time, Shih Che of Ch'ing entered the army of Ts'oo, and proposed to divide Ch'ing into two States, and appoint the Kung-tsze Yushin over one of them. On Sin-wei, Ch'ing put to death Puh-shuh (Yu-shin) and Tsze-fuh (Shih Che). The superior man may say that what the historiographer Yih remarked about not taking advantage of people's troubles was applicable to such parties. The ode says (She, II. v. ode X. 2),
'In such distress of disorder and separation, Whither can I betake myself?' They betook themselves to those who would have taken advantage of the trouble and disorder!'
Par. 4. [The Chuen appends here:—1st, 'The earl of Ch'ing and the baron of Heu went to Ts'oo.' 2d, 'In autumn, the army of Tsin returned, and Hwan-tsze (Seun Lin-foo) requested that he might be put to death. The marquis was about to accede to the request, when Sze Ching-tsze [A member of the Sze elan. His name was ??, Uh-chuh] said, "Do not do so. After the battle of Shing-puh [In the 28th year of duke He], the army of Tsin fed for 3 days on the grain [of the enemy], but there was still sorrow on the countenance of duke Wăn. His attendants said to him, "On an occasion of such joy you are still sorrowful; would you be joyful in a time of sorrow?" The duke replied, "While Tih-shin is still alive, my sorrow cannot cease. A wild beast in the toils will still fight; how much more the chief minister of a State!" When Ts'oo put Tsze-yuh [Tih-shin] to death, the joy of the duke could then be seen by all. He said, "There is now none to embitter my peace." In fact [the death of Tih-shin] was a second victory to Tsin, and a second defeat to Ts'oo; and through the time of two rulers Ts'oo could not again show itself strong. Now Heaven has, it may be, given a great warning to Tsin; but if you now proceed to put to death Lin-foo, thereby giving a second victory to Ts'oo, will not Tsin be reduced for a long time to a state of weakness? Lin-foo's service of his ruler has been of this character, that, in an advance, his thought has been how to display his loyalty, and, when obliged to withdraw, his thought has been how to retrieve his errors;— he is a bulwark to the altars of Tsin, and on what ground can you put him to death? His defeat is like an eclipse of the sun or moon; what injury does an eclipse do to those bodies?" On this, the marquis of Tsin ordered Hwan-tsze to resume his office.'
Par. 5. Seaou,—see V. xxx. 6. Too observes that there was no Mow-yin day in the 12th month of this year. Mow-yin was the 9th day of the 11th month. The Chuen says:—'In winter the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Seaou, which Hwa Tseaou of Sung, with a body of men from Ts'ae, endeavoured to relieve. The people of Seaou held as prisoners Heung-seang E-leaou and the Kung-tsze Ping. The king said, "Do not put them to death, and I will retire." They put them to death, however, which enraged the king, so that he laid siege to their city; when the people dispersed. Woo-shin, duke of Shin, said to the king, "Many of the soldiers are suffering from the cold;" on which the king went round all the host, comforting the soldiers and encouraging them, which made them feel as if they were clad in quilted garments. They then approached Seaou, when Seuen Woo-shay spoke with the marshal Maou, and asked him to call Shuh-chen of Shin to him. Shuh-chen said, "Have you any wheaten cakes made with leaven?" "No," said the other. "Have you any spirits made from the hill grass?" "No," was the reply again. "What then will you do when your belly is pained with the fish from the river?" asked Shuh-chen. The other replied, "Look into a dry well, and save me out of it." "If you place a band of rushes on it," [said Shuhchen, "I will know it]. And when you hear the sound of weeping near the well, it will be I."
'Next day, the people of Seaou dispersed. Shuh of Shin looked for the well, and there was the rush-band at it. He then wept, and brought out [his friend] Woo-she.'
Par. 6. The K'ang-he editors observe that here for the first time we have the great officers of States covenanting together about the affairs of their States. Ts'ing-k'ew was in Wei, 70 le to the south-east of the present K'ae-chow, dep. Ta-ming. Chih-le. Tso-she says:—'Hwoh of Yuen (Seen Hwoh), Hwa Tseaou of Sung, Tah of Wei, and an officer of Ts'aou, covenanted together at Ts'ing-k'ew, to the effect that they would compassionate States which were in distress, and punish those that were disaffected.' He adds, 'The names of the ministers are not recorded, because they did not make their words good.'
Par. 7. Ch'in had taken the side of Ts'oo, and was therefore a 'disaffected State,' against which the States mentioned in the preceding par. should have acted in common, whereas we have Wei going to its help.
The Chuen says:—'In accordance with the covenant, Sung invaded Ch'in, but the people of Wei went to its help. K'ung Tah said, "Our former ruler had a treaty with Ch'in; if the great State [of Tsin] come to punish us [for helping it], I will die on account of the affair."
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, an army of Ts'e invaded Keu.
2 In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Sung.
3 In autumn, there were locusts.
4 In winter, Tsin put to death its great officer, Seen Hwoh.
Par. 1. Kung-yang has Wei (?) here instead of Keu; but the latter is no doubt the correct reading. Nowhere in the Ch'un Ts'ew have we any account of hostilities between Ts'e and Wei, whereas from the 4th year of duke Seuen there seems to have been a state of chronic hostility between Keu on the one part, and Loo and Ts'e on the other [See IV. 1; XI. 3]. Tso-she says that the reason for the invasion in the text was because Keu, depending on the protection of Tsin, would not do service to Ts'e.
Par. 2. Tso-she says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Sung, because it had endeavoured to relieve Seaou. The superior man may say that, in [the account of] the covenant of Ts'ing-k'ew, Sung might have escaped [the disapprobation indicated by the suppression of the name of its minister].'
Par. 3. Here again Kung-yang has * for ?.
Par. 4. For ? Kuh-leang has ?. Seen Hwoh deserved to die, for the great defeat at Peih was mainly owing to his insubordination; and he had since engaged in other nefarious plotting. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the Red Teih, at the invitation of Seen Hwoh, invaded Tsin, and advanced as far as Ts'ing. In winter, Tsin, to avenge the defeat at Peih and this advance of the Teih to Ts'ing, laid the blame of both affairs on Seen Hwoh, and put him to death, exterminating also all the branches of his clan. The superior man may say that the maxim, "When evil comes on a man, it has been brought on by himself," found an illustration in Seen Hwoh.'
[The Chuen appends here:—'In consequence of the covenant at Ts'ing-k'ew, Tsin sent to demand from Wei an account of its relieving Ch'in. The messenger would not go away, and said, "If the offence be not laid on some one, my mission will be followed up by an army of attack." K'ung Tah said, "If it will be of advantage to the State, please lay the blame on me. The ground of criminating me lies in the fact that from me proceeded the movement which has excited the great State to demand reparation? I will die for this matter.']
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, Wei put to death its great officer, K'ung Tah.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Jin-shin, Show, earl of Ts'aou, died.
3 The marquis of Tsin invaded Ch'ing.
4 In autumn, in the ninth month, the viscount of Ts'oo laid siege to [the capital of] Sung.
5 There was the burial of duke Wăn of Ts'aou.
6 In winter, Kung-sun Kwei-foo had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e at Kuh.
Par. 1. This is the sequel to the narrative at the end of the last year. The Chuen says:—'In the duke's 14th year, in spring, K'ung Tah strangled himself, which the people of Wei represented so as to satisfy Tsin, and escape [further proceedings from that State]. They then announced the thing to the States, saying, "Our ruler had a bad minister, Tah, who brought our poor city into collision with the great State. The minister has suffered for his crime, and we venture to inform you of it." But considering the services which Tah had performed in pacifying [the State], they gave his son [a daughter of the marquis] to wife, and made him continue in his father's position [as a great officer].'
Par. 3. Ch'ing had acknowledged the supremacy of Ts'oo, after Tsin's defeat at Peih; hence this invasion of it. It is strange the K'ang-he editors should find the sage's approval of the invasion in the words of the text,—'the marquis of Tsin.' The marquis conducted the expedition in person, and the fact is so stated. The right or wrong of it is to be determined by other considerations.
The Chuen says:—'In summer, the marquis of Tsin invaded Ch'ing, because of the defeat at Peih. He announced his doing so to the various States, held a review of his troops, and returned. This was by the counsel of Chung-hang Hwantsze [Seun Lin-foo. Chung-hang here becomes his surname. For the origin of the denomination, see the Chuen at the end of V. xxviii], who said, "Show them our array, and let them consult about it, and come to us." The people of Ch'ing were afraid, and sent Tsze-chang to take the place of Tsze-leang in Ts'oo [See the Chuen on XII. 2]. The earl also went to Ts'oo, to consult about Tsin; and the State, considering with what propriety Tsze-leang had behaved [in formerly declining the marquisate], recalled him.'
Par. 4. This invasion of Sung and siege of its capital was a further movement of Ts'oo to weaken Tsin. How it was brought about is related in the Chuen:—'The viscount of Ts'oo sent Shin Chow on a friendly mission to Ts'e, telling him that he should go through Sung without asking a right of way. At the same time he sent the Kung-tsze P'ing on a friendly mission to Tsin, without asking permission to pass through Ch'ing. Shin Chow, remembering how he had incurred the resentment of Sung in the affair at Măng-choo [See the Chuen on VI. x. 6. 7. Chow here is the Woo-wei there], said, "Ch'ing is clear-sighted, but Sung is deaf. The messenger to Tsin will suffer no harm, but I am sure to meet with my death." The king said, "If Sung put you to death, I will invade it." Chow then introduced [his son], Se, to the king, and went on his journey.
'When he came to Sung, they detained him there. Hwa Yuen said, "To pass through our State without asking our permission, is to treat our State as if it were a border of Ts'oo,—is to deal with it as if Sung were not a State. If we put to death its messenger, Ts'oo is sure to invade us, and Sung will perish. In either case Sung ceases to be a State." Accordingly, Shin Chow was put to death. When the viscount heard of it, he shook down his sleeves and rose from his seat. His shoes were brought to him when he had reached the threshold of his chamber; his sword was brought to him outside the door of the chamber; and his carriage reached him when he had got to the marketplace called P'oo-seu. In autumn, in the 9th month, he laid siege to the capital of Sung.'
Par. 6. Kuh,—see III. vii. 4, et al. Kungsun Kwei-foo,—see on X. 10. Wang Paou and other critics strongly condemn Kwei-foo as having been the first great officer who did according to his own pleasure in the administration of the government of Loo. The Chuen says:—'At this meeting, when Kwei-foo saw Gan Hwantsze, he spoke with him about the affairs of Loo, rejoicing [in his own position there]. Hwan-tsze told Kaou Seuen-tsze [the Kaou Koo of V. 3] about it, saying, "Tsze-kea [The designation of Kwei-foo] is sure to come to ruin. He is all intent on [the dignities of] Loo. Being so, he is sure to cherish a covetous ambition, and then to be scheming against others. But when one schemes against others, they will scheme against him; and when a whole State schemes against a man, how can he escape going to ruin?'
[The Chuen appends here:—'Măng Heentsze [See the Chuen on VI. xv. 4] said to the duke, "I have heard that the way in which a small State escapes [being incriminated by] a great one is by sending to it friendly missions and making various offerings, on which there are the hundred things set forth in the court-yard. Or if the prince go himself to the court [of the great State] to show his services, then he assumes a pleased appearance, and makes elegant and valuable presents, even beyond what could be required of him. He acts thus lest he should not escape [being incriminated]. If, after being reprimanded, he present rich offerings, it is too late. Ts'oo is now in Sung; let your lordship consider what should be done." The duke was pleased.']
XV. Fifteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, Kung-sun Kweifoo had an interview with the viscount of Ts'oo in Sung.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, the people of Sung made peace with the people of Ts'oo.
3 In the sixth month, on Kwei-maou, an army of Tsin extinguished the Loo tribe of the Red Teih, and carried Ying-urh, viscount of Loo, back with it to Tsin.
4 A body of men from Ts'in invaded Tsin.
5 The king's son Chah put to death the earls of Shaou and Maou.
6 In autumn, there were locusts.
7 Chung-sun Meeh had a meeting with Kaou Koo of Ts'e in Woo-low.
8 For the first time an [additional] tithe was levied from the acre.
9 In winter, the larvæ of locusts were produced.
10 There was famine.
Par. 1. It is said at the end of the concluding Chuen of last year, that the duke was pleased with the suggestion of Măng Heen that he should send a friendly mission to the viscount of Ts'oo. Here we are told how he proceeded to do so.
Par. 2. ? ? ? ? ? ?=? ? ??, 'Sung made peace with Ts'oo.' In accounts of peace made between States, only the names of the States are given, without the addition of ? as here;—see X. vii. 1; XI.x.1, et al. But no stress is to be laid on the ? here, as if it indicated the princes or ministers by whom the treaty peace was made. The use of it is merely a variation of the usual style (? ? ? ?);—see the gloss of Ying-tah, in loc.
The Chuen relates:—'The people of Sung sent Yoh Ying-ts'e to announce to Tsin how hard they were pressed, and the marquis of Tsin wished to proceed to their relief. Pih-tsung, however, said, 'No. The ancients had a saying that, however long the whip was, it did not reach the horse's belly. Heaven is now giving [the power] to Ts'oo, and we cannot contend against it. Strong as Tsin is, can it resist Heaven? There are the common sayings, 'The mind must determine how high or how low it can go;' 'the rivers and meres receive [much] filth;' 'the hills and thickets hide noxious things;' 'the finest gems have flaws;' 'princes of States must [at times] take dirt in their mouths.' This is the way of Heaven; let your lordship wait [for another opportunity]." The marquis then desisted from his purpose, and sent Heae Yang to Sung, to advise [the duke] not to surrender to Ts'oo, saying, "Tsin is raising all its forces, and they will [soon] be with you." The people of Ch'ing took him prisoner, and delivered him to Ts'oo, when the viscount offered him large bribes to induce him to convey a message of a contrary character. He refused at first, but finally agreed to do so. He was then mounted on a turreted carriage; and having called the attention of the people of Sung, he delivered the message with which the marquis had entrusted him. The viscount was going to put him to death, and sent him a message, saying, "Why did you thus violate the promise which you made to me? I do not break my faith with you;—it is you who have cast [our agreement] away. Go quickly, and receive your punishment." Heae Yang replied, "I have heard that when a prince gives out his command, it is a righteous act which he discharges, and when a minister receives that command, he is bound in fidelity to fulfil it. The faithful fulfilment of the righteous command is beneficial to the State, and he who lays his plans so that that benefit shall be secured for the defence of the altars is the people's friend. The righteous command does not admit of two fidelities; fidelity does not recognize two commands. When your lordship tried to bribe me, you knew not the nature of a command. I came forth with the command which I had received; and though I die, it has not fallen to the ground. To die in fulfilling the command is my happiness;—[it will be seen that] my prince had a faithful servant. I have been able to accomplish my task;—though I die, what more should I seek for?" [On hearing this reply], the viscount let him go to return [to Tsin].
'In summer, in the 5th month, the army of Ts'oo was about to withdraw from Sung, when Shin Se bowed with his head to the ground before the king's horses, and said, "Though Woowei [Shin Chow, Se's father] knew it would cost him his life, he did not dare to decline your majesty's commission; and your majesty is breaking your word!" The king could not answer him. His charioteer, Shin Shuh-she, said, "If you build houses here, and send half the army back to till the ground, Sung will receive your commands and submit to them." [The king followed the counsel], and the people of Sung were afraid, and sent Hwa Yuen by night into the army of Ts'oo. He went up to the couch of Tsze-fan, and roused him, saying, "My master has sent me to inform you of our distress. In the city we are exchanging our children and eating them, and splitting up their bones for fuel. Notwithstanding, if you require us to make a covenant with you under the walls, we will not do so, though our city should be utterly overthrown. Withdraw from us 30 le, and then we will accept your commands." Tsze-fan was afraid, made a covenant with Yuen, and informed the king, who retired 30 le, when Sung and Ts'oo made peace, Hwa Yuen remaining as a hostage with Ts'oo. The words of their covenant were, "We [of Ts'oo] will not deceive you; do not you doubt us."'
Par. 3. ? ? ? ?;—see on III. 6. We see from this par. that the chiefs of the Loo tribes had the title of viscount. The Chuen relates:—'The wife of Ying-urh, viscount of Loo, was an elder sister of duke King of Tsin. The power of the tribe was in the hands of Fung Shoo, who put this lady to death, and injured one of the viscount's eyes. The marquis of Tsin wished to attack the tribe, but the great officers all advised against such an undertaking, saying that Fung Shoo possessed three extraordinary endowments, and that Tsin had better wait for a future opportunity to deal with the Loo-she. Pih-tsung, however, said, "We must attack them [now]. [That] Teih is chargeable with five crimes, and of what help will his many extraordinary endowments be to him? His first crime is that he does not offer sacrifices; his second, that he is given to drunkenness; his third, that he abandoned Chung Chang, and took away the territory of the chief of Le; his fourth, that he dealt so cruelly with the eldest daughter of our State; and his fifth, that he injured the eye of his ruler. His reliance on his extraordinary endowments, to the neglect of all virtue, only increases his guilt. His successor will perhaps reverently addict himself to the cultivation of virtue and righteousness, so as to serve both Spirits and men, thereby strengthening his title to the country;—how will it be, if we should wait for such an one? If we do not punish the present criminal, but say, 'Let us wait for his successor,' and then proceed to punish him, who may have reasons to allege why he should not be touched at all, will not our course be unreasonable? To rely on one's endowments and numbers is the way to ruin;— Chow of Shang followed it, and his utter ruin was the consequence. When the seasons of heaven are reversed, we have calamities; when the productions of the earth are reversed, we have prodigious things; when the virtues of men are reversed, we have disorders. It is those disorders which give rise to the calamities and prodigious things, just as the character for correctness, when reversed, produces that for failure [See the ? ? ? ? ?, in the ? ? ? ?, Ch. 642, , art. 1). All these things are predicable of the Teih."
'The marquis of Tsin followed this counsel; and in the 6th month, on Kwei-maou, Seun Lin-foo defeated the Red Teih at K'euh-leang. On Sin-hae he extinguished Loo. Fung Shoo fled to Wei, the people of which sent him to Tsin, where he was put to death.'
Par. 4. There had been no hostilities between Ts'in and Tsin, since the invasion of Tsin mentioned in the duke's 2d year. We do not know what led to the invasion in the text, though, from the Kwoh Yu, Bk. XIII. art. 1, we may suppose that Ts'in was jealous of Tsin's acquisition of the Loo-she. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, in the 7th month, duke Hwan of Ts'in invaded Tsin, and halted with his army at Foo-she. On Jinwoo, the marquis of Tsin led a body of troops and exercised them at Tsih, to secure the annexation of the territory of the Teih. He then restored the marquis of Le, and had got as far as Loh on his return, when Wei Ko defeated the army of Ts'in at Foo-she, taking prisoner Too Hwuy, who was [known as] the strong man of Ts'in. Before this, [Wei Ko's father], Wei Woo-tsze had a favourite concubine, who brought him no child. When he was ill, he charged Ko that he should marry her to some one; but afterwards, when he had become very ill, he told him that he must bury her alive in his grave. After his father's death, Ko provided her with a husband, saying, "When my father was so very ill, his senses were disordered; I will follow the charge he gave when his mind was right." At the battle of Foo-she, he saw an old man who was making ropes of grass in the way of Too Hwuy, against which the strong man tript, so that he fell and was taken. In the night, Ko dreamt that the old man said to him, "I am the father of the woman whom you provided with a husband. Because you followed the charge which your father gave you when in his senses, I have thus recompensed you."
Par. 5. ? ? ? is simply =? ? ?, 'the king's son, Chah.' Why the characters are so inverted it is difficult to say. What the paragraph relates shows that the court of Chow must have been in as disorderly and lawless a condition as the courts of the difft. States. Chah was probably a brother of the reigning king. The Chuen says:—'Wang-sun (i. e., A grandson of some former king) Soo had a contention with the chiefs of Shaou and Maou about the chief sway in the government, and made the king's son Tsze-tseeh [The designation of Chah) put to death duke Tae of Shaou and Wei, earl of Maou. Afterwards, Seang of Shaou was appointed [in his father's place].'
Par. 6. [The Chuen here relates:—1st, 'The marquis of Tsin rewarded Hwan-tsze with the revenues of a thousand families with which the Teih ministers had been endowed, and he also rewarded Sze Pih [The Sze Ching-tsze of the 2d narrative appended to XII. 4] with the district of Kwa-yen, saying, "That I have got the territory of the Teih is all owing to you. But for you, I should have lost Pih-she [Seun Lin-foo; See the Chuen just referred to]. Yang-sheh Chih, speaking of these rewards, said "The words in [one of] the Books of Chow (Shoo, V. ix. 4), 'He employed the employable, and revered the reverend,' are applicable to such a case as this. Sze Pih advised the employment of Chung-hang Pih. The marquis confided in him, and followed his advice. This may be called a case of 'intelligent virtue.' The virtue by which king Wăn raised the House of Chow did not go beyond this. Hence the ode (She, III. i. ode I.2) says,
'Vast were the gifts of Chow,' and thus it was that [king Wăn] could perpetuate [his fortune]. It is impossible that he should not succeed who follows this way.'" 2d. 'The marquis of Tsin sent Chaou T'ung to present the spoils of the Teih at the court of Chow, where he behaved disrespectfully. Duke K'ang of Lew said, "In less than ten years Shuh of Yuen (Chaou T'ung) will be sure to meet with great calamity. Heaven has taken his wits away from him."']
Par. 7. Chung-sun Meeh is the Măng Heentsze, with whom we have met already. Kaou Koo is the minister of Ts'e, whose marriage with one of the duke's daughters is related in the 5th year. Too says that Woo-low was a town of Ke (??); but Kung-yang has ? for ?, and the place would thus be the Mowlow which Keu took from Ke in the 4th year of duke Yin. We do not know what the two ministers met about, and need not occupy ourselves with the conjectures of the critics.
Par. 8. Tso-she says:—'This enactment was contrary to rule. The grain contributed by the people should not have exceeded the tithe from the system of mutual dependence [See Mencius, III. Pt. I. iii. 6], having respect to the enlargement of the people's wealth.' It would appear then, acc. to this view, that, besides the produce of every tenth acre, cultivated by the common labour of the farmers round it, and the property of the State, duke Seuen now required another 10th from the produce of the other 9 acres which every family cultivated for itself. And this is probably correct. From the Analects, XII. ix. 3, we learn that, in Confucius' time, two tenths of the produce of the land were levied by the State, and it is most likely that we have in the text the first imposition of the second of these. Kung and Kuh, however, think that the text only speaks of the abandonment of the ancient system of the cultivation of the public tenth of the land by the common labour of the husbandmen in the different plots around it, and the dividing it among them, and then requiring from each family a tenth of the produce of its allotment. The K'ang-he editors merely say that Hoo Gan-kwoh maintains this view, while Choo He preferred that of Too Yu, founded on Tso-she's remarks, without giving any opinion of their own.
Parr. 9,10. * is the name for the locust in the grub or caterpillar state (? ? ? *, ? ? ?I cannot understand the note of Tso-she on these paragraphs. He says: —'In winter the larvæ were produced, and there was famine. The language shows thankfulness for the luck.' Acc. to Too, his idea is that those larvæ were produced in the winter when they could not do much harm; but the winter of Chow was only the natural autumn of the year. In the natural summer there had been a plague of locusts; and now towards the end of autumn came these caterpillars to devour what the locusts had left. There was no 'luck' to be thankful for, but terrible calamity, and famine was the consequence.
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, a body of men from Tsin extinguished the Keah and Lew-yu tribes of the Red Teih.
2 In summer, the archery-court of [king] Seuen at Ch'ingchow was set on fire.
3 In autumn, the duke's eldest daughter, who had been married to [the viscount of] T'an, returned to Loo [divorced].
4 In winter, there was a very plentiful year.
Par. 1. The Keah-she and the Lew-yu were, after the Loo-she, the principal tribes of the Red Teih; the former having their site in the pres. dis. of Ke-tsih (? ?), dep. Kwang-p'ing, Chih-le, while that of the second, was in the dis. of T'un-lew (? ?), dep. Loo-gan, Shan-se. The Chuen mentions another tribe,—that of the Toh-shin, which appears to have been a branch of the Lew-yu. On the extinction of these tribes, all the territory of the Red Teih came into the possession of Tsin.
The Chuen says:—'In spring, Sze Hwuy of Tsin led a force, and extinguished the Keah tribe of the Red Teih, and also the tribes of Lew-yu and Toh-shin. In the 3d month he presented the spoils of the Teih [to the king]. The marquis of Tsin requested [the robes of appointment for him] from the king, and on Mow-shin, with the apron and cap he appointed Sze Hwuy to the command of the army of the centre, and also to be grand-guardian. After this the thieves of Tsin all fled into Ts'in. Yang-sheh Chih said, "I have heard that when Yu promoted good men, the bad men all disappeared; and here is an instance of the same. The words of the ode (She, II. v. ode II. 6).
'Be fearful and cautious, As if approaching a deep abyss, As if treading on thin ice,' are descriptive of a good man in a high situation. When that is the case, there are no people in the State trusting to luck. 'When there are many people trusting to luck,' the common saying goes, 'that is unlucky for the State.' That is applicable to a time when there are no good men.'"
Par. 2. Kung-yang has ? for ?; and both Kung and Kuh have ? for ?. Tso-she says that in all accounts of fires, ? denotes that the fire was caused by men, and ? that it was from Heaven. Ch'ing-chow is the same as Loh-yang, the eastern or 'lower' capital of Chow;—see the Shoo, V.xxiv. 1. Too defines ? by ? ? ?, 'a house for the practice of military exercises,' archery being specially intended. Kung-yang and, recently, Maou understand the term in the meaning of 'temple;' but the other signification is ably vindicated by Ying-tah. ? is probably =? ?, though the meaning cannot be said to be well ascertained. Seuen was a distinguished king, and might well have left a court or pavilion at Ch'ingchow, called by his name.
Par. 3. T'an,—see IV. 1. When the duke's daughter was married to the earl of T'an, we are not told. What is related in the 4th year shows that there were friendly relations between Loo and T'an; but Tso-she says that the lady's coming back to Loo here was in consequence of her being divorced, or sent away from Ts'an (? ?).
[The Chuen appends here:—1st, 'In consequence of the troubles about [the earls of] Shaou and Maou [See p. 5 of last year], the royal House was again thrown into confusion. Wang Sun-soo fled to Tsin, by which he was restored.' 2d, 'In winter, the marquis of Tsin sent Sze Hwuy to pacify the royal House, when king Ting feasted him, duke Seang of Yuen directing the ceremonies. The meat was brought in cut on the platters. Woo-tsze (Sze Hwuy) privately asked the reason of this arrangement; and when the king heard that he did so, he called him, and said, 'Mr. Ke (? was Hwuy's designation), have you not heard this;—when the king feasts the princes, the animals are brought in, not cut up; but when he entertains their ministers, the meat is served cut up on the platters. This is the rule of the royal House." When Woo-tsze returned to Tsin, he examined all its statutes [affecting entertainments], to regulate correctly its various rules.']
Par. 4. The critics cannot be content with accepting this paragraph as the simple statement of a fact by way of contrast to the suffering in the last quarter of the previous year; but cast about to find some moral reason for the record. See on II. iii. 10, where we have ?? for 'a good year.' Here we have ???, 'a very good year.'
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1 In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Kăng-tsze, Seih-go, baron of Heu, died.
2 On Ting-we, Shin, marquis of Ts'ae, died.
3 In summer there were the burials of duke Ch'aou of Heu, and of duke Wăn of Ts'ae.
4 In the sixth month, on Kwei-maou, the sun was eclipsed.
5 On Ke-we, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, and the viscount of Choo, when they made a covenant together in Twan-taou.
6 In autumn, the duke arrived from the meeting.
7 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Jin-woo, the duke's younger brother, Shuh-heih, died.
Parr. 1—3. Ke Pun (? ?; Ming dynasty), says:—'At this time Heu and Ts'ae were of the party of Ts'oo. Their announcing the death of their princes to Loo, and Loo's messages to them of condolence, show that it also inclined to the same side.
Par. 4. Here for the second time there is a serious error in these records of eclipses. The 1st day of the 6th month in this year was Keahshin (? ?), the day after Kwei-maou, and there was no eclipse upon it. This was ascertained by Keang Kih (? ?), of the eastern Tsin dynasty. He and the Buddhist priest Yih-hang (? ?) of the T'ang dynasty, made out an eclipse to have been possible on Yih-hae (? ?), the 1st day of the 5th month; but that was in the southern hemisphere. There was one on Sin-we, in the 11th month; but it was not visible in Loo. There was, however an eclipse in Seuen's 7th year in the 6th month, when the day Kwei-maou was the new moon; and I have no doubt it is that which is entered here by some displacement of the tablets.
Par. 5. Twan-taou was in Tsin,—in the east of the pres. Ts'in Chow (? ?), Shen-se. The Chuen says:—'In spring, the marquis of Tsin having sent Keoh K'ih to require the marquis of Ts'e to attend a meeting, duke K'ing placed his mother and her attendants [? ? simply=='his women'] behind a curtain so that they might see the envoy, [who had some bodily defect]; and as he ascended the steps, they were heard laughing in their apartment. Heen-tsze [The posthumous title of Keoh K'ih] was indignant, and swore, "If I do not revenge this insult, may I not cross the Ho again!" He then returned himself first to Tsin, making Lwan Kingleu wait behind till he should have something to report from Ts'e, and charging him not to bring him any word till he had got some charge against it. On his arrival [at Keang] he asked that Ts'e might be invaded, which the marquis refused. He then begged leave to invade it with his own adherents, which was also denied him.
'[By and by], the marquis of Ts'e sent Kaou Koo, Gan Joh, Ts'ae Chaou, and Nan-kwoh Yen to the meeting which had been called; of whom Kaou Koo fled back to Ts'e from Leen-yu. The meeting was held in summer at Twan-taou, when it was resolved to punish the disaffected; and a covenant was made at Keuen-ts'oo, to which the officers of Ts'e were not admitted. The people of Tsin seized and held Gan Joh in Yay-wang; Ts'ae Chaou in Yuen; and Nan-kwoh Yen in Wăn. Fun-hwang of Meaou [This was a son of Tow Tseaou of Ts'oo, who had taken refuge in Tsin, after the events related in the Chuen after VII. iv. 6] was sent to have an interview with Gan Hwan-tsze; and on his return, he said to the marquis of Tsin, "What crime is the officer Gan chargeable with? Formerly, the States all served your predecessors, as if they could not be prompt enough in doing so. [Now], they all say that the ministers of Tsin do not treat them with good faith, and, therefore, their minds are disaffected. The marquis of Ts'e was afraid he would not be received courteously, and did not come to the meeting, but sent four of his officers to attend it. Some of his attendants tried to stop his doing so, saying, 'If your lordship does not go out, Tsin will seize and hold our messengers.' It was on this account that Kaou-tsze ran away at Leen-yu. The three other officers, however, said, 'That will destroy the friendship between our ruler and Tsin; we had rather die on our return [than do that].' On this account they came on at the risk of all suffering. If we had received them well, it would have been the way to encourage others to come to us. But have we not done wrong in seizing and holding them so as to justify those who tried to prevent their being sent? What advantage can we gain by long persisting in the wrong, so as to make them regret that they came on? We only supply him who fled back with an excuse for his conduct; and of what use is it to frighten the States by injuring those who come to us?" On this the people of Tsin treated Gan-tsze gently, and allowed him to get away.'
On the force of the 'together (?),' in the account of this covenant, the critics seem to differ, some holding that it indicates the 'common' purpose of the States to punish Ts'e, others their common opposition to Ts'oo. The K'ang-he editors would extend the meaning to both those objects.
[The Chuen appends here:—1st, 'In autumn, in the 8th month, the army of Tsin returned.' 2d, 'Fan Woo-tsze [Sze Hwuy. At first he was invested with Suy (?), and is thence call Suy Woo-tsze; afterwards he received the city of Fan, which became the surname of his descendants] being about to withdraw from the public service on account of his age, he called to him [his son] Wăn-tsze, and said, "Seeh [The son's name], I have heard that they are few whose satisfaction or whose anger rests on its proper object, while with many the feeling passes to other objects. The ode (She, II. v. ode IV. 2) says,
'If the king were to be angry [with slanderers] The disorder would probably be quickly abated. If he were to show his joy [in the good], The disorder would probably quickly cease! Thus a superior man's being either made pleased or angry leads to the stopping of disorder. If that be not stopt, it goes on to increase. Perhaps Keoh-tsze wishes to bring the disorder he is producing to an end by an invasion of Ts'e. If he do not succeed in that, I am afraid he will increase the disorder. I will declare myself too old, and let him obtain his wish, which may perhaps lead to the dispersion [of the present evil]. Do you follow the other officers, and be careful of your conduct." On this he asked liberty to retire on the ground of his age, and Keoh Heen-tsze became the chief administrator of the government.']
Par. 7. Tso-she says that Shuh-heih was a full brother of the duke, and then he gives the following canon:—'All the full brothers of the eldest son, while their father is alive, are called Kung-tsze (duke's sons); and when he is dead, Kung-te (duke's brothers). The appellation "younger brother" always denotes a full brother of the ruling duke.'
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, the marquis of Tsin and Tsang, heir-son of Wei, invaded Ts'e.
2 The duke invaded Ke.
3 It was summer, the fourth month.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, an officer of Choo murdered the viscount of Tsăng in his capital.
5 On Keah-seuh, Leu, viscount of Ts'oo, died.
6 Kung-sun Kwei-foo went to Tsin.
7 In winter, in the tenth month, on Jin-seuh, the duke died in the State-chamber.
8 Kwei-foo was returning from Tsin; but when he got to Săng, he fled to Ts'e.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'When the invading armies had reached Yang-kuh, the marquis of Ts'e had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, when they made a covenant in Tsăng, the former agreeing that his son Keang should go to Tsin as a hostage. On this the army of Tsin returned, and Ts'ae Chaou and Nan-kwoh Yen made their escape back to Ts'e.'
Hoo Gan-kwoh thinks this invasion of Ts'e was brought about by Keoh K'ih, to gratify his resentment against that State. The K'ang-he editors argue that it was a public movement on the part of the marquis of Tsin to punish Ts'e, because its marquis had kept away from the meeting at Twan-taou. Certainly the growth of the power of Ts'oo was mainly owing to Ts'e's standing aloof from Tsin as the chief among the northern States.
Par. 3. [The Chuen appends here:—'In summer, the duke sent to Ts'oo, to ask the assistance of an army;—wishing to invade Ts'e.']
Par, 4. Kuh-leang has ? for ?. Acc. to Tso-she, ? is the character employed to denote the murder of the prince of a State by some one of another State, just as ? indicates that the perpetrator was one of the prince's own subjects. Tsăng,—see V.xiv.2. In V. xix. 4 we have an account of a terrible outrage by the people of Choo on a former prince of Tsăng. Wang K'ih-kwan (? ? ?) thinks that by ? ? in the text we should understand the ? ?, 'the viscount of Choo;' but this seems inconsistent with the use of the character ?. ? ?, however, may denote—'a party of men from Choo.'
Par. 5. Here for the first time we have the death of one of the viscounts of Ts'oo recorded. His burial, however, is not mentioned, and there would have been a difficulty in recording it, as the deceased viscount must have then received the title which he claimed of 'king.' The Chuen says:—'In consequence of the death of king Chwang, the army [The help of which Loo had asked] did not come forth. Afterwards Loo availed itself of an army of Tsin [See VIII. ii.2], in consequence of which Ts'oo had the meeting and covenant at Shuh (VIII. ii. 10].'
Par. 6. The object of this visit is given in the Chuen:—'Kung-sun Kwei-foo was a favourite with the duke, whose elevation was due to [Kwei-foo's father], Seang-chung. Wishing to remove the three clans descended from duke Hwan, and thereby increase the power of the ducal House, he consulted with the duke, and went on a friendly mission to Tsin, hoping to accomplish his object by means of the people of Tsin.'
Par. 7. See on III. xxxii. 4. Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'In winter, on the death of the duke, Ke Wăn-tsze [Ke-sun Hăngfoo] said in the court, "It was Chung who made us kill the son of the proper wife, and set up the son of another, so as to lose the great helper we might have calculated on." Seuen-shuh [Tsang Heu; son of Tsang Wăn-chung, or Tsang-sun Shin in III.xxviii. 6], was angry, and said, "Why did you not deal with him at the time? What offence is his son chargeable with? But if you wish to send their clan away, allow me to do it." Accordingly he drove the Tung-mun clan out of the State. Tsze-kea had then returned from Tsin as far as to Săng. He there cleared a space of ground, and raised a tent on it, where he delivered the account of his mission to his assistant, [that it might be transmitted to Loo]. Having done so, he took off his upper garment, bound his hair up with sackcloth, went to the place for it and wept, gave three leaps, and left the tent. He then fled to Ts'e. The style of the paragraph,—"Ewei-foo returned from Tsin," is commendatory of him.' For ? Kung and Kuh have ?. The place was in Loo.
BOOK VIII. DUKE CH'ING.
I. First year.
1 In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2 In the second month, on Sin-yew, we buried our ruler, duke Seuen.
3 There was no ice.
4 In the third month, the K'ew and buff-coat ordinance was made.
5 In summer, Tsang-sun Heu and the marquis of Tsin made a covenant in Ch'ih-keih.
6 In autumn, the king's army was disgracefully defeated by the Maou-jung.
7 It was winter, the tenth month.
Title of the Book.—? ?, 'Duke Ch'ing.' He was marquis of Loo for 18 years, from B. C. 589–672. His name was Hih-kwăng (? ?). He was the son of duke Seuen by his wife, a daughter of the House of Ts'e, and known as Muh Keang (? ?). We have the account of Seuen's marriage with her in the 1st year of the last Book, and Hih-kwăng was, therefore, probably about 17 years old at his father's death. The posthumous title Ch'ing denotes 'Tranquillizer of the people, and Establisher of government ? ? ? ? ? ?
His first year synchronized with the 17th of king Ting (??); the 10th of King (?) of Tsin; the 9th of K'ing (?) of Ts'e; the 10th of Muh (?) of Wei; the 2d of King (?) of Ts'ae; the 15th of Seang (?) of Ch'ing; the 5th of Seuen (?) of Ts'aou; the 9th of Ch'ing (?) of Ch'in; the 47th of Hwan of Ke; the 21st of Wăn of Sung; the 15th of Hwan (?) of Ts'in; and the 1st of Shin, king Kung (? ? ?), of Ts'oo.
Par. 1. See on VI.i.l.
Par. 2. This interment seems to have been regular;—five months after the duke's death.
Par. 3. The 2d month of the Chow year was the 12th month of Hea's,—the last month of the natural winter. The season must have been one of unusual warmth, which is the reason why we have the record.
[The Chuen appends here:—'In the spring, the marquis of Tsin sent Kea of Hea [See the Chuen introduced at VI. xiii. 1] to make peace between the Jung and the king; and duke Seang of Shen went to Tsin to express [the king's] acknowledgment of the service. Duke K'ang of Lew, however, wished to take advantage of the Jungs' being thrown off their guard and to attack them. Shuh-fuh said to him, "You will be violating the covenant, and doing despite to the great State;—you are sure to be defeated. To violate a covenant is inauspicious; to do despite to the great State is unrighteous. Neither Spirits nor men will help you in such a course; and how can you expect to conquer?" The duke did not listen to the warning, but proceeded to invade the Maou Jung; and in the 3d month, on Kwei-we, he received a great defeat from the Seu-woo tribe.']
Par. 4. Tso-she says that this ordinance was made because of the [impending] difficulties with Ts'e; but of the nature of the ordinance he says nothing. Duke Seuen, in his 17th year, had attended the conference of Twan-taou, a principal object of which was the punishment of Ts'e, and had gone on to cultivate more than Loo had done for long the friendship of Tsin. Ts'e, it was understood, contemplated an invasion of Loo, and Loo passed the ordinance in the text to increase its means of defence. So far the critics are agreed; but even Maou acknowledges that the nature of the ordinance has not been satisfactorily ascertained.
K'ew (? or ?) is a territorial designation. Nine families occupied a tsing (?; see on Mencius, III. Pt. I. iii. 13); 4 tsing made a yih (?); 4 yih made a k'ew; and 4 k'ew made a teen (?). A teen contained 8 square le. The addition of a le on each side made a ch'ing (?). ? may be taken in the sense of 'a buff-coat or coat of mail' 'a soldier clad in a buff-coat;' 'a company of soldiers.'
Kung and Kuh both take in the first of these senses; and think that the ordinance required the people in the k'ew all to make buffcoats,—how many is not stated. But as Lew Ch'ang observes, if this were the meaning, the text should be ? ? ? and not ? ? ?.
Too Yu says:—'A k'ew or 16 tsing contributed 1 war-horse and 3 oxen; a teen or 64 tsing contributed 1 war-chariot, 4 war-horses, 12 oxen, 3 mailed soldiers, and 72 footmen. The present ordinance levied the contribution of a teen from a k'ew.' We cannot suppose that the ordinance in the text was so extreme and oppressive.
Hoo Gan-kwoh, going on a conversation between T'ae-tsung of the T'ang dynasty and his minister Le Tsing (? ?), thought that whereas a k'ew had formerly contributed 18 footmen, which formed 1 keah, the number was now increased to 25, the 4 k'ew or the whole teen thus sending into the field 100 men along with its chariot. This view has been very generally followed; but recently, Wan Sze-ta (? ? ?), of the period K'ang-he, suggested the view that the ordinance had respect simply to the mailed soldiers of the chariot contributed by a teen, increasing their number from three,— the charioteer, the archer on the left, and the spearman or lancer on the right—to four, and leaving the number of the footmen unchanged. Sometimes there were 4 men, however, in the chariot as we learn from the Chuen on the defeat of the Teih at Heen, in the 11th year of duke Wăn; and this he thinks was made the rule at this time in prospect of hostilities with Ts'e. See the ? ? ? ? ? in the ? ? ? ?, ? ? ? ?.
Par. 5. Tsang-sun Heu,—see the Chuen on VII. xviii. 8. Ch'ih-keih was in Tsin; but its situation has not been more particularly determined. Tso-she says:—'[Loo] had heard that Ts'e was about to come forth with an army of Ts'oo, and in summer made this covenant with Tsin.' Chaou P'ăng-fei supposes, what is very likely, that the confederation against Ts'e, of which we have the issue in par. 3 of next year, was now agreed upon.
Par. 6. The Maou-jung (Kung and Kuh have ? ? ) had their site in the south-east of the pres. dis. of P'ing-luh (? ?), Keae Chow, Shan-se. The defeat here sustained by the king's troops is that mentioned in the Chuen after par. 3. Too Yu says it is recorded now, because it was only now, in the autumn, that it was announced to Loo.
Par. 7. [The Chuen relates here:—'In winter. Tsang Seuen-shuh [Tsang-sun Heu] gave orders that the military levies should be made, the walls all well repaired, and the instruments of defence provided, saying, "Ts'e and Ts'oo are in bonds of friendship, and we have lately made a covenant with Tsin. Tsin and Ts'oo are striving for the presidency of covenants. The army of Ts'e is sure to come [against us]; and though the people of Tsin invade Ts'e, Ts'oo will go to its relief:—thus both Ts'oo and Ts'e will together attack us. When we see our difficulties and make preparation for them, they may be resolved." ']
II. Second year.
1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, the marquis of Ts'e invaded our northern border.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ping-seuh, Sun Leangfoo of Wei led a force, and fought with the army of Ts'e at Sin-chuh, when the army of Wei received a severe defeat.
3 In the sixth month, on Kwei-yew, Ke-sun Hăng-foo, Tsangsun Heu, Shuh-sun K'eaou-joo, and Kung-sun Ying-ts'e, led a force, and joined Keoh K'ih of Tsin, Sun Leangfoo of Wei, and the Kung-tsze Show of Ts'aou, [after which] they fought with the marquis of Ts'e at Gan, when the army of Ts'e received a severe defeat.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the marquis of Ts'e sent Kwoh Tso to the army [of the allies], which made a covenant with him on Ke-yew at Yuen-low.
5 In the eighth month, on Jin-woo, Paou, duke of Sung, died.
6 On Kăng-yin, Suh, marquis of Wei, died.
7 We took the lands of Wăn-yang.
8 In winter, an army of Ts'oo and an army of Ch ing made an incursion into Wei.
9 In the eleventh month, the duke had a meeting with the Kung-ts'e Ying-ts'e of Ts'oo in Shuh.
10 On Ping-shin, the duke made a covenant in Shuh with an officer of Ts'oo, an officer of Ts'in, an officer of Sung, an officer of Ch'in, an officer of Wei, an officer of Ch'ing, an officer of Ts'e, an officer of Ts'aou, an officer of Choo, an officer of Seeh, and an officer of Tsăng.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'In the course of this invasion, the marquis of Ts'e laid siege to Lung, when his favourite, Leu-p'oo Tsew-kwei was made prisoner in attacking one of the gates. The marquis said, "Do not put him to death, and I will make a covenant with you, and not enter your borders." The people of Lung did not listen to the request, but put their prisoner to death, and dismembered him on the top of the wall. The marquis beat the drum himself, while his soldiers strove to mount the wall; and in three days Lung was taken. He then made an incursion southwards as far as Ch'aou-k'ew.' Too observes that he cannot account for the silence of the text about this capture of Lung, and the subsequent incursion to Ch'aou-k'ew.
Par. 2. Sin-chuh was in Wei,—20 le south of the pres. district city of Wei (? ?), dep. Ta-ming, Chih-le. The ? in the text has made some critics think that the battle was in consequence of an invasion of Ts'e by Wei, while its being fought in Wei looks as if it were in consequence of an invasion of that State by Ts'e. The K'ang-he editors, observe that Sun Leang-foo was indeed marching to invade Ts'e, when the army of that State, flushed with its successes in Loo, met him before he had left his own State, and defeated him. As he had given occasion, by his advance towards Ts'e, however, to the action, the ? is used.
The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Wei sent Sun Leang-foo, Shih Tseih, Ning Seang, and Heang K'in, to lead an incursion into Ts'e, when they met with the army of that State. Sheh-tseih wished to retreat; but Sun-tsze said, "No. Here we are with an army invading Ts'e. If we retreat on meeting with its army, what shall be said of our ruler? If we knew that we could not [cope with it], we had better not have come forth. Since we have met it, our best plan is to fight." In summer, *  *  *  * *  *  *  * Shih Ch'ing-tsze [Shih Tseih; ? was his posthumous title] said, "The army is defeated. If you do not wait a little [for reinforcements], I am afraid it will be entirely destroyed. If you lose all your men, what report will you have to give [to our ruler]" The other commanders could make no reply, and he continued, [addressing the general], "You are the chief minister of the State. Should we lose you, it will be a disgrace to it. Do you retire with the great body of the troops, while I remain here [to cover your retreat]." *  *  *  * *  *  *  *  * By-and-by the approach of a great number of chariots was announced, and the army of Ts'e stayed its advance, halting at Keuh-keu.
'It was Chung-shuh Yu-he, commandant of Sin-chuh, who thus came to the relief of Sun Hwan-tsze, and secured his escape. In consequence, the people of Wei would have rewarded Yu-he with a city, but he refused it, and asked that he might be allowed to have his suspended instruments of music disposed incompletely [like those of the prince of a State], and to appear at court with the saddle-girth and bridletrappings of a prince;—which was granted to him.
'When Chung-ne [Confucius] heard of this, he said, "Alas! it would have been better to give him many cities. It is only peculiar articles of use, and names, which cannot be granted to other [than those to whom they belong];—to them a ruler has particularly to attend. It is by [the right use of] names that he secures the confidence [of the people]; it is by that confidence that he preserves the articles [distinctive of ranks]; it is in those articles that the ceremonial distinctions of rank are hid; those ceremonial distinctions are essential to the practice of righteousness; it is righteousness which contributes to the advantage [of the State]; and it is that advantage which secures the quiet of the people Attention to these things is the condition of [good] government. If they be conceded where they ought not to be conceded, it is giving away the government to the recipients. When the government thus perishes, the State will follow it;—it is not possible to arrest that issue.'"
Par. 3. Too says that Gan was in Ts'e, and Kuh-Leang says that it was 500 le from the capital of that State. But so great a distance is irreconcileable with the account which we have in the Chuen of the immediate advance of the victors after the battle to Ying-k'ew. Gan was probably the same place known previously by the name of Leih-hea (? ?),—in the pres. dep. of Ts'e-nan. For ??? Kung-yang has ???.
The Chuen says:—'Sun Hwan-tsze returned to Sin-chuh; but instead of entering it, he went on immediately to Tsin to beg the assistance of an army. [At the same time], Tsang Seuen-shuh [Tsang-sun Heu] had gone to Tsin for a similar purpose; and they both lodged with Keoh Heentsze [Keoh K'ih; see the Chuen on VII. xvi. 5], to whom the marquis granted [an army of] 700 chariots [for an expedition against Ts'e]. Keohtsze said, "This was the amount of the force at Shing-puh [See the 28th year of duke He], where it triumphed through the wisdom of our duke and the cautious valour of his great officers, whose servant I am not fit to be." He then requested a force of 800 chariots, which was granted him. He himself commanded the army of the centre. Sze-seeh [Fan Wăn-tsze; see the 2d Chuen appended to VII. xvii. 5], as assistant, had the command of the 1st army, and Lwan-shoo commanded the 3d; Han Keueh [Han Heen-tsze; see account of the battle of Peih in the Chuen on VII. xii. 3] being marshal of the host. And thus they proceeded to the relief of Loo and Wei. Tsang Seuen-shuh met the army and guided its march, while Ke Wăn-tsze [Ke-sun Hăng-foo] joined it with the forces [of Loo].
'When the army came to the territory of Wei, Han Heen-tsze being about to behead a man, Keoh Heen-tsze hurried in his chariot to save the culprit; but before he arrived, the punishment was inflicted. Immediately he sent [the man's head] all round the host, saying to his charioteer, "I will thus share the reproach of the deed." The army followed that of Ts'e to Sin, and in the 6th month, on Jin-shin, it arrived at the foot of [mount] Mei-ke. There the marquis of Ts'e sent a challenge to fight, saying [to Keoh K'ih], "You have condescended to come to my poor State with the army of your ruler; I will see you to-morrow morning with our poor levies." The other replied, "Tsin is the brother of Loo and Wei. They came and told our ruler that your great State was venting its indignation, morning and evening, on their poor countries. He could not bear [to hear of their sufferings], and sent us, his ministers, to intercede for them with your great State, charging us that we should not remain with our host long in your territory. We can advance, but we cannot retreat. You need not trouble yourself to send [any further] message." The marquis said, "What they grant us is what I desire. If they had not granted it, I should have seen them all the same."
'Kaou Koo of Ts'e entered the army of Tsin, and with a stone struck down a man. He then took him, and, [leaving his own chariot], mounted that of the prisoner, tied a mulberry tree to it, and so exhibited himself round the entrenchments of Ts'e, crying out, "If any one wants valour, I will sell him what I have left to spare."
'On Kwei-yew, both the armies were drawn up in array at Gan. The charioteer of the marquis of Ts'e was Ping Hea, with Fung Ch'ow-foo as spearman on the right. Heae Chang was charioteer to Keoh K'ih, with Ch'ing Kew-hwan as spearman on the right. The marquis said, "Let me exterminate those, and then I will take my breakfast." With this he galloped forward, without having his horses covered with mail. Keoh K'ih was wounded by an arrow, till the blood ran down to his shoes, but he never let the sound of the drum cease. [At last], he said, "I am in pain." Chang-how [Heae Chang. ? was his designation] said, "At the first encounter one arrow pierced my hand, and another my wrist. But I broke them and continued my driving, till the left wheel is of a deep purple, not daring to speak of the pain. Do you, Sir, bear yours." Hwan said, "From the first encounter, whenever we have come to difficult ground, I have got down and pushed the chariot along. You, Sir, have not known it because of your distress." Chang-how said, "The eyes and ears of the army are on our flag and drum. It will advance or retire as our chariot does. While there is one man left to direct this chariot, we may achieve success. Why should you for your pain cause the failure of our ruler's great enterprize? When one dons his armour and takes his weapons, it is to go in the way of death; you are not in pain to death;—strive to combat with it." With this, he held the reins with his left hand, and with the right took the drumstick, and beat the drum. The trained horses urged on, unable to stop, followed by the army. The army of Ts'e received a great defeat; [and the marquis] was pursued thrice all round [the hill of] Hwa-foochoo.
'Han Keueh had dreamt, [the night before], that Tsze-yu, [his father], said to him, "Avoid both the left and the right [of the chariot]." In consequence of this, he drove in the middle place, and pursued the marquis of Ts'e. Ping Hea said, "Shoot the driver; he is a superior man." The marquis said, "Since you call him a superior man, it would be contrary to rule to shoot him." He shot therefore the man on the left, who fell down below the chariot, and then the man on the right, who died in it. [Just then], Ke Woo-chang, who had lost his own chariot, came up to Han Keueh, and asked that he would take him into his. He agreed to do so, but with his elbow moved him away first from the left and then from the right, and made him stand behind himself. [Soon after], he bent forward and adjusted the body of the spearman who had been on the right, [which gave an opportunity to] Fung Ch'ow-foo and the marquis to change places. When the fugitives had nearly reached the spring of Hwa, one of the outside horses was caught by a tree, and stopped. Ch'ow-foo, [some time before], had been lying in a sleeping carriage, when a snake made its appearance beneath him, which he struck with his elbow. It bit him, and though he had concealed the wound, he was now unable to push the carriage on, and the pursuers came up. Han Keueh went with a rope in his hand before the marquis's horses, bowed twice with his head to the ground, and then presented to him a cup, with a peih in it, saying, "My ruler sent us to intercede with you on behalf of Loo and Wei, charging us not to allow our army to enter deep into your lordship's territory. Unfortunately, I found myself thrown among the soldiers, and could not avoid my present position. I was afraid, moreover, that if I fled away so as to escape from it, I should disgrace both my own ruler and your lordship. And being now in the position of a soldier, I venture to tell you of my want of ability, and to undertake the office [of your charioteer], so supplying your present need." Ch'ow-foo then made the marquis descend from the chariot, and go to the spring of Hwa to fetch some water, when he was received into an attendant chariot by Ch'ing Chow-foo, Yuen Fei being the spearman on the right, and made his escape. Han Keueh presented Ch'ow-foo [as the marquis] to Keoh Heen-tsze, who, [on discovering the fraud], was about to put him to death. The prisoner cried out, "Henceforth no one will take upon himself in his room the danger to which his ruler is exposed. One such person there is here; and will you put him to death?" Keoh-tsze said, "This man did not shrink from the risk of death to secure the escape of his ruler;—if I execute him, it will be inauspicious. I will forgive him as an encouragement to those who wish to serve their ruler." Accordingly, he spared his life, and in the meantime, the marquis, after his escape, thrice entered [the army of Tsin], and thrice issued from it, looking for Ch'ow-foo. Every time he hurried on at the head of his soldiers to stimulate those who wished to retire, and then he entered among the Teih men, who presented their spears and their shields, covering him till he passed through them into the army of Wei, which allowed him to make his escape.
'The army then went through the pass of Seu, the marquis charging the commandants [of the cities] whom he saw to exert themselves to the utmost, as the army was defeated. [Some one] urged a woman to get out of the way, but she said, "Has the marquis escaped?" Being told he had, she said, "Has the commander of the vanguard escaped?" Being told again that he also had escaped, she said. "Since the marquis and my father have escaped, it does not matter so much;" and ran away. The marquis considered that she was a woman of propriety; and finding on inquiry that she was the wife of the superintendent of entrenchments, he gave him the city of Shih-Lew.
'The army of Tsin pursued that of Ts'e, entering the country by [the city of] k'ew-yu, and going on to attack Ma-hing. The marquis sent Pin Me-jin [Kwoh Tso; but why he is thus designated here has not been fully explained] to offer [the invaders] the steamer and the musical stone of jade [which Ts'e had taken] from Ke, and the territory [of Wei and Loo, which it had taken]; and if this would not satisfy them, to ascertain what they wanted. Pin Me-jin offered these bribes; but the general of Tsin refused [to grant peace for them], and required that Ts'e should deliver up the daughter of T'ung-shuh of Seaou as a hostage, and make the divisions of the fields in all the State run from east to west. The messenger replied, "The daughter of T'ung-shuh of Seaou is no other than the mother of our ruler. Our States are of equal rank, and she is not inferior to the mother of the ruler of Tsin. If you, in giving out your great commands to the States, say to them, 'You must pledge the mothers [of your rulers] with us as the proof of your good faith,' what will be the character of such a course in relation to the commands of the [former] kings? And moreover, it is to command men not to be filial. The ode (She, III. ii. ode II. 5) says:—
'For such filial piety unceasing, There will for ever be conferred blessing on you.' If you command the other princes to be unfilial, will you not be causing the fellows of your ruler to do what is not virtuous?
'The former kings, in laying out the boundaries and divisions of the land, examined the character of the ground so that the greatest benefit might be derived from it. Hence the ode (She, II. vi. ode VI. 1) says:—
'We have laid out the boundaries and smaller divisions, The south-lying and east-lying acres.' But now when you would lay out the fields of the other States, and say, 'Their divisions must all run only from east to west,' such an arrangement would be of advantage only to your warchariots. There is no regard in it to the character of the ground;—is not this to disown the commands [and example] of the former kings?
'To go against the former kings is to be unrighteous;—how can [the State which does so] be lord of covenants? Tsin is here in error. The kindly rule of the four [great] kings was seen in their establishment of virtue, and in their sympathy with and furtherance of the common wishes of all the people. The presidency of the five leaders of the States was signalized by their laborious cherishing of the States, and leading them to obey the commands of the kings. But now you seek to unite all the States for the gratification of your own limitless desires. The ode (She, IV. iii. ode IV. 4) says,
'Mildly he spread the rules of his government abroad, And all dignities became concentrated in him.' You indeed have not that mildness, and you throw away [from Tsin] those dignities; but what harm can the [other] States receive from that?
'If you do not accede [to our request for peace], my ruler commissioned me to deliver this further message:—With the armies of your ruler you came to our poor State, and with our poor levies we gave largess to your followers. Through the terror inspired by your ruler, our troops were defeated and dispersed. If you, Sir, will kindly extend your favour to the fortunes of the State of Ts'e, and not destroy our altars, but allow the old friendship between your State and ours to be continued, then we shall not grudge giving up the precious things of our former rulers and the lands [which they had taken]. If you will not grant us this, then we will collect the fragments of our forces, and ask for another battle before the walls of our capital. Should we have the good fortune (to win it), we will still obey your orders. Should we not have that fortune, we shall much more not dare but listen to your commands."
Loo and Wei strongly urged [Keoh K'ih], saying, "Ts'e is angry with us. Those who have died in battle are the marquis's relatives and favourites. If you do not grant [his request for peace], his enmity to us will be extreme. And what can you be seeking for? You have got the most precious things of his State. We have also got our territory, and are relieved from our difficulties. Your glory is great, and between Ts'e and Tsin, victory is the gift of Heaven; Tsin cannot be sure of it." On this, the general of Tsin agreed to grant peace, replying [to Pin Mei-jin], "We brought our chariots here, to make intercession for Loo and Wei. That we are now furnished with an answer which we can carry back to our ruler, is from the kindness of your ruler. We dare do nothing but listen to your commands." K'in Ch'ing then proceeded from the army to Loo to meet the duke."
Par. 4. Of Yuen-low (Kuh-Leang has ? ?, and says it was 50 le from the capital of Ts'e), the site is not exactly determined. Chang Heah says it was in the west of the pres. dis. of Lintsze, dept. Ts'ing-chow. Others find it in the dis. of Tsze-ch'uen (? *), dep. Tse-nan. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, in the 7th month the army of Tsin approached the capital of Ts'e. Kwoh Tso made a covenant at Yuen-low, by which the people of Tsin were required to return to us the lands of Wăn-yang.'
[The Chuen adds here:—'The duke [of Loo] met the army of Tsin at Shang-ming, and to each of its three commanders (Keoh K'ih, Sze seeh, and Lwan Shoo) he gave a carriage of leather, with the robes of a minister of three degrees. The marshal of the host, the superintendent of entrenchments, the master of the chariots, the master of the scouts, and the other great officers inferior to them, all received the robes of an officer of one degree.']
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'In the 8th month duke Wăn of Sung died. He was the first [duke of Sung] to whom they gave an extravagant interment, using mortar made of [burnt] frogs [for the walls of the grave], with more than the usual number of [earthen] carriages and [straw] horses. For the first time men (? images of men) were interred with the corpse. The number of articles prepared for such an occasion was augmented. The outer coffin was made with 4 pillars, and the inner one was ornamented above and on the sides. The superior man will say:—"Hwa Yuen and Yoh Keu did not act on this occasion as ministers ought to do. It is the part of ministers to control the restless movements and remove the errors of their ruler, striving to do so even at the risk of their lives. These two officers, while their ruler was alive, allowed him to take the way of error; and when he was dead, they acted as if they were increasing his extravagance. They abandoned their ruler to wickedness, having nothing about them of the proper character of ministers."
Par. 6. The marquis of Wei must have died either during, or immediately after, his return from Ts'e. Kung-yang gives his name * instead of ?. The Chuen says:—'In the 9th month, duke Muh of Wei died. The three generals of Tsin, on their way from the campaign [in Ts'e], went [to the capital of Wei] to offer their condolences, and wept outside the great gate [of the palace]. The officers of Wei met them there, and the women wept inside the gate. The same rule was observed when the generals were escorted away;—and this became the regular method of condolence when there was to be an interment [in Wei].'
[The Chuen appends here two long narratives:—1st, 'When Ts'oo punished the Head of the Hea family in Ch'in [See VII. xi. 5, and read the Chuen there and on ix. 13, x. 8] king Chwang wanted to take [his mother], Hea Ke, to his harem; but Woo-shin, duke of Shin, said to him, 'Do not do so. You called out the States to punish a criminal. If you now take Hea Ke to your harem, it will be through desire of her beauty. Such desire is lewdness, and lewdness is a great crime. One of the Books of Chow [Shoo, V. ix. 2] says, 'He illustrated virtue and carefully abstained from wickedness;'—it was thus that King Wăn made Chow [what it became]. 'He illustrated his virtue;'—that is, he did his utmost to exalt it. 'He carefully abstained from wickedness;'— that is, he did his utmost to put it away. If, having roused the States to this expedition, you go on to commit a great wickedness, that is not careful abstinence from it. Let your lordship well consider the matter." The king on this desisted from his purpose.
'Tsze-fan then wished to take her; but Wooshin said to him, "She is a woman of evil omen. She brought [her brother] Tsze-man, to an early death; proved the death of [her husband] Yushuh; occasioned the murder of the marquis Ling, the execution of [her son] Hea Nan, the expulsion of K'ung and E, and the ruin of the State of Ch'in. What more inauspicious a woman could there be? Man's life is encompassed with difficulties;—is there any one who cannot [naturally] find death? There are many beautiful women in the world;—why must you have this one?" Tsze-fan on this [likewise] gave up his purpose.
The king then gave her to the Leen-yin, Seang Laou, who died at the battle of Peih [In the 12th year of duke Seuen], though his body had not been found. His son Hih-yaou then had a connection with her; but Woo-shin sent a message to her, saying, "Return [to Ch'ing], and I will make you regularly my wife." He further brought it about that they should send from Ch'ing to call her there, on the ground that the body [of her husband, Seang Laou] could be found, and that she must come and meet it. [Hea] Ke informed the king of this message, who asked K'euh Woo [Woo-shin] about it. Woo-shin replied, 'The thing is true. The father of Che Ying [A prisoner in Ts'oo, since the battle of Peih] was a favourite with duke Ch'ing [of Tsin], and is the youngest brother of Chung-hang Pih [Seun Lin-foo]. He has recently been made assistant-commander of the army of the centre, and is very friendly with Hwang Seuh of Ch'ing. He is much attached to this son, and is sure, through Ch'ing, to offer to restore our king's son [A prisoner, since the same battle, in Tsin] and the body of Seang Laou in exchange for him. The people of Ch'ing are afraid [of Tsin] in consequence of the battle of Peih, and anxious to conciliate its favour, so that they will agree to the wishes of Che Ying's father." [On hearing this], the king sent Hea Ke back to Ch'ing, and as she was about to commence the journey, she said to those who were escorting her, "If I do not get the body [of my husband], I will not return here." [Thus she went to Ch'ing, and by and by], Woo-shin made proposals of marriage with her to the earl of Ch'ing, who accepted them.
'After the accession of king Kung [in Ts'oo] when he was arranging for the expedition to Yang-k'eaou [In the winter of this year], he sent K'euh Woo to go on a friendly mission to Ts'e, and to inform the marquis of the time of taking the field. Woo-shin took all his family along with him, and was met by Shin Shuh-kwei, who was going to Ying in the suite of his father. Shuh-kwei said to him, 'How strange! You have the anxiety of all the armies of the State on your mind, and yet you are as bright as if proceeding to an encounter among the mulberry trees. You ought to be stealing a marriage with some lady!" When Wooshin got to Ch'ing, he sent his assistant in the mission back to Ts'oo with the presents [he had received for Ts'e], and proceeded to go elsewhere with Hea Ke. He had been minded to fly to Ts'e, but as its army had sustained the recent defeat, he said, "I will not live in a State which is not victorious," and fled to Tsin, where, by means of Keoh Che, he obtained an appointment, and was made commandant of Hing. Tsze-fan requested [the king of Ts'oo to present large offerings [to Tsin], and get him dismissed from its service; but the king said, "He has gone in the way in which he had planned for himself; but in the plans which he laid for my father he was loyal. Loyalty secures the stability of the altars, and may cover a multitude of offences. If he prove of advantage to it, moreover, would Tsin listen to our request, though it were made with large offerings? If he do not prove of service, Tsin will cast him off, without our having the trouble of seeking his dismissal.'"
2d. 'When the army returned to Tsin, Fan Wăn-tsze [Sze seeh; see the Chuen on p. 3] was the last [of the generals] to enter the capital. Woo-tsze, [his father], said to him, "Have you not made me wait for you?" He replied, "The army has done good service, and the people are meeting it with joy. If I had entered first, I should have attracted to myself their eyes and ears, and received the fame which belongs to the commander-in-chief. On this account I did not dare [to enter sooner]." Woo-tsze said, "I know by this that he will keep out of danger."
'Keoh Pih had an interview with the duke, who said to him, "The victory was due to you." He replied, "It was due to your lordship's instructions, and to the efforts of all your officers. No peculiar merit belonged to me." Fan Shuh [Fan Wăn-tsze] had an interview, and the duke complimented him in the same way, when he replied, "I got my appointment through [Seun] Kăng [the commander of the 1st army. Sze seeh's was only a temporary appointment], and the dispositions were made by K'ih. No peculiar merit belonged to me." When Lwan Pih had an interview, the duke addressed him also in the same way, but he said, 'It was seeh who instructed me, and the soldiers obeyed their orders. No peculiar merit belonged to me.']
Par. 7. See on V. xxxi. 1. Tsin had insisted on Ts'e's surrendering this territory to Loo; and Loo would seem to have now taken decisive measures to secure it.
Parr. 8,9,10. The Chuen says:—'Duke Seuen had sent to ask the friendship [and aid] of Ts'oo [See the Chuen after VII. xviii. 3 and 5], but in consequence of his death and that of king Chwang, Loo and Ts'oo had not become allied. When duke Ch'ing succeeded to the State, he accepted a covenant with Tsin, and joined that State in the invasion of Ts'e. [At the same time], the people of Wei had neglected to send any mission to Ts'oo, and had also accepted a covenant with Tsin, and followed it against Ts'e. Tsze-ch'ung, the chief minister of Ts'oo, therefore, made the expedition of Yang-k'eaou for the relief of Ts'e. When he was about to raise the army for the service, he said, "Our ruler is young, and we are not equal to the great officers of a former day. We shall require a large force in order to succeed. The ode (She, III. i. ode I. 3) says,
'Numerous was the array of officers, And by them king Wăn enjoyed repose.' If even king Wăn employed a large force, much more must we do so! Moreover, our late ruler, duke Chwang, gave an order saying, "When our virtue is not sufficient to reach to distant regions, our best plan is to show kindness and compassion to our own people, and use them well.'
'On this, he instituted a grand census from house to house, remitted taxes, was kind to the old and widowed, gave help to the needy, and pardoned offenders. He then raised all the forces of the State. The king's own troops also went. P'ăng Ming drove the king's chariot, having duke King of Ts'ae on the left, and duke Ling of Heu on the right. These two princes were both young, and they were capped, notwithstanding, for the occasion.
'In winter the army of Ts'oo made an incursion into Wei, and then into our territory, where it encamped at Shuh. The duke wished to send Tsang-sun [Seuen-shuh] to it, but he declined, saying, "[The army of] Ts'oo has come far, and been long on the way. It is sure to withdraw, and I do not dare to receive the fame of effecting such a service." Ts'oo then advanced to Yang-k'eaou, and Măng-sun [Măng Heen-tsze, called also Chung-sun Meeh] begged leave to go and bribe it [to retreat]. He took with him 100 mechanics, 100 female embroiderers, and as many weavers, with [the duke's son] Kung-Hăng, as a hostage, and with them requested a covenant, when Ts'oo agreed to make peace.
'In the 11th month, the duke, with king [Muh's] son, Ying-ts'e of Ts'oo, the marquis of Ts'ae, the baron of Heu, Yueh, great officer of the right, of Ts'in, Hwa Yuen, of Sung, Kungsun Ning of Ch'in, Sun Leang-foo of Wei, the Kung-tsze K'eu-tsih of Ch'ing, and a great officer, of Ts'e, made a covenant at Shuh.'
Tso-she adds:—'The names of the ministers of the different States are not given in the text, because this was an imperfect covenant. It may be called so, because they were at this time afraid of Tsin, and made the covenant with Ts'oo by stealth. The marquis of Ts'ae and the baron of Heu are not mentioned, because they had occupied the carriage of [the viscount of] Ts'oo, and might be said to have lost their rank. The superior man will say, "His rank is what a man must be careful of! When once the rulers of Ts'ae and Heu had failed to assert their rank, they were not numbered with the princes of the States;—how much greater would be the consequence to men of inferior station! What the ode (She, III. ii. ode V. 4) says,
'Not being idle in their stations, They secure the repose of the people,' may be applied to a case like this." '
Shuh was a place belonging to Loo,—in the west of the dis. of T'ae-gan, dep. of the same name. The K'ang-he editors observe that the ?? in p. 9 before ?? is the first time that any scion of the House of Ts'oo is thus designated; that the precedence given to Ts'oo and Ts'in in p. 10 shows the power of those States; and that Tso-she is right in the reason which he assigns for the absence of Ta'ae and Heu in the enumeration.
[The Chuen gives here the two following narratives:—1st, 'When the army of Ts'oo reached Sung [on its return], Kung-Hăng [See above in the last Chuen] stole away from it, back to Loo. Tsang Seuen-shuh said "Hăng-foo, in thus shrinking from the discomfort of a few years, has had no regard to the welfare of the State of Loo. How shall the State deal with the case? Who will sustain the consequences? Hereafter, the people will have to suffer them. The State has been abandoned." During this expedition, Tsin avoided Ts'oo through fear of the multitude of its army. The superior man will say, "Numbers cannot be dispensed with. Great officers, having the authority in their hands, could overcome by numbers;—how much more must an intelligent ruler who uses his numbers well do so! What 'The great Declaration' (Shoo, III. i. Pt. ii. 6) says, about Shang's having millions of people, divided in heart and Chow's having ten men united, illustrates the value of numbers (?)" ']
2d. 'The marquis of Tsin sent Kung-soh [Sze Chwang-pih ? ? ? to Chow with the prisoners and spoils of Ts'e, but the king would not see him, and made duke Seang of Shen decline [the offerings], saying, "When any of the wild tribes, south, east, west or north, do not obey the king's commands, and by their dissoluteness and drunkenness are violating all the duties of society, the king gives command to attack them. Then when the spoils taken from them are presented, the king receives them in person, and rewards their punishers;—thus curbing the disrespectful, and encouraging the meritorious. When States, ruled by princes of the same surname with the royal House, or by princes of other surnames, are doing despite to the king's rules, he gives command to attack them. Then an announcement is made of the service performed, but no trophies of it are presented:—[the king] in this way showing his respect for his relatives and friends, and preventing rude license [in the punishment]. Now my uncle [of Tsin], having obtained a victory over Ts'e, yet has not sent any of his ministers commissioned by me to guard and comfort the royal House. The messenger whom he has sent to comfort me, the One man, is this Kung-pih, whose office gives him no introduction to the royal House, which is contrary to the rules of the former kings. Though I wish to receive Kung-pih, yet I do not dare to disgrace my uncle by setting at naught the old statutes. And Ts'e is a State ruled by princes of another surname, descendants of the grand-tutor [of king Wăn]. Granting that its ruler rudely indulged his own desires so as to excite the anger of my uncle, would it not have been sufficient to remonstrate with him, and instruct him?"
'To this speech Sze Chwang-pih could make no reply, and the king entrusted the entertaining of him to his three [principal] ministers. They treated him with the ceremonies due to the great officer of a president of the States, announcing his ruler's conquest of his enemies,—a degree lower than the ceremonies proper to a high minister. The king also gave him an entertainment, and presented him privately with gifts, making the director of the ceremonies say to him, "This is contrary to rule. Do not make a record of it.'"]
III. Third year.
1 In his third year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke joined the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, and the earl of Ts'aou, in invading Ch'ing.
2 On Sin-hae there was the burial of duke Muh of Wei.
3 In the second month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Ch'ing.
4 On Keah-tsze the new temple took fire, when we wailed for it three days.
5 On Yih-hae there was the burial of duke Wăn of Sung.
6 In Summer, the duke went to Tsin.
7 K'eu-tsih, duke [Muh's] son, of Ch'ing led an army, and invaded Heu.
8 The duke arrived from Tsin.
9 In autumn, Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo led an army, and laid siege to Keih.
10 There was a grand sacrifice for rain.
11 Keoh K'ih of Tsin, and Sun Leang-foo of Wei, invaded the Tseang-kaou-joo.
12 In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis of Tsin sent Seun Kăng to Loo on a friendly mission; and the marquis of Wei sent Sun Leang-foo on the same.
13 On Ping-woo we made a covenant with Seun Kăng, and on Ting-we we made one with Sun Leang-foo.
14 Ch'ing invaded Heu.
Par. 1. This par. shows how the weaker States oscillated between the two great ones of Tsin and Ts'oo, making covenants with them, and immediately after breaking them, according as the pressure came from them. Loo, Sung, Wei, and Ts'aou had all been parties with Ch'ing to the covenant at Shuh, in which the presidency of Ts'oo was acknowledged, only two months before this; yet here they are, at the summons of Tsin, banded together with it, and invading Ch'ing. The Chuen says:—In the 3d year, in spring, the States [mentioned] invaded Ch'ing, when their armies halted at Pih-new; the object being to avenge the battle of Peih [? Sufficient reasons for the attack of Ch'ing may be found without going back so far as that battle]. A detachment then proceeded eastwards into the country, which was met by duke [Muh's] son, Yen, who defeated it at k'ew-yu, having previously placed an ambuscade at Man in the eastern borders. Hwang Seuh proceeded to Ts'oo with the trophies of this victory.'
As the last earl of Ts'aou and the marquis of Wei were both unburied, their successors should not be mentioned here by their titles, but simply as ? ? and ? ?, according to the analogy of ? ? in V. ix. 2. Why this 'violation of rule,' as Too calls it, is committed here, we cannot tell. The failure of the enterprise is also kept back.
Par. 2. Kung-yang has ? for ?. The interment took place a month behind the proper time. The delay was probably occasioned by the expedition against Ch'ing.
Par. 4. By ? ?, 'the new temple,' we are to understand the temple or shrine-house of duke Seuen. So Kung-yang says expressly— ????, and Kuh-Leang has, to the same effect,— ? ?. The three years of mourning for him had been completed, and his Spirit-tablet had been solemnly and regularly inducted into the shrine-house proper to it [See on IV. ii. 2], when thus, shortly after, it took fire. It was according to rule for duke Ch'ing and his ministers to wail 3 days on such an occurrence.
Par. 5. The extravagant interment given to duke Wăn is described on p. 5 of last year. Perhaps it was in the same spirit that the funeral was delayed, as if he had been emperor, till the 7th month after his death.
Par. 6. Tso-she says that the duke now went to Tsin to make his acknowledgments for the lands of Wăn-yang, which Tsin had compelled Ts'e to restore to Loo.
Par. 7. K'eu-tsih was the name of Tszeleeang (??), a son of duke Muh of Ch'ing, who appears, very creditably to himself, in the Chuen on VII.iv.3. Tso says that he now invaded Heu, because that State, relying on the protection of Ts'oo, would not serve Ch'ing. It will be remembered how the earl of Ch'ing extinguished, or nearly so, the State of Heu in the 11th year of duke Yin. The young prince of Heu recovered his patrimony in the 15th year of duke Hwan; after which the text records sundry invasions of Heu by Ch'ing, till the 6th year of duke He, when Ts'oo laid siege to its capital, and Ch'ing was obliged to cease from troubling Heu in deference to that stronger power. For some reason or other, Ch'ing now thought fit to revive its ancient claims.
Par. 8. [The Chuen introduces here the following narrative, a sequel partly to the first introduced after par. 5 of last year:—'The people of Tsin restored the Kung-tsze Kuh-shin and the body of the Leen-yin, Seang Laou, asking that Che Ying might be sent to Tsin in exchange for them. At this time Seun Show, [Che Ying's father], was assistant-commander of [Tsin's] army of the centre, and on that account Ts'oo agreed to the exchange. When the king was sending Che Ying away, he said to him, "Do you feel resentment against me?" Ying replied, "Our two States were trying the appeal to battle, when I, through my want of ability, proved unequal to the duties of my position, became a prisoner, and, lost my left ear. That your servants did not take my blood to smear their drums with [See Mencius, I. Pt. I. vii.4], and that you now send me back to Tsin to be punished there, is your kindness. I have to blame only my own want of ability; —against whom should I feel resentment?" "Then," continued the king, "do you feel grateful to me?" "Our two States," was the reply, "consulting for the [security of] their altars, and seeking to relieve the toils of their people, are curbing their anger, and exercising a mutual forgiveness. Each is giving up its prisoner, to establish the good understanding between them. The good of the two States is what is contemplated; there is no special reference to my [good]:—to whom should I presume to be grateful?" The king went on to ask, "When you return to Tsin, how will you repay me?" Ying replied, "I have nothing for which to feel resentment, and your lordship has nothing for which to demand gratitude. Where there is no resentment and no gratitude, I do not know what is to be repaid." "Yes," urged the king, "but you must give me an answer." Ying then said, "If, through your lordship, I, your prisoner, get back with my bones, to Tsin, should my ruler there order me to execution, in death I will remember your kindness. If by your kindness I escape that fate, and am delivered to [my father] Show, who is not a minister of Ts'oo, then should he request permission from our ruler, and execute me in our ancestral temple, I will still in death remember your kindness. If he should not obtain permission to inflict such a doom, but I be appointed to the office hereditary in my family; and should troubles then arise, and I be leading a troop to look after the borders of Tsin, and meet with your officers, I will not presume to avoid them. I will do my utmost, even to death, and with an undivided heart discharge my duty as a servant [of Tsin]:—it is thus I will repay you." The king said, "Tsin is not to be contended with." He then treated Ying with exceeding courtesy, and sent him back to Tsin.']
Par. 9. Tso observes that when Loo took or received from Ts'e the lands of Wăn-yang, the city of Keih refused its submission, and in consequence Shuh-sun K'eaou-joo now laid siege to it, and, we must suppose, took it. According to this, Keih was in the territory of Wăn-yang. It is referred to the pres. dis. of Fei-shing, dep. T'ae-gan.
Par. 10. See on II. v. 7.
Par. 11. The tribe of Tseang-kaou-joo is mentioned in the last Chuen on V. xxiii., where we also learn that the surname of the chief was ?. Kung-yang gives the name with a ? instead of ?, and Kuh-Leang with a ?. Tsoshe says that the reason for the expedition was that the Tseang-kaou-joo were a remnant of the Red Teih. He adds, 'When it is said, "The Tseang Kaou-joo dispersed," we are to understand that the chief had lost his hold on the people.'
Par. 12, 13. The Chuen says:—'In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis of Tsin sent Seun Kăng to Loo on a friendly mission, and to renew the covenant [between Loo and Tsin] [That made at Ch'ih-keih, in Ch'ing's 1st year]. The marquis of Wei [also] sent Sun Leang-foo on a similar mission, and to renew the covenant between Loo and Wei [That in the 7th year of duke Seuen]. The duke consulted Tsang Seuenshuh saying, "The station of Chung-hang Pih (Seun Kăng) in Tsin is that of a minister of the 3d degree, while Sun-tsze is in Wei its minister of the 1st degree. With which shall I covenant first?" Seuen-shuh replied, "A minister of the 1st degree in a second-rate State corresponds to one of the 2d degree in a great State; its 2d degree corresponds to the great State's 3d; and its 3d degree to the great State's great officers of the highest class. In a small State, the minister of the 1st degree corresponds to a great State's of the lowest; the 2d degree to the great State's highest class of great officers, and the 3d degree to the second class. These are the relations of high and low [as concerns ministers and great officers], fixed by ancient rule. Now Wei, as compared with Tsin, cannot be regarded as a State of the 2d degree; and Tsin is lord of covenants:—give the precedence to it." [Accordingly], on Ping-woo a covenant was made with Tsin, and on Ting-we, with Wei;—which was right.'
Par. 14. [We have here three narratives appended in the Chuen:—1st. 'In the 12th month, on keah-seuh, Tsin constituted six armies [See the Chuen at the end of V. xxviii.]. Han Keueh, Chaou Kwoh, Kung Soh, Han Ch'uen, Seun Chuy, and Chaou Chen, were all made high ministers,—in reward for their services at Gan.' 2d. 'The marquis of Ts'e paid a court-visit to Tsin. When he was about to deliver his symbol of jade, Keoh K'ih ran forward and said, "This visit is on account of the laughter of your lordship's women, and the disgrace thereby inflicted [on me] [See the Chuen on VII.xvii.5]; our ruler dare not accept this ceremony." When the marquis of Tsin was feasting him of Ts'e, the latter looked [stedfastly] at Han Keueh, who said, "Does your lordship know me?" "Your clothes are different," was the reply [See the account of the battle of Gan, p.3 of last year]. Han Keueh ascended the steps with a cup of spirits, and said, 'I did not presume not to risk my life, in order that your lordships might meet in this hall.'"
3d. 'When Seun Ying was [a prisoner] in Ts'oo, a merchant of Ch'ing formed a plan to convey him out of it in a bag of clothes. The plan was not carried out; but when Ts'oo had restored Ying, the merchant went to Tsin, where Ying treated him as well as if he had really delivered him. The merchant said, "I did not do the service, and dare I receive this treatment as if I had done it? I am but a small man, and must not for my own advantage impose on a superior man." He then went to Ts'e.']
IV. Fourth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, the duke of Sung sent Hwa Yuen to Loo on a friendly mission.
2 In the third month, on Jin-shin, Keen, earl of Ch'ing, died.
3 The earl of Ke paid a court-visit to Loo.
4 In summer, in the fourth month, on keah-yin, Tsang-sun Heu died.
5 The duke went to Tsin.
6 There was the burial of duke Seang of Ch'ing.
7 In autumn, the duke arrived from Tsin.
8 In winter, we walled Yun.
9 The earl of Ch'ing invaded Heu.
Par. 1. Before this time, in all the period of the Ch'un Ts'ew, Sung had sent no friendly mission of inquiry to Loo. It had sent no response even to the mission of the Kung-tsze Suy in Wăn's 11th year. There was probably some reason for Hwa Yuen's visit more than what Tso-she assigns,—that it was to open communication with Loo on the part of the new duke of Sung (???).
Par. 2. On Too Yu's scheme of the calendar, Jin-shin was the 28th day of the 2d month.
Par. 3. This earl of Ke was married to a daughter of Loo, of whose return to her native State, divorced, we read in the 1st par. of next year. Tso says the visit he now paid to the court of Loo was in preparation for that event; —to explain, that is, the reasons which made it advisable. On the ?, see on VI. xii. 2.
Par. 4. Heu had been an important officer of Loo. He was succeeded by his son, Heih (?), known as Tsang-sun Woo-chung (? ?).
Parr. 5,7. The Chuen says;—'When the marquis of Tsin saw the duke, he did not behave to him with respect. Ke Wăn-tsze [Kesun Hăng-foo] said, "The marquis of Tsin is sure not to escape [a violent death]. The ode (She, IV.i. [iii.] III.) says,
'Let me be reverent, let me be reverent. Heaven's method is clear;— Its appointment is not easily preserved.' The appointment of the marquis of Tsin depends on the States; ought he not to treat them with respect?" In autumn, when the duke came [back] from Tsin, he wished to seek for a friendly understanding with Ts'oo, and to revolt from Tsin; but Ke Wăn-tsze said to him, 'You should not do so. Though Tsin has behaved unreasonably, we should not revolt from it. The State is large; its ministers are harmonious; and it is near to us. The [other] States receive its orders. We may not yet cherish disaffection to it. The work of the historiographer Yih says, 'If he be not of our kin, he is sure to have a different mind.' Although Ts'oo be great, its ruler is not akin to us;—will he be willing to love us?" On this, the duke desisted from his purpose.'
Par. 6. There were troubles, probably, in Ch'ing, which occasioned this hasty interment of duke Seang.
Par. 8. ?—Kung-yang has ? Too thinks that the duke walled Yun, as a precautionary measure against Tsin, having it in mind to revolt from it. If this be a correct guess, then the Yun here must have been on the west of Loo, and a different place from the Yun in VI.xii. 8, which was fortified against any attempts of Keu from the east. But acc. to Too, on XI.x.4 there was a Yun in the district of Wăn-yang; and I agree with the K'anghe editors in approving the view of Tae K'e (??; Sung dyn., towards the end of the 12th cent.) that this was the city in the text, and that Loo now fortified it, simply to strengthen itself, without reference to Tsin. The Chuen on p. 7 says that the duke had desisted from his purpose to brave that power.
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'In winter, in the 4th month, Kung-sun Shin of Ch'ing led a force, and endeavoured to lay out the boundaries of the fields of Heu, [which Ch'ing had taken in its recent inroads]. The people of Heu defeated him at Chen-p'e, when the earl of Ch'ing invaded that State [himself], and took the lands of Tseu-jin and Ling-tun. Lwan-shoo of Tsin, in command of the army of the centre, with Seun Show, as assistant-commander, and Sze seeh, assistant-commander of the 1st army, in order to relieve Heu, made an invasion of Ch'ing, and took Fan-chae. Tsze-fan of Ts'oo then came to the relief of Ch'ing; and the earl of Ch'ing and the baron of Heu sued each other [before him], Hwang Seuh pleading the case of the earl. Tsze-fan could not determine the matter in dispute, and said, "If you two princes will go before my ruler, then he and some of his ministers will hear together what you want to prove, and the merits of your case can be known. If you will not do so, then I (Tsze-fan's name was ?) do not feel myself able to ascertain the merits of it." '
The critics dwell on the incongruousness of the earl of Ch'ing's being so styled, and of his engaging himself in the invasion of Heu, before the year in which his father died was expired.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In winter, Chaou Ying [A younger, or the youngest, brother of Chaou Tun, the great minister of Tsin in duke Wăn's time] had an intrigue with Chaou Chwang-ke (Chwang-ke was the wife of Chaou Soh, or Chaou Chwang-tsze, the son of Chaou Tun).']
V. Fifth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the third daughter [of duke Wăn, who had been married to the earl] of Ke, came back to Loo.
2 Chung-sun Meeh went to Sung.
3 In summer, Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo had a meeting with Seun Show of Tsin in Kuh.
4 [A part of] mount Leang fell down.
5 In autumn, there were great floods.
6 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Ke-yew, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
7 In the twelfth month, on Ke-ch'ow, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the earl of Ts'aou, the viscount of Choo, and the earl of Ke, when they made a covenant together in Ch'nng-laou.
Par. 1. See on the 3d par. of last year. Comp. also VII.xvi.3. where we have a similar record concerning another daughter of Loo. The ? ? in the text could not be a daughter of duke Ch'ing who was now only about 21 years old. Nor is it likely she was a daughter of duke Seuen, for his eldest daughter's marriage appears 4 years after this The remarks of Hoo Gankwoh on this passage are, perhaps, worth translating:—'The Ch'un Ts'ew is careful in recording the marriages and divorces of the daughters of Loo, because the relation of husband and wife is the greatest bond of society. When a son is born, the parents wish to get him a wife, and for a daughter they wish to get a husband. This is characteristic of all parents; and if they cannot select a proper wife and a proper husband, then the lot of husband and wife is bitter, and occasion is given to lewdness and evil. The royal laws attach great importance to this matter; it lies at the root of the human relations; and the Classic is careful in recording it, as a warning to future ages.'
[The Chuen continues the brief narrative at the end of last year:—'This spring, [Ying's brothers], he of Yuen (Chaou T'ung), and he of Ping (Chaou Kwoh), banished him to Ts'e. He said to them, "While I am here, I can prevent the House of Lwan from rising [against us]; if I be gone, you, my brothers, will have to be sorry [for your step]. Every body has what he can do, and what he cannot do. What harm will your letting me alone do?" His brothers would not listen to him.
'Ying dreamt that Heaven sent [a Spirit] to say to him, "Sacrifice to me, and I will bless you." He sent and asked Sze Ching-pih [Sze Uh-chuh] about the dream, who said he did not know its meaning. Afterwards, however, he [Probably Ching-pih] told it to one of his followers, who said, "Spirits bless the virtuous, and send calamity on the lewd. When one guilty of lewdness escapes without punishment, he is blessed. Is his banishment to be a consequence of the sacrifice?" The day after he sacrificed [to that Spirit], he went into exile.']
Par. 3.'This visit to Sung,' says Tso-she, 'was the return for Hwa Yuen's visit to Loo,' in the spring of last year. It will be remembered that Chung-sun Meeh is often mentioned as Mang Heen-tsze.
Par. 4. Kuh,—see III. vii. 4. It was in Ts'e. Tso-she says that Seun Show (Kung has ? instead of ?) had gone to Ts'e to meet the bride [Probably for his ruler], and therefore Seuen-pih (k'eaou-joo) [met him at Kuh] with a supply of provisions for his journey.'
Par. 5. Mount Leang was in Tsin,—90 le to the north-east of the pres. dis. city of Han-shing, dep. Se-gan, Shen-se;—see on the Shoo, III.i. Pt.i.4. The Chuen says:—'When a part of mount Leang fell, the marquis of Tsin sent couriers to call Pih-tsung to him. Pih-tsung met a waggon, which he told to get out of the way to make room for his fast carriage. The waggoner said, "You will make more speed by taking a short road than by waiting for me." Pih-tsung asked him what place he was of, and he replied, "Of Keang." He then asked what was taking place there. "Mount Leang has fallen," said the man, "and [the marquis] is calling Pih-tsung to consult about what is to be done." "And what do you think should be done?" pursued the officer. "When a mountain becomes disintegrated, it falls down; what can be done?" was the reply. "However, [each] State presides over [the sacrifices to] the hills and rivers in it; therefore when a mountain falls or a river becomes dry, the ruler in consequence does not have his table fully spread, does not appear in full dress, rides in a carriage without any ornament, hushes all his music, lodges outside the city, makes the priest prepare offerings, and the historiographer write a confession of his faults, and then does sacrifice [to the hills and rivers]. This is what the ruler has to do; what else can he do, even with the advice of Pih-tsung?" Pih-tsung wished to introduce the man at court, but he refused. However, he told what he had heard from him, and gave counsel accordingly.'
[The Chuen gives here two narratives:—1st. 'Duke Ling of Heu accused the earl of Ch'ing in Ts'oo [See the Chuen on p. 9 of last year]; and in the 6th month, duke Taou of Ch'ing went to Ts'oo to reply. He did not succeed, however, and the people of Ts'oo seized and held Hwang Seuh, and [duke Muh's son], Tsze-kwoh. On this account, when the earl of Ch'ing returned, he sent the Kung-tsze Yen to ask for peace with Tsin. In autumn, in the 8th month, the earl of Ch'ing and Chaou Kwoh of Tsin made a covenant at Ch'uy-keih.' 2d, 'Wei-kwei, duke [Wăn's] son, of Sung, returned from being a hostage in Ts'oo. Hwa Yuen made a feast for him, when he asked [duke Kung] that he might leave his palace amid drums and clamour, and return to it in the same style, saying, "I will practise how to attack the Hwa family." On this the duke of Sung put him to death.']
Par. 6. This was king Ting (??). Somehow this par. has got transposed in the Chuen, and follows the next. No remark is made on it which is contrary to Tso-she's practice, and has set Too Yu conjecturing that the par. is an interpolation.
Par. 7. Ch'ung-laou was in Ch'ing,—3 le north from the present dis. city of Fung-k'ew (??), dep. K'ae-fung. The Chuen says: —'In winter, the States [mentioned] made a covenant together at Ch'ung-laou;—on occasion of the submission [to Tsin] of Ch'ing. They were consulting about another meeting, when the duke of Sung made Heang Wei-jin decline on his part, on account of the difficulties about Tsze-ling [The Wei-kwei in the 2d narrative after par. 5].'
On ? see III.xvi.4. It here much perplexes the critics. The famous Ch'ing E interprets it of the parties thus meeting with one accord, neglectful of the duties incumbent on them upon the king's death!
VI. Sixth year.
1 In his sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke arrived from the meeting [at Ch'ung-laou].
2 In the second month, on Sin-sze, we set up a temple to [duke] Woo.
3 We took Chuen.
4 Sun Leang-foo of Wei led a force, and made an incursion into Sung.
5 In summer, in the sixth month, the viscount of Choo came to Loo on a court-visit.
6 Kung-sun Ying-ts'e went to Tsin.
7 On Jin-shin, Pe, earl of Ch'ing, died.
8 In autumn, Chung-sun Meeh and Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo led a force, and made an incursion into Sung.
9 The Kung-tsze Ying-ts'e of Ts'oo led a force, and invaded Ch'ing.
10 In winter, Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Tsin.
11 Lwan Shoo of Tsin led a force and relieved Ch'ing.
Par. 1. [The Chuen introduces here:—'This spring, the earl of Ch'ing went to Tsin to pay his acknowledgments for the peace [to which Tsin had admitted him], Tsze-yew [The Kungtsze Yen in the 1st Chuen after p. 5 of last year] attending him. He delivered his mace of jade on the east of the eastern pillar [of the hall], on which Sze Ching-peh (Sze Uh-chuh) said, "The death of the earl of Ch'ing cannot be far off." He quite forgets himself. His eyes roll about, he walks rapidly, and does not rest in his place. We may well conclude that he will not live long.']
Par. 2. Tso-she appears to take ? ? as meaning 'a palace of victory,' or 'a temple of war.' The Chuen is:—'In the 2d month, Ke Wăn-tsze, on account of the victory at Gan, set up a temple of War;—which was contrary to rule. [A State] dependent on others to save it in its distress cannot establish a character for prowess. The establishment of that must proceed from itself, and not from others.' Too compares this with the proposal, which the viscount of Ts'oo rejected, after the battle of Peih, that he should rear a monument of his triumph. It is better, with most of the critics, to take ? in the sense of ??, 'duke Woo,' an earlier marquis of Loo, from 825 to 815, B. C., who had been distinguished for his military successes. They were flushed, no doubt, at this time, in Loo with the victory at Gan, and in the spirit of military enterprise, they resolved to add to the ancestral temple a shrine to this duke Woo, replacing in it his Spirit-tablet that had long been removed, thereafter to continue undisturbed. This temple or shrine-house became Loo's ???.
Par. 3. Chuen was a small State, attached to Loo, referred by some to the north-east of the pres. dis. of T'an-shing (? ?), dep. Echow (??). Loo now extinguished its sacrifices, and incorporated it with itself. Tsoshe thinks the brief record in the text intimates the ease with which the thing was accomplished.
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'In the 3d month, Pih-tsung and Hea-yang Yueh of Tsin, Sun Leang-foo and Ning Seang of Wei, an officer of Ch'ing, the Jung of E and Loh [See the Chuen after V.xi.2], those of Loh-hwăn [See the Chuen after V.xxii.2] and the Man-she, made an incursion into Sung,—because [the duke] had declined to attend the meeting [proposed at Ch'ung-laou]. When their army was at K'een, the people of Wei were not maintaining any guard, and Yueh wished to make a dash upon its capital], saying. "Although we may not be able to enter it, yet we shall bring back many prisoners, and our offence will not be deemed a mortal one." Pih-tsung, however, said, "No. Wei is trusting Tsin; and therefore, though our army is in the outskirts of the city, it has made no preparations against an attack. If we make a dash upon it, we abandon our good faith. Though we should take many prisoners, yet having lost our faith, how could Tsin seek the leading of the States?" Yueh then gave up his purpose. When the army returned, the people of Wei manned their parapets.'
Since the nature of the attack on Sung was as here described in the Chuen, it is not easy to understand why the text should simply attribute it to Wei. Nor can we account for the sudden purpose of Yueh of Tsin to attack Wei.
[The Chuen gives here the following narrative about Tsin:—'The people of Tsin were consulting about leaving [their capital at] old Keang; and the great officers all said, "We must occupy the site of the [former] Seunhea. The soil is rich and fruitful, and it is near the salt marsh. There is profit in it for the people, and enjoyment for the ruler. Such a site is not to be lost." [At this time] Han Heen-tsze [Han Keueh] commanded the new army of the centre, and was also high chamberlain. The marquis bowed to him to follow him, which he did to the court before the State chamber; and as they stood there, the marquis asked his opinion on the subject. Heentsze replied, "At Seun-hea the soil is thin and the water shallow. The evil airs about it are easily developed. This will make the people miserable. In their misery they will become feeble and distressed; and then we shall have swollen legs, and all the diseases generated by damp. The site there is not like that of Sin-teen, where the soil is good and the water deep. It may be occupied without fear of disease. There are the Fun and the Kwei to carry away the evil airs; and the people, moreover, are docile. It offers advantages for ten generations. Mountains, marshes, forests, and salt-grounds are indeed most precious to a State; but when the country is rich and fruitful, the people grow proud and lazy. Where a capital is near such precious places, the ruling House becomes poor;—such a site cannot be called enjoyable." The marquis was pleased, and followed the suggestion. In summer, in the 4th month, on Ting-ch'ow, Tsin removed its capital to Sin-t'een.']
Parr. 6, 8. Kung-sun Ying-ts'e was the son of Shuh-heih, whose death is mentioned in VII. xvii.8. He was the grandson (??) of duke Wăn. He is known as Tsze-shuh Shing-pih (? ? ? ?). The Chuen says:—'Tszeshuh Shing-pih went to Tsin, and got orders [for Loo] to invade Sung. In autumn, Măng Heen-tsze and Shuh-sun Seuen-pih made an incursion into Sung, according to the orders of Tsin.'
Par. 7. Too observes that in this death of the earl of Ch'ing—duke Taou—we have the fulfilment of Sze Ching-pih's words in the Chuen after par. 1.
Par. 9. Tso-she says, 'Tsze-ch'ung of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing, because Ch'ing was [now] following the party of Tsin.'
Par. 10. Tso says the object of this visit was to congratulate Tsin on the transference of its capital. Chaou P'ăng-fei, however, thinks it was to tell Tsin of the submission of Sung, as in p. 5 of next year we find that State again confederate with Tsin against Ts'oo.
Par. 11. Kung-yang has ? instead of ?; —evidently an error. The Chuen says:—Lwan Shoo of Tsin [marched] to relieve Ch'ing, and at Jaou-koh, met with the army of Ts'oo which retired from the State. The army of Tsin then proceeded to make an incursion into Ts'ae, to the relief of which came the Kung-tszes, Shin and Shing, with the forces of Shin and Seih, which took up their position at Sang-suy. Chaou T'ung and Chaou Kwoh wished to risk a battle, and begged Woo-tsze [Lwan Shoo] to do so. He was about to accede to their request, when Che Chwang-tsze [Seun Show], Fan Wăn-tsze [Sze seeh], and Han Heen-tsze [Han Keueh] remonstrated, saying, "Do not. We came to relieve Ch'ing, and when the army of Ts'oo moved away from us, we came on here. Thus we have transferred the scene of our attack; and if we go on to attack the army of Ts'oo, shall enrage it, and be sure to lose any battle. Even should we conquer, it will not be well. We came out with all our hosts; and should we defeat the forces of two districts of Ts'oo, what glory will there be in the achievement? But should we not be able to do so, the disgrace will be extreme. Our best plan is to return." Upon this, the army returned to Tsin. At this time nearly all the leaders of the army wished to fight, and some one said to Lwan Woo-tsze, "The sages found the way to success in the agreement of their wishes and those of the multitude. Why not [now] follow the multitude? You are commanderin-chief, and should decide according to the views of the people. Of your eleven assistant commanders there are only three who do not wish to fight; —those who wish to fight may be pronounced a great majority. One of the Books of the Shangshoo (Shoo, V.iv.24) says, 'When three men obtain and interpret the indications and symbols, two [consenting] are to be followed;'—the two being the majority." Woo-tsze said, "[To follow] the best is as good as to follow the multitude. The best are the lords of the multitude. Such are the three high ministers [who advise against fighting];—they may be called a majority. Am I not doing also what is proper in following them?"
VII. Seventh year.
1 In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, in the king's first month, some field mice ate the horns of the bull for the border sacrifice. It was changed, and another divined for; but the mice again ate its horns, on which the bull was let go.
2 Woo invaded T'an.
3 In summer, in the fifth month, the earl of Ts'aou came to Loo on a court-visit.
4 There was no border sacrifice, but still we offered the sacrifices to the three objects of Survey.
5 In autumn, the Kung-tsze Ying-ts'e of Ts'oo led a force and invaded Ch'ing. The duke joined the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, the viscount of Keu, the viscount of Choo, and the earl of Ke, in relieving Ch'ing; and in the 8th month, on Maou-shin [these princes] made a covenant together in Ma-ling.
6 The duke arrived from the [above] meeting.
7 Woo entered Chow-lae.
8 In winter, there was a great sacrifice for rain.
9 Sun Lin-foo of Wei fled from that State to Tsin.
Parr. 1, 4. Coupling these two paragraphs together, as it would seem we ought to do, we must conclude that the border sacrifice referred to was not that at the winter solstice, but that in the spring, as in V.xxxi.3, and that the bulls whose horns were injured were those which were being fed for that somewhat distant ceremony. Many critics contend that the sacrifice was that of the solstice;—see the ???, ??,???. But par. 4 is fatal to that view.
The he is described as the smallest of all mice. The wound of its bite is said to be poisonous, and I have heard the same affirmed in Scotland of the bite of the harvest mouse. At the same time, the pain may not be felt immediately, and hence it is called 'the mouse of the pleasant mouth (???).' Lew Heang and a host of critics dwell upon the event as a mysterious figuring of the state of things in Loo, where the ruling family was coming more and more into contempt, and mean men were usurping the power of the State. Chaou P'ăng-fei speaks the views of others, saying that the thing was from Heaven thus intimating its dissatisfaction with Loo's usurpation of the border sacrifice. Some more sensibly see in the narrative only the record of a remarkable fact,—though we must believe that it was superstition which prompted the undue regard which was paid to such occurrences.
On ???, see on V.xxxi.5. The offering of these sacrifices in the 5th month was an irregularity, which might be recorded and so animadverted on.
Par. 2. This is the first mention of Woo in the text, and in the Chuen it is only once before mentioned,—on VII.viii.7. Its lords were viscounts, descended from T'ae-pih, the celebrated, self-denying, son of king T'ae, of whose virtue Confucius speaks in the Analects, VIII.i. The 1st capital of the State was called Mei-le (??), in the pres. dis. of Woo-seih (? ?), dep. Chang-chow (??), Keang-soo. Afterwards, at a time subsequent to the present, the capital was removed to a place in the pres. dep. of Soo-chow. It will be seen immediately that at this time the States of the north still regarded Woo as wild and uncivilized. The simple ? of the text is supposed to be expressive of contempt; but there is no real ground for such a view. T'an,—see VII.iv.1.
The Chuen says:—'Woo invaded T'an, and T'an submitted to the terms of peace [which it imposed]. Ke Wăn-tsze said, "The Middle States do not array their multitudes, and the wild tribes of the south and east enter and attack them, while there is none to pity the sufferers. [T'an] has no comforter.' It is of such a case that the ode (She, II.iv. ode VII.6) speaks,
'O unpitying great Heaven, There is no end to the disorders.' When the highest State offers no condolence, what one is not liable to similar injury? We shall perish, and that soon." The superior man will say, "That he knew to be thus apprehensive was a proof that he would not perish."
[The Chuen here adds:—'Tsze-Leang of Ch'ing attended duke Ch'ing of Ch'ing on a visit to Tsin, that he might, [on his accession to the State], be introduced [to the marquis], and to give thanks for the army [of relief, of the past year.']
Par. 3. Tso-she observes that this was duke Seuen.
Par. 5. Ma-ling was in Wei,—50 le to the south-east of the pres. dept. city of Ta-ming. The Chuen says:—'This autumn, Tsze-ch'ung of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing, and encamped with his army at Fan, when the States came to relieve it. Kung Chung, and How Yu of Ch'ing assaulted the army of Ts'oo, and took prisoner Chung-e, duke of Yun, whom they presented to Tsin. 'In the 8th month, the [assembled] States made a covenant together at Ma-ling, renewing the covenant at Ch'ung-laou [In the 5th year], and recognizing the submission of Keu [to Tsin]. The people of Tsin took Chung-e back with them, and kept him a prisoner in the arsenal.'
Par. 7. Chow-lae was a city belonging to Ts'oo,—30 le north of the pres. city of Show Chow (??), dep. Fung-yang, Gan-hwuy. Immediately on its appearance on the scene of the Ch'un Ts'ew, Woo becomes the antagonist of Ts'oo, and the balance of power among the States is sensibly affected. The Chuen says:— 'After the siege of [the capital of] Sung by Ts'oo [in the 14th year of duke Seuen], when the army returned, Tsze-ch'ung requested that he might receive certain lands of Shin and Leu as his reward, to which the king consented. Wooshin, duke of Shin, however, represented the impropriety of the grant, saying, "It is these lands which make Shin and Leu the States they are. From them they derive the levies with which they withstand the States of the North. Take them away, and there will be no Shin and Leu. Tsin and Ch'ing are sure to come as far as the Han." On this the king gave up all thought of the partition, but the resentment of Tsze-ch'ung against Woo-shin was excited.
'When Tsze-fan wished to take Hea Ke to his harem, Woo-shin interfered to prevent him, through he afterwards married her himself, and left Ts'oo [See the Chuen after p. 6 of the 2d year]. In consequence of this, Tsze-fan also resented Woo-shin's conduct; and when king Kung succeeded to his father, these two ministers put to death Tsze-yen, Tsze-tang, and Fuh-ke, commandant of Ts'ing, the kinsfolk of Woo-shin, destroying also their families. They put to death in the same way Hih-yaou, the son of Seanglaou, and then divided the property of their victims among themselves [and their friends]. Tsze-ch'ung took the property of Tsze-yen, and made the commandant of Shin and the king's son P'e divide that of Tsze-tang, while Tsze-fan took all that had belonged to Hih-yaou and the commandant of Ts'ing. Woo-shin then sent them a letter from Tsin, saying, "You have served your ruler with slanderous malice and covetous greed, and have put to death many innocent persons. I will cause you to be weary with running about on service till you die."
'After this, Woo-shin obtained leave from the marquis of Tsin to go on a mission to Woo, the viscount of which, Show-mung, was pleased with him. In this way he opened a communication between Woo and Tsin. He went to Woo with a hundred choice chariotmen, and he left a fourth of them [This passage is obscure] with some archers and charioteers, who taught the men of Woo how to ride in chariots, and how to form the order of battle, leading them on to revolt from Ts'oo. He [also] left his son, Hooyung, to be minister of Woo in its communications with other States. Woo then began to attack Ts'oo, invading Ch'aou and Seu, to the relief of which Tsze-ch'ung was obliged to hurry. After the meeting at Ma-ling, when Woo entered Chow-lae, Tsze-ch'ung hurried there from Ch'ing. Thus it was that he and Tsze-fan in one year flew about on seven different commissions. The tribes of the south and east which belonged to Ts'oo were all taken by Woo, which now began to have much communication with the superior States [of the north].'
Par. 8. See on II.v.7, et al.
Par. 9. This Sun Lin-foo was the son of Sun Leang-foo, the chief minister of Wei. The city held by the family as Ts'eih, which Lin-foo would appear to hay surrendered to Tsin. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ting of Wei hated Sun Lin-foo, who left the State this winter, and fled to Tsin. The marquis went to Tsin, which restored Ts'eih to Wei.' We shall find hereafter this Lin-foo a great trouble to Wei.
VIII. Eighth year.
1 In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, the marquis of Tsin sent Han Ch'uen to Loo, to speak about the lands of Wăn-yang, which were [in consequence] restored to Ts'e.
2 Lwan Shoo of Tsin led a force, and made an incursion into Ts'ae.
3 Kung-sun Ying-ts'e went to Keu.
4 The duke of Sung sent Hwa Yuen to Loo on a friendly mission.
5 In summer, the duke of Sung sent Kung-sun Show to Loo, to present his marriage-offerings.
6 Tsin put to death its great officers, Chaou T'ung and Chaou Kwoh.
7 In autumn, in the seventh month, the son of Heaven sent the earl of Shaou to confer on the duke the symbol [of investiture].
8 In winter, in the tenth month, on Kwei-maou, [duke Wăn's] third daughter, [who had been married to the earl] of Ke, died.
9 The marquis of Tsin sent Sze seeh to Loo on a friendly mission.
10 Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo joined Sze seeh of Tsin, an officer of Ts'e, and an officer of Choo, in invading T'an.
11 An officer came from Wei, with ladies of that State to accompany to her harem [the bride of the duke of Sung.]
Par. 1. After the battle of Gan, Tsin had required Ts'e to restore to Loo the lands of Wănyang, and Loo had taken possession of them, as related in p. 7 of 2d year; but now, to gratify Ts'e, Tsin exerts its authority and obliges Loo to restore the territory to it. The Chuen says:— 'On this occasion, Ke Wăn-tsze made a feast to Han Ch'uen on the way, as he was leaving, and then privately said to him, "Your great State, by its righteous decisions, maintains its claim to preside over covenants; and on this account the [other] States cherish its favours and dread its punishments, without any thought of disaffection. As to the lands of Wăn-yang, they were an old possession of our poor State, and after the expedition against Ts'e you caused it to restore them to us. Now you give a different command, requiring us to restore them to Ts'e. Good faith in the doing what is right, and righteousness in the carrying out its orders:—these are what the small States hope [from Tsin], and for these they cherish it. But if your good faith is not to be seen, and your righteousness is not to be found, which of all the States will not separate from you? The ode (She, I.vi. ode IV.4) says,
'I am not different, But you are double in your ways. It is you, Sir, who observe not the perfect rule, Thus changeable in your conduct.' Here in the space of 7 years, you give us [Wănyang] and you take it away;—what greater changeableness could there be? The gentleman [in the ode], by his changeableness, lost [the affections of] his wife; what must not the prince who assumes to be the leader of the States lose? He is to employ the influence of virtue; but when he changes about, how can he long retain [the attachment of] the States? The ode (She, III.ii.ode X. 1) says,
'Your plans do not reach far, And therefore I strongly admonish you.' Apprehensive lest Tsin, by the want of a farreaching foresight, should lose the States, I have ventured privately thus to speak to you." '
Par. 2. In the Chuen on p. 11 of the 6th year we have the troops of Tsin making an incursion into Ts'ae, which was relieved by Ts'oo, when Tsin withdrew from the field. Tsin now again attacks Ts'ac, and goes on to enter Ts'oo. The Chuen says:—'Lwan Shoo of Tsin made an incursion into Ts'ae, and went on to an inroad into Ts'oo, when he captured [the great officer], Shin Le. After the army of Ts'oo withdrew [from Jaou-koh, in the 6th year], the troops of Tsin made an incursion into Shin, and captured its viscount, Tseih. This was through [Lwan Shoo's] continuing to take the advice of Che, Fan, and Han. The superior man will say, "He followed the wise and good, as on the course of a stream, and right it was [he should be so successful]." The ode (She, III.i. ode V.3) says,
'Our amiable, courteous prince Extensively used the [good] men.' [So did king Wăn], seeking for the wise and good; and he who uses such is sure to accomplish much."
'During this expedition, the earl of Ch'ing was going to join the army of Tsin, when he attacked the eastern gate of [the capital of] Heu, and got great spoil.'
Par. 3. Tso-she says:—'Shing-pih went to Keu, to meet his bride.' The case is analogous to that of the Kung-sun Tsze in V.v.3. See the Chuen there.
Par. 4. Tso-she would assign to ? here a more definite meaning than usual. He says the object of Hwa Yuen's visit to Loo was to arrange about a marriage between the eldest daughter of duke Seuen and the duke of Sung (???). This may have been—probably was—the object of the minister's visit, but the ? alone gives no intimation of it.
Par. 5. Tso-she says this proceeding was according to rule. Princes of States observed only two ceremonies preliminary to their marriage;—the contract and the offerings or presents of silk. They did not themselves appear in the negotiations, being subject to the general rule that marriages should be made by the parents. Of course when a prince was not married till after his accession, there could be no father living to get his wife for him; and, as the duke of Sung appears here sending Kung-sun Show with the offerings, Maou observes that his mother also must have been dead.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'Chaou Chwangke of Tsin, because of the banishment of Chaou Ying [See the Chuen at the end of the 4th year, and after p. 1 of the 5th] slandered [his brothers] to the marquis of Tsin, saying, "[The lords of] Yuen and Ping are intending to raise rebellion, and [the chiefs of] the Lwan and Keoh [clans] can attest the fact." In the sixth month, [therefore], Tsin put to death Chaou T'ung and Chaou Kwoh. Woo [the son of Chaou Soh] was brought up by [his mother Chwang], the lady Ke, in the ducal palace [and so escaped]; but the marquis gave the lands [of the Chaou family] to K'e He. Han Keueh represented to him, saying, "Thus, notwithstanding the services of Ch'ing-ke [Chaou Ts'uy] and the loyalty of Seuen-Măng [Chaou Tun], they are left without any posterity;—this is enough to make good servants of the State afraid. The good kings of the three dynasties preserved for several hundred years the dignity conferred by Heaven;—there were bad kings among them, but through the wisdom and virtue of their predecessors, they escaped [the extinction of their sacrifices]. In one of the Books of Chow (Shoo, V.ix.4) it is said, "He did not dare to show any contempt to the widower and widows;—it was thus that [king Wăn] displayed his virtue." On this [the marquis] appointed, Woo [the representative of the Chaou family], and restored to him its lands.
A different account of the disasters of the Chaou family and its narrow escape from extinction is given by Sze-ma Ts'een;—see the Historical Records, Book XXXIII. The 'History of the various States,' Book LVII., embellishes the story, and makes a tale of romantic interest out of it.
Par. 7. For ? Kung and Kuh have ?; but it seems impossible to establish any distinction between the meaning of those terms. They are both applied to a gift from a superior to an inferior (??????). Perhaps, as the K'ang-he editors think, ? is more appropriate where the gift is one of favour, and ??, where it is according to established conventions. The reader will observe the use of ?? for the king, instead of which we have hitherto found. Tso-she tells as that the earl of Shaou in the text was duke Hwan. As to the symbol sent to duke Ch'ing, see on VI.i.5. In duke Wăn's case, however, it was sent at the proper time, immediately after he succeeded to his father. Here it comes 'late,' as Too Yu says (???).
[The Chuen adds here:—'The marquis of Tsin sent Woo-shin, duke of Shin, on a mission to Woo. Having asked leave to pass through Keu, he was standing with duke K'eu-Kew above the city-moat, and said to him, "The wall is in a bad condition." The viscount of Keu replied, "Keu is a poor State, lying among the wild tribes of the east; who will think of taking any measures against me?" Woo-shin said, "Crafty men there are who think of enlarging its boundaries for the advantage of the altars of their State;—what State is there which has not such men? It is thus that there are so many large States. Some think [there may be such dangers]; some let things take their course.
But a brave bian keeps the leaves of his door shut;—how much more should a State do so!']
Par. 8. See v.1. Tso-she says the record of her death was made, because she had come back from Ke.
Parr. 9, 10. The Chuen says:—'On this occasion, Sze seeh spoke about [Loo's] invading T'an, because it was rendering service to Woo. The duke offered him bribes, and begged that the expedition might be delayed. Wăn-tsze [Sze seeh], however, refused, saying, "My ruler's command admits of no alteration. If I fail in my faith, I cannot stand [in Tsin]. Gifts cannot be admitted among the ceremonies due to me. The business cannot be done to please both my ruler and you. If your lordship come after the other princes, my ruler will not be able to serve you [any more]." seeh was about to return with the duke's request to Tsin, when Ke-sun became afraid, and sent Seuen-pih with a force to join in the invasion of T'an.'
Par. 11. See on I.vii.1. The bride of the duke of Sung—known as Kung Ke—was famous, it is said, for her worth; and the States contended for the privilege of sending their daughters to accompany her to the harem. The canon which Tso-she lays down, that such attendant ladies must be of the same surname as the bride, and not of a different surname, was broken down, we shall see, in her case.
XI. Ninth year.
1 In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the earl of Ke came to Loo, to meet the coffin of duke Wăn's third daughter, and took it back with him to Ke.
2 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the earl of Ts'aou, the viscount of Keu, and the earl of Ke, when they made a covenant together in P'oo.
3 The duke arrived from the meeting.
4 In the second month, duke [Seuen's] eldest daughter went to her home in Sung.
5 In summer, Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Sung, to celebrate the completion of the above lady's union with the duke of Sung.
6 An officer came from Tsin with ladies of that State to go to the harem [of Sung].
7 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Ping-tsze, Woo-yay, marquis of Ts'e, died.
8 The people of Tsin seized and held the earl of Ch'ing, and Lwan Shoo of Tsin led a force and invaded Ch'ing.
9 In winter, in the eleventh month, there was the burial of duke K'ing of Ts'e.
10 The Kung-tsze Ying-ts'e of Ts'oo led a force and invaded Keu. On Kăng-shin the people of Keu dispersed, and the troops of Ts'oo entered Yun.
11 A body of men from Ts'in and the white Teih invaded Tsin.
12 A body of men from Ch'ing laid siege to [the capital of] Heu.
13 We walled Chung-shing.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'The earl of Ke came thus to meet the coffin, because we had asked him to do so. The record [In p. 8 of last year] that "Shuh Ke of Ke died" is because of [the relation the lady had sustained in] Ke; this record of the earl's meeting her [coffin], is because of [the relation she had sustained to] us.' Kung-yang says that Ke was compelled by Loo to take the divorced wife's coffin back to Ke and bury it there. The K'ang-he editors observe that this account and Tso-she's are quite reconcileable.
Par. 2. P'oo,—see II.iii.2. The Chuen says: —'Because of the restoration of the lands of Wăn-yang [See p. 1 of last year], all the States became disaffected to Tsin. The people of Tsin were afraid, and called a meeting at P'oo to renew the covenant of Ma-ling [See VII.5]. Ke Wăn-tsze said to Fan Wăn-tsze, "Since your virtue is not strong, of what use is the renewal of covenants?" The other replied, "By diligence in encouraging [the States], by generosity in our treatment of them, by firm strength in withstanding [our enemies], by appealing to the intelligent Spirits to bind [our agreements], by gently dealing with those who submit, and by punishing the disaffected, we exhibit an influence only second to that of virtue." At this meeting it was intended that Woo should for the first time meet [with the other States]; but no officer from Woo came to it.'
Par. 4. The duke of Sung ought now to have sent a high minister to meet his bride. It is supposed that he sent an officer of inferior rank, and therefore we have the bare record of the bride's going to Sung.
[The Chuen adds here:—'The people of Ts'oo sought by bribes to recover the adherence of Ch'ing, and the earl of Ch'ing had a meeting with the Kung-tsze Ch'ing of Ts'oo in Tăng.]
Par. 5. The phrase ?? here is difficult to translate. See on II.iii.9, where the Chuen has ???,—the phrase equivalent to that in the text, when the lady spoken of is a bride or young wife in Loo. After being married three months, the young wife was introduced into the ancestral temple, and appeared before the parents of her husband, or their shrines; and the marriage was then considered complete. This was the solemn proclamation that she was the wife, and she could not after this be sent back to her parents, excepting there were proper grounds for divorcing her. A message from her parents at this time was called ?. It was the finishing and crowning act of her nuptials.
The Chuen says:—'When Ke Wăn-tsze returned to Loo and reported the execution of his commission, the duke entertained him, and the minister sang the 5th stanza of the Han-yih (She, III. iii. ode VII.). Muh Keang [The bride's mother, the widow of duke Seuen] then came out from her chamber, and bowed twice to him, saying, "This laborious journey you undertook mindful of our late marquis, and of his son and heir, and of me, his relict:—this was what he even still would expect from you. Let me thank you for your very toilsome service." She then sang the last stanza of the Luh-e (She, I. iii. II.), and went in.'
Par. 6. Tso-she says this was according to rule. See on p. 11 of last year.
Par, 8. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the earl of Ch'ing went to Tsin, the people of which, to punish him for his disaffection, and inclining to Ts'oo [See the Chuen after p. 4], seized him in T'ung-te. Lwan Shoo then invaded Ch'ing, which sent Pih-keuen to go and obtain peace. The people of Tsin, however, put him to death, which was contrary to rule;—during hostilities messengers may go and come between the parties. Tsze-ch'ung of Ts'oo made an incursion into Ch'in, in order to relieve Ch'ing.'
[The Chuen introduces here:—'The marquis of Tsin was surveying the arsenal, when he observed Chung-e [See the Chuen on VII. 5], and asked about him saying, 'Who is that bound there, and wearing a southern cap?" The officer in charge said, "It is the Ts'oo prisoner, whom the people of Ch'ing delivered to us." The marquis made them loose his bonds, called him, and spoke comfortingly to him. The man bowed twice before him, with his head to the ground, and the marquis asked him about his family. "We are musicians," said he, "Can you play?" "Music," said he, "was the profession of my father. Dared I learn any other?" The marquis made a lute be given to him, which he began to touch to an air of the south. He was then asked about the character of the king of Ts'oo, but he answered that that was beyond the knowledge of a small man like himself. The marquis urging him, he replied, "When he was prince, his tutor and his guardian trained him; and in the morning he was to be seen with Ying-ts'e, and in the evening with Tsih. I do not know anything else about him."
'The duke repeated this conversation to Fan Wăn-tsze, who said, "That prisoner of Ts'oo is a superior man. He told you of the office of his father, showing that he is not ashamed of his origin. He played an air of his country, showing that he has not forgotten his old associations. He spoke of his king when he was prince, showing his own freedom from mercenariness. He mentioned the two ministers by name, doing honour to your lordship. His not being ashamed of his origin shows the man's virtue; his not forgetting his old associations, his good faith; his freedom from mercenariness, his loyalty; and his honouring your lordship, his intelligence. With virtue to undertake the management of affairs, good faith to keep it, and loyalty to complete it, he is sure to be competent to the successful conduct of a great business. Why should not your lordship send him back to Ts'oo, and make him unite Tsin and Ts'oo in bonds of peace?" The marquis followed this counsel, treated Chung-e with great ceremony, and sent him back to Ts'oo to ask that there might be peace between it and Tsin.']
Par. 10. The Yun (Kung-yang has ?) mentioned here is difft. from that in IV.8; but it is probably the same as that which appears in VI.xii 8, as being walled by duke Wăn. This was in the possession,—now of Keu, and now of Loo. The Chuen says:—'In winter, in the 11th month, Tsze-ch'ung of Ts'oo went on from Ch'in, and invaded Keu. He laid siege to K'eu-k'ew, the walls of which were so badly built, that the people all dispersed, and fled to Keu, the troops of Ts'oo entering K'eu-k'ew on Maou-shin. The people of Keu made the Kung-tsze P'ing of Ts'oo a prisoner, and put him to death, notwithstanding that the enemy begged them not to do so, and promised, if they would spare him, to restore their captives. The army of Ts'oo then laid siege to the city of Keu, whose walls were in the same condition as those of K'eu-k'ew; and on Kăng-shin the people dispersed. Ts'oo went on to enter Yun, for Keu had made no preparations against an enemy. A superior man will say, "To trust to one's insignificance and make no preparations against danger is the greatest of offences; while to prepare beforehand against what may not be foreseen is the greatest of excellences. Keu trusted to its insignificance, and did not repair its walls, so that in the course of twelve days, Ts'oo subdued its three chief cities. This result was all from the want of preparation.' The ode [It is now lost] says,
'Though you have silk and hemp, Do not throw away your grass and rushes. Though your wife be a Ke or a Keang, Do not slight your sons of toil. All men Have their vicissitudes of want.' This shows that preparation ought never to be intermitted."
Par. 11. In VII. viii. 6, we found the White Teih confederate with Tsin against Ts'in; here they are leagued with Ts'in against Tsin;—'because,' says Tso-she, 'of the general disaffection of the States to Tsin.'
Par. 12. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ch'ing laid siege to Heu, to show Tsin that they were not urgent about their earl, [whom it was keeping a prisoner]. The plan proceeded from Kung-sun Shin, who said, "If we send out a force to besiege Heu, and make as if we would appoint another ruler, taking our time to send a messenger to Tsin, that State is sure to send back our ruler."
Par. 12. Too Yu, Maou, and others, think Chung-shing was the name of a city of Loo, which is the most natural interpretation of the phrase. Others think the meaning is that the duke now repaired the wall of the capital, or the walls of the cities generally. See on XI. vi. 6. All that Tso-she says is that the thing was done at the proper season.
[The Chuen adds here:—'In the 12th month, the viscount of Ts'oo sent the Kung-tsze Shin to Tsin, in return for the mission of Chung-e, asking that the two States should cultivate friendship and knit the bonds of peace.']
X. Tenth year.
1 In the [duke's] tenth year, in spring, Hih-pei, younger brother of the marquis of Wei, led a force and made an incursion into Ch'ing.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, we divined a fifth time about the border sacrifice. The result was unfavourable, and we did not offer the sacrifice.
3 In the fifth month, the duke joined the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, and the earl of Ts'aou, in invading Ch'ing.
4 An officer came from Ts'e with ladies of that State to go to the harem [of Sung].
5 On Ping-woo, Now, marquis of Tsin, died.
6 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke went to Tsin.
7 It was winter, the tenth month.
[The Chuen introduces here:—'In the 10th year, in spring, the marquis of Tsin sent T'aou Fei to Ts'oo, in return for its mission of the grand-administrator, Tsze-shang (See the Chuen at the end of last year)']
Par. 1. Tso-she says that this expedition of Tsze shuh Hih-pei was undertaken by command of Tsin.
Par. 2. See on V. xxxi. 3. There, however, and in other passages, the idea of the sacrifice is abandoned after a 4th unfavourable divination, while here a 5th was attempted. Maou thinks that during the 3d month, which was the proper season for this sacrifice, the shell had then been consulted on the 3 sin days in it; and that it was still possible to divine twice in the 4th month, before the equinox. Woo Ch'ing says that the shell had been consulted once in the last decade of the 2d month, thrice in the 3d month, and once again in the 1st decade of the 4th month;—a pertinacity which was very disrespectful to the Spirits. These differing views of really great scholars show how vague is the knowledge which can now be gleaned of this and other ancient practices.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'When the Kungtsze Pan of Ch'ing heard of the scheme of Shuh Shin [See the Chuen on par. 12 of last year], he set up the Kung-tsze Seu. In summer, in the 4th month, the people of Ch'ing killed Seu, and set up K'Wăn-wan, Tsze-joo [The Kung-tsze Pan] fleeing to Heu. Lwan Woo-tsze then said, "Since the people of Ch'ing have set up [another] earl, he whom we hold is but a common man. Of what use is it [to keep him]? We had better invade Ch'ing, restore its ruler, and thereon seek for peace." [At that time] the marquis of Tsin was ill, and the State raised his eldest son, Chow-p'oo, to his place, and assembled the other States to invade Ch'ing. Tszehan [A son of duke Muh] bribed [Tsin] with the bell [from the temple] of [duke] Seang. Tsze-jen [Another son of duke Muh] made a covenant with the States at Sew-tsih; Tsze-sze [A 3d son of Muh] became a hostage [in Tsin]; and the earl returned to Ch'ing.'
According to this Chuen, the marquis of Tsin in the text was not the real marquis, but his son, whom, when upon his death-bed, he had caused to be declared marquis in his room. Many critics have been much stumbled by this account, and call Tso-she's statement in question. The K'ang-he editors reject it and say, 'Not long after this expedition, the marquis of Tsin died. Because the text does not say that "he died when with the army (???)," to meet the exigency of the text, Tso-she introduced the account of his son's being raised to the marquisate, while he was still alive. But the lessons of the Ch'un Ts'ew were intended for 10,000 ages;—could it have recognized the succession of a son while the father was yet alive, giving him his title? The former critics have all disputed this matter.' Maou, it may be observed, accepts Tso-she's statement without question.
Par. 4. Tso-she makes no remark on this paragraph. It is in contradiction of his canon at the end of the 8th year, that the ladies, the attendants of a bride to her harem, must not be of a different surname from herself. The ladies of Wei (VIII.11), and those of Tsin (IX. 6), were all Kes like the daughter of Loo, but here are Keangs claiming to join her company as well. Then the prince of a State was understood to be provided at once with nine partners,—the wife proper, and eight attendants; but in this case the duke of Sung was provided with twelve. There has been no end of speculation and discussion on the text, without any satisfactory conclusion. The thing may have been 'contrary to rule,' but the fact remains. There is nothing in the text to indicate that the action of Ts'e was not as proper as that of Wei and Tsin.
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Tsin saw in a dream a great demon with dishevelled hair reaching to the ground, which beat its breast, and leaped up, saying. "You have slain my descendants unrighteously, and I have presented my request to God in consequence [This would be the Spirit of the founder of the Chaou clan]." It then broke the great gate [of the palace], advanced to the gate of the State chamber, and entered. The duke was afraid and went into a side-chamber, the door of which it also broke. The duke then awoke, and called for the witch of Sang-t'een, who told him everything which he had dreamt. "What will be the issue?" asked the duke. "You will not taste the new wheat," she replied.
'After this, the duke became very ill, and asked the services of a physician from Ts'in, the earl of which sent the physician Hwan to do what he could for him. Before he came, the duke dreamt that his disease turned into two boys, who said, "That is a skilful physician; it is to be feared he will hurt us; how shall we get out of his way?" Then one of them said. "If we take our place above the heart and below the throat, what can he do to us?" When the physician arrived, he said, "Nothing can be done for this disease. Its seat is above the heart and below the throat. If I assail it [with medicine], it will be of no use; if I attempt to puncture it, it cannot be reached. Nothing can be done for it." The duke said, "He is a skilful physician," gave him large gifts, and sent him back to Ts'in.
'In the sixth month, on Ping-woo, the marquis wished to taste the new wheat, and made the superintendent of his fields present some. While the baker was getting it ready, they called the witch of Sang-t'een, showed her the wheat, and put her to death. As the marquis was about to taste the wheat, he felt it necessary to go to the privy, into which he fell, and so died. One of the servants that waited on him had dreamt in the morning that he carried the marquis on his back up to heaven. The same at mid-day carried him on his back out from the privy, and was afterwards buried alive with him!'
[The Chuen adds here:—'The earl of Ch'ing, punishing those who had set up other earls [in his place], on Maou-shin, put to death Shuh Shin and [his brother] Shuh K'in [See the Chuen on par. 12 of last year]. The superior man will say, "Loyalty, as a praiseworthy virtue, is still to be shown only to a proper object;—how much less should it be shown where it may not be deemed praiseworthy!" ']
Par. 6. The Chuen says, 'When the duke this autumn went to Tsin, they detained him there, and made him attend the burial of the marquis. At this time T'aou Fei had not returned from Ts'oo [See the Chuen at the beginning of the year]. In winter there was the burial of duke King which was followed by the duke. No other prince of a State was present, and the historiographers of Loo, because of the disgrace connected with the thing, did not record, but concealed it.'
Par. 7. Kung-yang has not this par., and it may be doubted whether the editions of KuhLeang and Tso-she before the T'ang dynasty had it. See the note in loc., in Twan Yuh-ts'ae's 'Old Text of the Ch'un Ts'ew.'
XI. Eleventh year.
1 In his eleventh year, in spring, in the king's third month, the duke arrived from Tsin.
2 Themarquis of Tsin sent Keoh Ch'ow to Loo on a friendly mission; and on Ke-ch'ow the duke made a covenant with him.
3 In summer, Ke-sun Hăng-foo went to Tsin.
4 In autumn, Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo went to Ts'e.
5 It was winter, the tenth month.
Par. 1. The duke had thus been fully 8 months in Tsin,—more than half a year away from his own State. The Chuen says:—'The people of Tsin, thinking that the duke had been inclining to the side of Ts'oo, detained him, till he requested that he might be permitted to make a covenant with Tsin, and then they sent him home.' The duke had gone to Tsin, to offer his condolences on the death of duke King. They had charged him, we may suppose, with disaffection, and when he denied it, they wished to keep him a sort of prisoner, till they could learn from T'aou Fei, on his return from Ts'oo. whether their suspicions were well grounded or not. He seems, however, to have got away before that officer returned.
Par. 2. For ?, or without the ?, Kungyang has ?. Keoh Ch'ow was a first cousin of Keoh K'ih. 'He came to Loo,' says the Chuen, 'on a friendly mission, and to make [on the part of Tsin] the covenant [which the duke had requested.' It then proceeds to the following strange and melancholy narrative:—'The mother of Shing-pih [The Kung-sun Ying-ts'e; see on VI. 6] had been without [the regular ceremony of] betrothal; and Muh Keang [Duke Seuen's wife; sister-in-law, therefore, to this lady] said, "I will not acknowledge a concubine as my sisterin-law." After the birth of Shing-pih, his father [Shuh-heih of VII. xvii. 8] sent away the mother, who was afterwards married to Kwan Yu-he of Ts'e. She bore him two children, and was then left a widow, when she came back with the children to Shing-pih. He got his half-brother made a great officer [of Loo], and married his half-sister to She Heaou-shuh [A descendant of duke Hwuy of Loo]. When Keoh Ch'ow came on his friendly mission, he applied for a wife to Shing-pih, who took this half-sister from She Heaou-shuh, and gave her to him. She said [to her husband], "Even birds and beasts do not consent to lose their mates; what do you propose to do?" He said, "I am not able to die for you." On this she went [to Tsin], where she bore two children to Keoh. After his death, they sent her back from Tsin to [her former husband] She, who met her at the Ho, and drowned in it her two children. She was angry, and said to him, "You could not protect me when I was your wife, and let me go away from you, and now you are not able to cherish another man's orphans and have killed them;—what death do you expect to die?" She then swore that she would not live again with him.'
Par. 3. Tso-she says:—'Ke Wăn-tsze went to Tsin on a friendly mission in return for that of Keoh Ch'ow; and to make a covenant [on the part of Loo].' This second object of his mission is not mentioned in the text. Perhaps a covenant was not made after all; or the marquis of Tsin did not make it in person, so that the historiographers of Loo purposely omitted to record it.
[The Chuen introduces here:—'Ts'oo, duke of Chow, disliked the pressure of [the clans descended from the kings] Hwuy and Seang, and he had a contention, moreover, about the chief place in the government with Pih-yu. Being worsted in this, he was angry and left the court, proceeding to Yang-fan. The king sent the viscount of Lew to bring him back from there, with whom [also] he made a covenant in Keuen, before he would enter [the capital]. Three days afterwards, however, he again fled to Tsin.']
Par. 4. Tso-she says of this visit that 'Seuen-pih went on a friendly mission to Ts'e, to renew the former friendship between it and Loo.'
Par. 5. [Here we have three narratives in the Chuen:—1st, 'Keoh Che [A grand-nephew of Keoh K'ih] had a contention with [the court of] Chow about the lands of How. The king commissioned duke K'ang of Lew and duke Seang of Shen, to dispute the question with him in Tsin. He urged that Wăn was an old grant made to his family, and he dared not allow [any part of] it to be lost. The viscounts of Lew and Shen said, 'Formerly, when Chow subdued Shang, it gave the various princes the territories which they should gently rule. Soo Fun-săng received Wăn, and was minister of Crime, and his territory and that of the earl of T'an extended to the Ho. One of his descendants afterwards went among the Teih, and when he could do nothing among them, he fled to Wei [See V.x.2].
'[By and by], King Seang rewarded duke Wăn with the gift of Wăn [See the Chuen after V. xxv.4.]. The families of Hoo and Yang were the first to occupy it, and then it came to Keoh. If you examine its history, it was a city held by an officer of the king;—how can Keoh Che be allowed to have it? The marquis of Tsin then insisted that Keoh Che should not presume to contend about the place [any longer].'
2d, 'Hwa Yuen of Sung was on good terms with Tsze-chung, the chief minister [of Ts'oo], and also with Lwan Woo-tsze [of Tsin]. When he heard that the people of Ts'oo had granted the peace proposed by Tsin through T'aou Fei, and had sent that officer back to give such a report of his mission, he went this winter, first to Ts'oo and then to Tsin, to cement the good understanding of the two States.'
3d, 'Ts'in and Tsin, having made peace, proposed to have a meeting at Ling-hoo. The marquis of Tsin came first to the place, but the earl of Ts'in was then unwilling to cross the Ho. He halted in Wang-shing, and made the historiographer Ko go and make a covenant with the marquis of Tsin on the east of the river. Keoh Ch'ow of Tsin [then went and] made a covenant with the earl on the west of it. Fan Wăn-tsze said, "Of what use is this covenant? Two parties make a covenant to establish their good faith. But a meeting together is the first demonstration of that good faith; and if the first step be not taken to it, is it likely to be evidenced afterwards?" When the earl returned to Ts'in, he broke the [treaty of] peace with Tsin.']
XII. Twelfth year.
1 In the [duke's], twelfth year, in spring, the duke of Chow left and fled to Tsin.
2 In summer, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin and the marquis of Wei in So-tsih.
3 In autumn, a body of men from Tsin defeated the Teih at Keaou-kang.
4 It was winter, the tenth month.
Par. 1. See the Chuen after par. 3 of last year. The duke of Chow fled to Tsin, according to that, in the last year. Tso-she supposes his flight is entered now, because it was not till this spring that it was communicated to Loo. He says:—'This spring, the king sent the news to Loo of the troubles connected with the duke of Chow. The text says that "he went out and fled to Tsin." Now the words "went out" are not applied in the case of parties leaving Chow, but they are used here because the duke of Chow out-cast himself'
Tsc-she's meaning is this:—A fugitive might go out from one State to another; but the whole kingdom belonged to Chow. The States were all Chow. An officer might flee from one part of Chow to another, but he could not go out from Chow. It was proper in such a case to say simply—"he fled to such and such a State;" —see X. xxvi. 1. In the text the proper style is departed from, because the duke of Chow repeated his flight, after the king had recalled him, 'out-casting himself.'—After all, the canon may be called in question.
Par. 2. Kung-yang has ?? for ??. The place so denominated has not been ascertained. The Chuen says:—'Hwa Yuen of Sung having succeeded in cementing the peace between Tsin and Ts'oo [See the 2d Chuen at the end of last year], this summer, in the 5th month, Sze seeh of Tsin had a meeting with the Kungtsze P'e of Ts'oo, and Heu Yen. They made a covenant on Kwei-hae outside the west gate of [the capital of] Sung, to the following effect:— "Ts'oo and Tsin shall not go to war with each other. They shall have common likings and dislikings. They shall together compassionate States that are in calamity and peril, and be ready to relieve such as are unfortunate. Tsin shall attack any that would injure Ts'oo, and Ts'oo any that would injure Tsin. Their roads shall be open to messengers that wish to pass with their offerings from the one to the other. They shall take measures against the disaffected, and punish those who do not appear in the royal court. Whoever shall violate this covenant, may the intelligent Spirits destroy him, causing defeat to his armies, and a speedy end to his possession of his State!" [After this], the earl of Ch'ing went to Tsin, to receive [the conditions of] the peace, in consequence of its being [thus] established at the meeting in So-tsih.'
This Chuen has occasioned a good deal of speculation among the commentators. The text says nothing of the covenant between Tsin and Ts'oo, and the Chuen says nothing of the presence of Loo and Wei in the meeting at So-tsih. The K'ang-he editors say that Chaou K'wang denies that there was such a covenant, while the frequent meetings between Keoh Che and the Kung-tsze P'e of Ts'oo show that it must have taken place. They suppose, therefore, that the sage, condemning and disliking the treaty between those Powers, here used his pruning knife, and cut away the record of it. They say further that Lew Ch'ang denies the truth of the Chuen's account of the meeting at So-tsih, but they preserve that account themselves out of deference to the general authority of Tso-she.
Par. 3. The situation of Keaou-kang is, like that of So-tsih, undetermined. The Chuen says:—'A body of the Teih took the opportunity of [Tsin's being occupied with the] covenant in Sung to make an inroad into it; but not having made preparations [against a surprise], they were defeated in the autumn at Keaou-kang.'
[The Chuen gives here the following narrative:—'Keoh Che of Tsin went to Ts'oo on a friendly mission, and on the part of Tsin to make a covenant. The viscount of Ts'oo invited him to an enterainment, when Tsze-fan, who directed the ceremonies, had caused an apartment to be made under ground, in which the instruments of music were suspended. When Keoh Che was ascending the hall, the bells struck up [the signal for performance] underneath, which frightened him so that he ran out. Tsze-fan said to him, "The day is wearing late; my ruler is waiting; be pleased, Sir, to enter." The guest replied, "Your ruler, mindful of the friendship between our former princes, extends his favour to my poor self, treating me with great ceremony, even to a complete band of music. If by the blessing of Heaven our two rulers have an interview, what can take the place of this? I dare not receive [such an honour]." Tsze-fan said, "If by the blessing of Heaven our two rulers have an interview, they will have nothing but an arrow to give to each other; they will not be using music. My ruler is waiting; be pleased, Sir, to enter." The other said, "If it be an arrow that they mutually offer and decline, that will be the greatest of evils;—there will be no blessing in that. When good order prevails, the princes, in their intervals of leisure from the king's business, visit at one another's courts. Then there are the ceremonies of entertainment and feasting; those of entertainment being a lesson of reverence and economy, those of feasting a display of indulgent kindness [Comp. the Chuen after VII. xvi. 3]. Reverence and economy are seen in the practice of ceremonies; indulgent kindness is seen in the arrangements of the government. When the business of government is perfected by ceremonies, then the people enjoy rest, and the officers receive orders about the business they have to perform in the morning [only], and not in the evening [as well]. It is in this way that the princes prove themselves the protectors of their people. Therefore the ode (She, I. i. ode VII. 1) says,
'That bold and martial man Is shield and wall to his prince.' But in a time of disorder, the princes are full of covetous greed, indulge their ambitious desires without shrinking, and for a few feet of territory will destroy their people, taking their martial officers and using them to carry out their hearts' purposes as arms and legs, as claws and teeth. Therefore the ode says (ibid., stanza 3),
'That bold and martial man Is the mind and heart of his prince.' When throughout the kingdom right ways prevail, the princes are shields and walls to the people, and repress [the selfishness of] their own hearts; but in a time of disorder, it is the reverse. Now your words, Sir, speak the ways of disorder, which cannot be taken as a pattern. But you are host here, and I will not presume to disobey you." He entered accordingly.
'When his business was over, and he returned, he told what had occurred to Fan Wăn-tsze, who said, "With such want of propriety, they are sure to eat their words. Our death will be at no distant day." In winter, the Kung-tsze P'e of Ts'oo went to Tsin on a friendly mission, and to make a covenant on the part of Ts'oo. In the twelfth month, the marquis of Tsin covenanted with him in Ch'ih-keih.']
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, the marquis of Tsin sent Keoh E to Loo, to beg the assistance of an army.
2 In the third month, the duke went to the capital.
3 In summer, in the fifth month, the duke, going on from the capital, joined the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, an officer of Choo, and an officer of T'ang, in invading Ts'in.
4 Loo, earl of Ts'aou, died in the army.
5 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Ts'in.
6 In winter, there was the burial of duke Seuen of Ts'aou.
Par. 1. Tsin was now calling out the troops of the States which adhered to it for the invasion of Ts'in, mentioned in the 3d par. It was right therefore that it should use the phrase ??, and 'beg the assistance of an army,' as it had not the authority of the king in the first place, for the expedition. The Chuen says: —'When Keoh E (The son of Keoh K'ih) came to Loo, he was not respectful in the execution of his mission. Măng Heen-tsze said, "This Keoh will [soon] perish! Propriety is the stem of character, and respectfulness is its foundation. Keoh-tsze has not that foundation, and his ministry has come to him by inheritance. Having received a charge to ask for [the assistance of] an army, it must be for the defence of the altars [of Tsin], and he carries himself rudely,—throwing away the charge of his ruler. What can happen to him but to perish [soon]?" '
Par. 2. Though the duke now went to the capital, he only did so because it lay in his way, as he proceeded to join the army of Tsin. It would appear, indeed, that the other princes did the same, it being, probably, part of Tsin's policy in this way to get the king's sanction and the help of his troops to its enterprise against Ts'in. The Chuen says:—'When the duke was going to the capital, Seuen-pih [Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo], wishing to obtain gifts [from the king], begged to be sent on beforehand. The king, however, received him [only] with the ceremonies due to an envoy. Măng Heen-tsze [Chung-sun Meeh] came on in attendance [on the duke], and the king considered him to be the duke's director for the visit, and gave him large presents. The duke and the other princes had an audience of the king, and then followed duke K'ang of Lew and duke Suh of Ch'ing, to join the marquis of Tsin in the invasion of Ts'in. When the viscount of Ch'ing received the flesh of the sacrifice at the altar of the land, his manner was not respectful. The viscount of Lew said, "I have heard that men receive at birth the exact and correct principles of Heaven and Earth, and these are what is called their appointed [nature]. There are the rules of action, propriety, righteousness, and demeanour, to establish this nature. Men of ability nourish those rules so as to secure blessing, while those devoid of ability violate them so as to bring on themselves calamity. Therefore superior men diligently attend to the rules of propriety, and men in an inferior position do their best. In regard to the rules of propriety, there is nothing like using the greatest respectfulness. In doing one's best, there is nothing like being earnestly sincere. That respectfulness consists in nourishing one's spirit; that earnestness, in keeping one's duties in life. The great affairs of a State are sacrifice and war. At sacrifices [in the ancestral temple], [the officers] receive the roasted flesh; in war they receive that offered at the altar of the land:—these are the great ceremonies in worshipping the Spirits. Now the viscount of Ch'ing by his lazy rudeness has cast from him his proper nature;—may we suppose that he will not return from this expedition?'"
See an account of this visit of duke Ch'ing to the king's court in the ??, ???, Art. 9.
Par. 3. Kuh-Leang, after ??, has ? ????,—evidently an error. The Chuen says:—'In summer, the marquis of Tsin sent Seang of Leu [Known as Leu Seuen-tsze (???), a son of Wei E (? *), who appears in the Chuen on the battle of Peih] to declare the end of his friendly relations with Ts'in in the following terms:—"In former times, our duke Heen and your duke Muh were on terms of friendship, which they cultivated with all their might and with one mind, adding to it covenants and oaths, and cementing it by the affinities of marriage. When Heaven was afflicting Tsin, our duke Wăn went to Ts'e, and duke Hwuy went to Tsin. When, through our evil fate, duke Heen left the world, duke Muh was not unmindful of their old friendship, and assisted our duke Hwuy, so that he presided over the sacrifices of Tsin [See the 2d Chuen at the end of V. ix]. But he could not complete his great service to Tsin, and there ensued the battle of Han [See V. xv. 13]. Afterwards, however, he repented of this, and secured the accession of our duke Wăn;—this was accomplished for us by Muh.
"Duke Wăn then donned buff-coat and helmet, traversed the plains and crossed the streams, taking his way through the most dangerous defiles, and operated against the States of the east, held by descendants of Yu, Hea, Shang and Chow, till he brought them all with him to the court of Ts'in:—this surely was enough to repay the old kindness [of duke Muh]. And when the people of Ch'ing had been angrily troubling your borders, our duke Wăn led the other States and Tsin, and laid siege to the capital of Ch'ing. Then the great officers of Ts'in, without consulting with our ruler, presumed to make a covenant with Ch'ing. The States were indignant at such conduct, and wished to risk the lives of their men against Ts'in. Duke Wăn, however, afraid of the consequences, soothed and pacified them, so that the army of Ts'in effected its return, without suffering any injury. And thus we rendered the greatest service to your western State.
"Through our evil fate, duke Wăn [also] left the world, and your Muh sent no message of condolence. Contemning duke Wăn as dead, and slighting the youth of our duke Seang, he assailed our territory of Heaou, violated and broke off all friendship with us, attacked our city of Paou-shing, cruelly extinguished our Pe, [the capital of] Hwah [See V.xxxiii. 1], scattered and dispersed our brethren, broke the covenants that were between us, and would have overthrown our State. Then our duke Seang was not unmindful of the former service which Muh had rendered [to his father]; but he was afraid lest our altars should be cast down, and there ensued the battle of Heaou [See V. xxxiii. 3].
"[Our Seang], even after this, wished to seek the forgiveness of duke Muh, but the duke would not listen to him. On the contrary he applied to Ts'oo [See the 2d Chuen after VI. xiv. 7], planning against us. But through the influence which Heaven exerts on men's minds, king Ch'ing lost his life [See VI.i. 10], and duke Muh did not succeed in carrying out his hostile intentions.
"When Muh and Seang left this world, K'ang and Ling succeeded to them. [Your] duke K'ang was the son of a daughter of Tsin, but he still wished to uproot and cut down our House, and to overturn our altars. He gave an army to a vile insect [The Kung-tsze Yung of Tsin] to disturb our borders, in consequence of which we had the engagement at Ling-hoo [See VI. vii. 5].
"Still persisting in his hostility, K'ang entered our Ho-k'euh, invaded our Suh-ch'uen, captured our Wang-kwan, dismembered our Ke-ma, in consequence of which we had the battle of Ho-k'euh [See VI. xii. 7].
"That the way eastward was thus rendered impracticable to Ts'in was through duke K'ang's own rejection of our friendship. When your lordship succeeded to him, our ruler, duke King, looked to the west with outstretched neck, saying, 'Now, perhaps, Ts'in will have compassion on us!' But, unkindly, you would not respond to us with a covenant, and took advantage of our difficulties with the Teih. You entered our Ho-heuen, burned our Ke and Kaou, cut down and destroyed the labours of our husbandmen, and killed the people of our borders, so that we had the gathering at Fooshe [See on VII. xv. 4]. Then you also were sorry for the long continuance of our miserable hostilities; and wishing to obtain the blessing of the former rulers, Heen and Muh, you sent Pih-keu with your commands to our duke King, saying that you and we should be friendly together, put away all evil feelings, and again cultivate the old kindliness, thinking of the services that had formerly passed between our rulers. Before an oath in accordance with these words could be taken, duke King left the world, and I [??, here, and elsewhere in the speech, should be ??] went to have a meeting with you at Ling-hoo, when with an unhappy purpose you turned back, and rejected the covenant and oath [See the last Chuen after XI. 5].
"The White Teih and you are in the same province [Yung Chow]. They are your enemies, while between us and them there have been intermarriages. You sent your commands, saying that you and we should invade the Teih. I then dared not consider our affinities with them, but, in awe of your majesty, I received the command from your messenger. You, however, with a double heart, represented to the Teih that Tsin was going to attack them; and though they responded to you, they came with indignation, and told us of your conduct. The people of Ts'oo, hating your double-dealing, also came and told me saying, "Ts'in is violating the covenant of Ling-hoo, and came to ask a covenant with us, plainly appealing to God in the great heavens, to the three dukes of Ts'in and the three kings of Ts'oo, that notwithstanding all its communications with Tsin, its only view had been to its own advantage. I, [the king of Ts'oo], hating such want of virtue, declare it to you, that such insincerity may be punished." The princes of the States, having heard these things, are pained by them in heart and head, and are come to me. I will lead them to hear your commands, seeking only your friendship. If you will show a kind consideration for them, and, in compassion for me grant me a covenant, this is what I desire. I will then receive your wishes, quiet all the princes, and retire;—how should I dare to seek the confusion [of strife]? If you will not bestow on us your great kindness, I am a man of plain speech;—I cannot withdraw with the princes. I have presumed to declare all my mind to your servants, that they may consider what it will be best to do."
'Because duke Hwan of Ts'in, after making the covenant of Ling-hoo with duke Le of Tsin, proceeded to call on the Teih and Ts'oo, wishing to persuade them to invade Tsin, therefore the States rendered their friendly aid to the latter. Lwan Shoo commanded Tsin's army of the centre, with Seun Kăng under him; Sze seeh the 1st army, with Keoh E under him; Han Keueh the 3d army, with Seun Ying under him; Chaou Chen the new army, with Keoh Che under him. Keoh E [Different from the Keoh E above] drove the chariot of the commander-in-chief, and Lwan K'een was spearman on the right. Măng Heen-tsze said, "The generals of Tsin and its chariot-men are harmonious; —this army will accomplish a great success."
'In the 5th month, on Ting-hae, the army of Tsin, with the armies of the States, fought with the army of Ts'in at Ma-suy. The army of Ts'in received a great defeat. Ch'ing Ch'ae of Ts'in was taken, and the Puh-Kăng, Joo-foo. Duke Seuen of Ts'aou died in the army, which then crossed the King, proceeded to How-le, and returned, meeting the marquis of Tsin at Sints'oo. Duke Suh of Ch'ing [See the last Chuen] died in Hea.'
The speech of Leu Seang in this narrative is considered one of the master-pieces of Tso k'ewming. And so it is, as regards the composition; but it is sadly disfigured by its misrepresentations and falsehoods. As between Tsin and Ts'in, each State had its injuries from the other of which to complain; but the balance of right would have inclined rather on the side of Ts'in. The battle of Ma-suy, however, was very important, and kept Ts'in shut up in the west for a long time afterwards.
[The Chuen adds here:—"In the 6th month, on Ting-maou, the Kung-tsze Pan [See on X.3.] of Ch'ing, [coming] from Tsze, sought by night to enter the grand temple, and when he was not able to do so, killed Tsze-yin and Tsze-yu [sons of duke Muh]. He then returned, and took up a position with his followers in the market place. On Ke-sze, Tsze-sze [another son of duke Muh] led the people to the temple and made a covenant with them, and afterwards burned the market place, killing Tsze-joo [Pan], [his brother] Tsze-mang, [his son] Sun-shuh, and [Tsze-mang's son], Sun-che.]
Par. 4. For ? Tso-she has ?. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ts'aou appointed the earl's son, Foo-ts'oo, to take charge [of the capital], and another son. Hin-she, to meet the coffin of the earl. In autumn, Foo-ts'oo put to death the earl's eldest son, and made himself earl. The princes begged to go and punish him, but Tsin, in consequence of the fatigues of the service [in which they had been engaged], asked them to wait till next year.'
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'In winter, after the burial of duke Seuen, Tsze-tsang [the above Hin-she] was going to leave the State, and the people all wished to follow him. Duke Ch'ing (Foo-ts'oo) became afraid, acknowledged his offence, and begged [Tsze-tsang to remain]. The latter returned accordingly [to the capital], and surrendered his city [to the duke].'
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, Choo, viscount of Keu, died.
2 In summer, Sun Lin-foo of Wei returned from Tsin to Wei.
3 In autumn, Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo went to Ts'e, to meet the [duke's] bride.
4 The Kung-tsze He of Ch'ing led a force, and invaded Heu.
5 In the ninth month, k'eaou-joo arrived from Ts'e with the [duke's] wife, the lady Keang.
6 In winter, in the tenth month, on Kăng-yin, Tsang, marquis of Wei, died.
7 The earl of Ts'in died.
Par. 1. We have the death of the viscount of Keu here recorded, but there is no subsequent record of his burial; for which the following reason is assigned.—The honorary title, with the style of 'duke,' is always given in mentioning the burials of princes. But the lords of Keu had no honorary titles assigned them after death, the State not being sufficiently advanced in civilization to have adopted that custom. Hence their burials are not recorded.—It may be added here that burials of the lords of Ts'oo and Woo are not given in the Ch'un Tsew, because they had usurped the style of king.
Par. 2. See the flight of Sun Lin-foo to Tsin in VII. 9.
The Chuen says:—'In spring, the marquis of Wei went to Tsin, where the marquis of Tsin insisted on introducing Sun Lin-foo to him; but he would not see him. In summer, when he returned to Wei, the marquis of Tsin sent Keoh Ch'ow with Lin-foo, to procure him an interview there. The marquis wanted [still] to refuse, but [his wife], Ting Keang, said, "Do not. He is the heir of the ministers of your predecessors, scions of your own House. The great State, moreover, makes intercession for him. If you do not grant its request, you will perish. Although you hate him, is it not better [to see him] than to perish? Be pleased to endure the mortification. Is it not proper to give repose to the people, and deal leniently with a minister so related to yourself?" [On this] the marquis granted Lin-foo an interview, and restored [his office] to him.
'The marquis [also] feasted Ch'ing-shuh of K'oo [Keoh Ch'ow], Ning Hwuy-tsze directing the ceremonies. Ch'ing-shuh behaved insolently, and Ning-tsze said, "He and his family are likely to perish [soon]! Among the ancients entertainments and feasts were used to see the demeanour [of the guests], and to judge of their prosperity or calamity [in the future]. Hence it is said in the ode (She, II. vii. ode I.4),
'There is the curved cup of rhinoceros horn, With the spirits in it, rich and soft. While it passes from one to another, they show no pride. All blessings must come to seek them.' Now he conducts himself with pride;—it is the way to bring on himself calamity.'"
Par. 3. The duke was now marrying a daughter of Ts'e. The preliminary steps have not been mentioned. Tso-she says that Seuenpih now went to meet the lady, and that his clan-name is mentioned, to do honour to the duke's commission.
Par. 4. See on IV.9. The Chuen says:— 'In the 8th month, Tsze-han of Ch'ing invaded Heu, and was defeated. On Mow-shin the earl himself again invaded it, and penetrated to the outer suburbs of its capital, when Heu made peace by [surrendering] the territory with which [Ch'ing] had endowed Shuh Shin.'
Par. 5. See on VII.i.3. The K'ang-he editors argue against Kuh-Leang and other critics, who insist here that the duke ought to have met his bride in person. Tso-she thinks that the minister is mentioned here without his clanname, in deference to the lady, adding, 'The superior man will say, "The Ch'un Ts'ew, in the appellations which it uses, is clear with an exquisite minuteness, distinct through obscurity, elegant by its gentle turns, and full without descending to be low, condemning what is evil, and encouraging what is good;—who but the sage could have compiled it as it is'"
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'When the marquis of Wei was ill, he made K'ung Ch'ing-tsze and Ning Hwuy-tsze appoint K'an, his son by King Sze, to be his successor. On his death in winter, in the 10th month, his wife, the lady Keang, after she had done her weeping and lamentation, saw that K'an wore no appearance of sadness. She would not so much as drink, but sighed and said, "This fellow will not only prove the ruin of the State of Wei, but he will begin with me, his father's relict. Alas! Heaven is afflicting the State of Wei, and I could not bring it about that Chuen [A brother of K'an] should preside over its altars!" When the great officers heard that she thus expressed herself, they were all filled with dread. After this Sun Wăn-tsze would not venture to leave his articles of value in the capital, but deposited them all in Ts'eih, and cultivated assiduously the friendship of the great officers of Tsin.'
XV. Fifteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's second month, there was the burial of duke Ting of Wei.
2 In the third month, on Yih-sze, Chung Ying-ts'e died.
3 On Kwei-ch'ow, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the earl of Ts'aou, Ch'ing the heir-son of Sung, Kwoh Tso of Ts'e, and an officer of Choo, when they made a covenant together in Ts'eih.
4 The marquis of Tsin seized the earl of Ts'aou, and delivered him at the capital.
5 The duke arrived from the meeting [at Ts'eih.]
6 In summer, in the sixth month, Koo, duke of Sung, died.
7 The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.
8 In autumn, in the eighth month, there was the burial of duke Kung of Sung.
9 Hwa Yuen of Sung left the State and fled to Tsin. From Tsin he returned to Sung. Sung put to death its great officer Shan. Yu Shih of Sung fled to Ts'oo.
10 In winter, in the eleventh month, Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo joined Sze seeh of Tsin, Kaou Woo-k'ew of Ts'e, Hwa Yuen of Sung, Sun Lin-foo of Wei, the Kung-tsze Ts'ew of Ch'ing, and an officer of Choo, in having a meeting with Woo at Chung-le.
11 Heu removed its capital to Sheh.
Par. 2. This Chung Ying-ts'e was a difft. person from the Kung-sun Ying-ts'e of VIII. 3, and other places. They were both duke's grandsons; but the latter was a grandson of duke Wăn, the former of duke Chwang. The ? in the text has occasioned the commentators endless and needless difficulty. The death of duke Chwang's son, Suy, appears in VII. viii. 3 as the death of Chung Suy, from which it seemed a plain inference that duke Seuen had given him, on the news of his death, the surname or clan-name of ?; and here accordingly his son Ying-tsze is so surnamed. Kung-yang, however, thought that Ying-ts'e was the first to get the surname of Chung. He was not the oldest son of Suy;—the oldest son was Kung-sun Kwei-foo of VII. xviii. 6, et al. From the Chuen on VII. xviii. 8, we learned that the other great families of Loo combined, on the death of duke Seuen, against the Chung or Tungmun family, and Kwei-foo, the Head of it, fled to Ts'e. Kung-yang says that the people of Loo, grieved that Kwei-foo should be left without a representative in the State, obtained from duke Ch'ing the recognition of his brother Yingts'e as such. He then became his brother's successor, and virtually his son, and their father became his (Ying-tse's) grand-father; and so by a rule of surnames, ?, which was Suy's designation, became his surname! This view is followed by Too Yu and many others, while Maou rejects it with great scorn, ridiculing the idea of Ying-ts'e's being at once the son and the grandson of the Kung-tsze Suy.
Parr. 3,4. In par. 4, for the single ?, Kungyang has ??. Ts'eih,—see VI.i.9. As the death of the duke of Sung appears in the 6th par., we may presume that he was ill at the time of this meeting, and that therefore his son attended it in his room. Tso-she says that the object of the meeting was 'to punish duke Ch'ing of Ts'aou [See his crime in the Chuen on XIII. 4].' Tsin, which would call the meeting, must have concealed this from Ch'ing. Tso then gives a very doubtful canon to explain its being said that the marquis of Tsin (? ?), and not the people of Tsin (??), seized the culprit, saying that when a ruler has dealt with his people without any regard to what was right, and the States punish and seize him, then we read that 'the people of such and such a State seized him,' but if his wickedness has not extended to his people, it is said, 'the ruler of such and such a State seizes him.' Lew Ch'ang has sufficiently exploded this clumsy rule. Tso adds from his tablets:—'The princes wished to introduce Tsze-tsang [the earl's brother; see on XIII. 6] to the king, and have him appointed earl, but he refused, saying, "It is contained in books of an earlier time, that a sage is equal to the duties of all positions; that a man of the second class maintains the duty of his position; and that one of the lowest class fails in the duty of his. It is not my position to be ruler. Although I cannot attain to the sage, dare I fail to maintain [what is my duty]?" He then withdrew secretly, and fled to Sung.'
Par. 6. Tso says:—'In summer, in the 6th month, duke Kung of Sung died.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Ts'oo being about to send an expedition to the north, Tsze-nang [the Kung-tsze Ch'ing, son of king Chwang] said, "Is it not improper thus to violate the covenant, which we made so recently with Tsin?" Tsze-fan replied, "When we can gain an advantage over our enemies, we must advance, without any consideration of covenants." Shuh-she of Shin was then old and living in Shin. When he heard of Tsze-fan's speech, he said, "Tsze-fan will certainly not escape an evil end. Good faith is seen in the maintenance of propriety, and propriety is a protection to the person. If a man put away both good faith and propriety, though he wish to avoid an evil end, can he do so?"
'The viscount made an inroad into Ch'ing as far as Paou-suy, and then went on to overrun Wei, as far as Show-che, [while, in the meantime], Tsze-han of Ch'ing made an inroad into Ts'oo, and took Sin-shih. Lwan Woo-tsze wished to repay Ts'oo [for this expedition], but Han Heen-tsze said, "You need not do so. Let the king go on, aggravating his offences, till the people revolt from him. Without the people, who will fight for him?" '
Parr. 8, 9. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, in the 8th month, there was the burial of duke Kung of Sung. At this time Hwa Yuen was master of the Right, and Yu Shih master of the Left; Tang Tsih was minister of War; Hwa He, minister of Instruction; Kung-sun Sze, minister of Works; Heang Wei-jin, grand minister of Crime, and Lin Choo, the assistant minister; Heang Tae, the grand administrator, and Yu Foo, the assistant. Tang Tsih, seeing the weakness of the ducal House, killed duke [Wăn's] son, Fei, on which Hwa Yuen said, "I am master of the Right. It belongs to me as such to inculcate the duties between ruler and ministers. When the ducal House is now thus humbled, if I cannot deal with the wrong, my crime will be great. I am unable to discharge the duties of my office, and dare I rely on the favour [of the duke]?" With this, he left the State, and fled to Tsin.
'The two Hwa were descended from duke Tae; the minister of Works from duke Chwang; and the other six ministers were all sprung from duke Hwan. Yu Shih was going to stop Hwa Yuen, when Yu Foo said, "If the master of the Right return, he is sure to set about punishing, and the clan of Hwan will perish." Yu Shih said, "If the master of the Right get to return, although we should allow him to punish, he will certainly not dare to do so. His services, moreover, have been many and great, so that the people of the State are all with him. If he do not return, I am afraid that the Hwans will not be allowed to maintain their sacrifices in Sung. Should he set about punishing, there is [Heang] Seuh. It is only a small portion of the Hwans that will perish." [On this] Yu Shih went himself and stopped Hwa Yuen at the Ho. Yuen said that he must be allowed to punish, and when this was granted, he returned, and made Hwa He and Kungsun Sze lead the people to attack the Tang family, when they put to death Tsze-shan [Tang Tsih]. When it is said in the text that "Sung put to death its great officer Shan," the style intimates that he was rebelling against the ducal House of which he was a scion.
'[After this], Yu Shih, Heang Wei-jin, Lin Choo, Heang Tae, and Yu Foo, went out [from the capital] and halted near the Suy. Hwa Yuen sent to stop them, but they refused to stop. In winter, in the 10th month, he went to them himself, but returned with the like result. Yu Foo said, "If we do not now [immediately] follow him, we shall not be able to enter [the capital] again. His glances were rapid and his words also;—his purposes towards us were hostile, as if he would not receive us again. He will now be driving off rapidly." They ascended a mound and saw [that Yuen was doing so], on which they took to their chariots, and hurried after him. The waters of the Suy, however, had been let out on the country, the gates of the city were shut, and the parapets were manned. The master of the Left, the two ministers of Crime, and the two administrators, were obliged to flee to Ts'oo. Yuen then appointed Heang Seuh master of the Left, Laou Tso minister of War, and Yoh E minister of Crime, thus quieting the people.'
Kung and Kuh give ?????? ănd ?????? as distinct paragraphs. The integrity of the whole of the paragraph, indeed, has been called in question. The text says that Hwa Yuen had fled to Tsin and that he returned to Sung from Tsin, whereas, acc. to the Chuen, he was brought back to Sung before he reached Tsin. The double occurrence of ???, and the use of ? five times in so short a space, certainly look suspicious. See Maou in loc.
[The Chuen adds here about Tsin:—'The three Keoh [Ch'ow, Che, and E] of Tsin injured Pih-tsung slandering him and procuring his death, and also that of Lwan Fuh-ke, on which [Tsung's] son Pih Chow-le fled to Ts'oo. Han Heen-tsze said, "Those Keoh will not escape an evil end! Good men are appointed for government by Heaven and Earth. If destroying in this way one and another of them be not sufficient to ruin those who do so, what [greater offence] is to be waited for?" Whenever Pihtsung went to court, his wife had been accustomed to say to him, "Thieves are angry with the master [they want to rob], and the people hate their superiors. You are fond of straightforward speaking, but it will bring you into difficulties." ']
Par. 10. Chung-le belonged to Ts'oo,—in the pres. dis. of Fung-yang, dep. Fung-yang, Ganhwuy. 'This,' says Tso, 'was the first instance of communication between the States of the north and Woo.'
Par. 11. Sheh,—see Analects, VII. xviii. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ling of Heu, dreading the [constant] pressure of Ch'ing, asked leave of Ts'oo to remove its capital [into its territory]. Accordingly, on Sin-ch'ow, the Kung-tsze Shin of Ts'oo removed Heu's chief city to Sheh.'
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, it rained, and the trees became encrusted with ice.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Sin-we, the viscount of T'ăng died.
3 Duke [Muh's] son, He, of Ch'ing led a force, and made an inroad into Sung.
4 In the sixth month, on Ping-yin, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
5 The marquis of Tsin sent Lwan Yin to Loo, to ask the assistance of an army.
6 On keah-woo, the last day of the moon, the marquis of Tsin fought with the viscount of Ts'oo and the earl of Ch'ing at Yen-ling, when the viscount of Ts'oo and the army of Ch'ing received a great defeat.
7 Ts'oo put to death its great officer, the Kung-tsze Tsih.
8 In autumn, the duke [went to have] a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the marquis of Wei, Hwa Yuen of Sung, and an officer of Choo, in Sha-suy; [but the marquis of Tsin] would not see him.
9 The duke arrived from the meeting.
10 The duke went to join the viscount of Yin, the marquis of Tsin, Kwoh Tso of Ts'e, and an officer of Choo, in invading Ch'ing.
11 The earl of Ts'aou returned from the capital.
12 In the ninth month, the people of Tsin seized Ke-sun Hăng-foo, and lodged him in T'eaou-k'ew.
13 In winter, in the tenth month, on Yih-hae, Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo fled to Ts'e.
14 In the twelfth month, on Yih-ch'ow, Ke-sun Hăng-foo and Keoh Ch'ow of Tsin made a covenant in Hoo.
15 The duke arrived from the meeting.
16 On Yih-yew we put to death the duke's half-brother, Yen.
Par. 1. The critics bring all their powers of interpretation into the field to find the moral and political significance of this phænomenon in the State of Loo and of the kingdom generally; —very needlessly. We have simply the record of a striking fact;—it had rained heavily, and immediately after came a severe frost, so that the ice lay on and hung from the trees. Kung and Kuh both explain the text by saying, ????, "There was rain, and the trees became all over ice.'
[The Chuen adds here:—'In spring, the viscount of Ts'oo sent the Kung-tsze Ch'ing from Woo-shing to seek for peace with Ch'ing by the offer of the lands of Joo-yin. [On this], Ch'ing revolted from Tsin, and Tsze-sze went to the viscount, and made a covenant in Woo-shing.']
Par. 2. Tso tells us this was duke Wăn (??). He had held T'ăng 10 years, and was succeeded by his son Yuen (?),—duke Ch'ing (??).
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Tsze-han of Ch'ing invaded Sung, and was defeated at Chohpe by Tseang Ts'oo and Yoh Keu. [The conquerors then] retired and halted at Foo-keu, where they were not on their guard. The men of Ch'ing [consequently] overthrew and defeated them at Choh-ling, taking both the leaders;— as Sung had been relying on its previous victory.'
The above attack by Ch'ing on Sung was probably at the instigation of Ts'oo. The return for it was not long in coming, for the Chuen adds:—'The marquis of Wei invaded Ch'ing, and advanced as far as Ming-yen;—in behalf of Tsin.'
Par. 4. This eclipse, visible at noon, took place on the 1st May, B. C. 574.
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Tsin was going to invade Ch'ing. Fan Wăntsze said, "To satisfy my desires, all the States would revolt from Tsin, and then Tsin might be satisfied [Wăn-tsze saw great evils in Tsin itself, which he thought could only be kept in check by apprehensions from without, and their removal was necessary in his view to the prosperity of the State]. If only Ch'ing revolt from it, the sorrow of Tsin will not have to be waited for long." Lwan Woo-tsze said, "We must not in my time lose the States. We must invade Ch'ing." On this the armies were called out. Lwan Shoo commanded that of the centre, with Sze seeh as assistant; Keoh E the 1st army, with Seun Yen as assistant; Han Keueh, the 3d; Keoh Che acted as assistant-commander of the new army, Seun Ying remaining and keeping guard in Tsin. Keoh Ch'ow went to Wei, and then on to Ts'e, to ask the assistance of their armies. Lwan Yin came to Loo to ask the aid of an army from it. Măng Heen-tsze said, "He will be victorious.'"
Par. 6. Yen-ling was in Ch'ing. The name remains in the dis. so called, in the dep. of K'aefung. There had been a State of Yen, which was extinguished and incorporated with Ch'ing by duke Woo.
The Chuen says:—'On Mow-yin, the armies of Tsin commenced their march; and Ch'ing, hearing of their approach, sent word to Ts'oo, Yaou Kow-urh going with the messenger. The viscount of Ts'oo marched to the relief of Ch'ing. The minister of War [Tsze-fan] commanded the army of the centre; the chief minister [Tsze-ch'ung] commanded on the left, and Tsze-sin, minister of the Right, on the right. As they passed by Shin, Tsze-fan entered the city, to see Shin Shuh-she [see on XV. 7], and asked him what he thought of the expedition. The other replied, "Virtuous goodness, punishments, religion, righteousness, propriety, and good faith, all are the appliances of war. Virtuous goodness appears in the exercise of kindness; punishment in the correction of what is wrong, religion in the service of the Spirits; righteousness in the establishment of what is beneficial; propriety in doing things at the proper times; and good faith in the watchful keeping of everything. [When these things obtain], the people live well off, and their virtue is correct; all movements are with advantage, and affairs are rightly ordered; the seasons are all accorded with, and everything is prosperous; harmony prevails between superiors and inferiors; all movements are made without insubordinate opposition; whatever the superiors require is responded to; everyone knows his duty. Hence it is said in the ode (She, IV. i. [i.] X.),
'Thou didst establish [and nourish] the multitudes of our people,— The immense gift of thy goodness.' In consequence of this, [in that ancient time], the Spirits sent down their blessing, and the seasons all passed without calamity or injury. The wants of the people were abundantly supplied, and with consenting harmony they received the orders of their superiors. They all did their utmost to obey those orders, and would devote themselves to death to supply the places of any that were lacking. This was the way to secure victory in battle. But now [the government of] Ts'oo abandons the people in the State itself, and it breaks off its friendships with other States; it irreligiously violates its covenants, and eats its words; it moves in the season when it ought not to do so, and wearies its people to gratify [its ambition]. The people have lost their confidence in its good faith; let them advance or retire, they will be held guilty. When men are thus anxious about what will come to them, who will be prepared to go to the death? Do you, Sir, do your utmost, but I shall not see you again." Yaou Kow-urh returned [to Ch'ing] before the messenger, and Tsze-sze asked him [about the army of Ts'oo]. He replied, "Its march is rapid, and it passes through dangerous passes without order. The rapidity of its march leads to the want of proper thought, and its neglect of order disorganizes its ranks. Without thought and with its ranks disordered, how can it fight? I am afraid that Ts'oo will be of no use to us."
'In the 5th month, the army of Tsin crossed the Ho, and heard of the approach of that of Ts'oo. Fan Wăn-tsze wished that they should return, and said, "If we make as if we were avoiding Ts'oo, it may lighten [our own] sorrow. We cannot unite the States in allegiance to Tsin. Let us leave that to some one who can unite and hold them all. If we, the ministers of Tsin, can harmoniously serve our ruler, we may be well content." Wootsze refused to take this counsel; and in the 6th month, Tsin and Ts'oo met at Yen-ling. [Then] Fan Wăn-tsze did not want to fight, but Keoh Che said to him, "At the battle of Han [See V. xv. 13], duke Hwuy could not marshal his troops; at the battle of Ke [See V. xxxiii. 8], Seen Chin [died, and] could not return with an account of his commission; at the battle of Peih [See VII. xii. 3], Seun Pih could not return by the way he had advanced. These battles were all to the disgrace of Tsin;—you, Sir, are yourself acquainted with the history of our former rulers. If we now avoid Ts'oo, it will be an additional disgrace." Wăn-tsze replied, "There was reason for the frequent battles of our former rulers. [In their times], Ts'in, the Teih, Ts'e, and Ts'oo were all powerful enemies; and if they had not exerted their strength, their descendants would have been reduced to weakness. But now three of those strong ones have submitted, and we have only to cope with Ts'oo. It is only a sage ruler who can safely be without trouble either from abroad or within his State. Excepting under a sage ruler, when there is quietness abroad, sorrow is sure to spring up at home; why should we not leave Ts'oo to be an occasion of apprehension to us from abroad?"
'On keah-woo, the last day of the month, the army of Ts'oo came close up to that of Tsin, and drew up in order of battle. The officers of Tsin were perplexed by this movement, when Fan K'ae [A lad, son of Wăn-tsze] ran forward, and said, "Stop up the wells, and level the cooking places, marshal the army within the encampment, and make room for the heads of the columns to issue. Between Tsin and Ts'oo victory must be the gift of Heaven;—what necessity is there for being perplexed?" Wăntsze took a lance and chased [his son], saying, "The preservation or ruin of the State depends on Heaven; what does a boy like you know?" Lwan Shoo said, "The army of Ts'oo is full of levity. Let us keep firm within our entrenchments, and in 3 days it will be sure to withdraw. If we then attack it, we shall get the victory." Keoh Che said, "Ts'oo affords us six advantages, which should not be lost:—the two ministers [commanding it] hate each other; the king's soldiers are old; the army of Ch'ing is marshalled, but not in good order; the wild tribes of the south are there, but their forces are not marshalled; the army of Ts'oo has been marshalled without regard to its being the last day of the month; there was a clamour during the marshalling, and there is still more now that it is effected, each man looking behind him, without any heart for fighting. The old soldiers cannot be good; and with them to violate the day which Heaven requires men to stand in awe on,—we shall surely conquer."
'The viscount of Ts'oo got up on a carriage with a look-out on it to survey the army of Tsin; and Tsze-ch'ung sent the grand-administrator, Pih Chow-le [See the Chuen after p. 9 of last year] to wait behind him. The king said, "There are men running to the left and to the right. What does that mean?" "They are calling the officers," replied Chow-le. "They are all collected in the army of the centre." "They are met to take counsel." "They are pitching a tent." "It is reverently to divine before the Spirit-tablets of Tsin's former rulers," "They are removing the tent." "The commands of the marquis are about to be given forth." "There is a great clamour, and there are clouds of dust." "They are shutting up the wells and levelling the cooking places in order to form their ranks." "They had mounted their carriages, and now the men on the left and right descend, with their weapons in their hands." "It is to hear the speech of the general." "Will they fight?" "I cannot yet tell." "They had [again] mounted their carriages, and [again] those on the left and right descend." "It is to pray in reference to the battle." Chow-le [also] told the king about the marquis's own men.
'[At the same time], Meaou Fun-hwang [A fugitive from Ts'oo, a son of Tow Tseaou; see the Chuen after VII. iv. 6], was by the side of the marquis of Tsin, and told him about the king's own men. On both sides [the armies] said, "There is an officer of our State [with the enemy], and their number is great, not to be resisted." Meaou Fun-hwang said to the marquis, "The best soldiers of Ts'oo are in the army of the centre, which is made up of clans descended from the kings of Ts'oo. Divide your best soldiers and attack the left and right armies of Ts'oo, and then bring all your three armies together against the king's men; in this way you will inflict on Ts'oo a great defeat." The marquis consulted the milfoil about it when the diviner said, "The result is fortunate. The diagram found is fuh (*), which indicates that the southern State is reduced to extremity; its great king is shot, and hit in his eye. If this,—the State reduced to extremity and its king wounded—does not intimate defeat, what would you wait for?
'The marquis accordingly [determined to fight]. In front of his entrenchments there was a slough, and to avoid it the chariots separated, some going to the left, and some to the right. E of Poo (Keoh E) was charioteer to the marquis, and Lwan K'een was spearman on the right. P'ăng Ming drove king Kung of Ts'oo, with P'wan Tang on the right. Shih Show drove duke Ch'ing of Ch'ing, with T'ang Kow on the right. Lwan [Woo-tsze] and Fan [Wăn-tsze], with their clansmen, advanced on either side of the marquis, whose carriage sank in the slough. Lwan Shoo came to take him into his, but K'een said, "Retire, Shoo. You have the great charge from the State, and how can you take it on you [to abandon it for another]? Moreover, to encroach on the office of another is presumption; to abandon your own office is an act of disrespect; to leave your own game is treachery. Here are three offences, which you must not incur." [With these words] he dragged [the carriage of] the marquis out of the slough.
'On Kwei-sze, Tang, [the son] of P'wan Wang and Yang yew-ke had set buff-coats and shot at them, their arrows going through seven at once. [The spectators] took [the proof of their skill and strength] to show it to the king, saying, "Since you have two officers like these, you need not be anxious about the battle." The king, however, was angry, and said [to the archers], "You are a great disgrace to the State. To-morrow morning, your archery will be found the art that will cause your death."
'E of Leu [Wei E] dreamt that he discharged an arrow at the moon, and hit it, but that, on retiring, he got into the mire. An interpreter told him, "[Princes of] the surname Ke are represented by the sun; those of other surnames, by the moon. Your dream must respect the king of Ts'oo,—you shall shoot and hit him; but the getting into the mire, as you retired, shows that you will also die." In the battle, accordingly, E shot king Kung in the eye. The king called for Yang yew-ke, and gave him two arrows, that he might shoot Leu E. [The first] hit him in the neck, so that he fell dead on his quiver, and yew-ke returned the other arrow, and reported the execution of his commission.
'Keoh Che three times met the viscount's soldiers; and whenever he saw the viscount, he dismounted from his chariot, took off his helmet, and ran like the wind. The viscount sent Seang, minister of Works, to salute him, and present him with a bow, saying, "In a time of so much business and excitement as the present, that man with the gaiters of red leather shows himself a superior man. [Say that] I am afraid lest, running as he does when he recognizes me, he should hurt himself." When Keoh Che saw the stranger, he took off his helmet, received his message, and then said, "I, Che, the minister of another State, following my ruler to the wars, by the powerful influence of your ruler find myself among the buffcoats and helmets. I do not dare to kneel in acknowledgment of your message, but I venture to say how the condescension of it from your ruler makes me feel not at case. In consequence of present circumstances, I will venture with my hands to the ground to salute his messenger." And thus he saluted the messenger three times, and then withdrew.
'Han Keueh of Tsin was pursuing the earl of Ch'ing, when his charioteer, Too Hwăn-lo, said to him, "Let us make haste after him. His driver often looks round, and has not his mind upon his horses. He can be overtaken." Han Keueh, however, said, "I ought not a second time to disgrace the ruler of a State [See the account of the battle of Gan in the 2d year];" and desisted from the pursuit.
'Keoh Che [then] pursued the earl, and the spearman on his right, Fuh Han-hoo, said to him, "Let some runners get before and intercept him, and I will get into his chariot from behind, capture him, and descend." Keoh Che said, "He who injures the ruler of a State gets punished;" and also gave up the pursuit. Shih Show [The earl's charioteer; see above] then said, "it was only because duke E of Wei would not take down his flag, that he was defeated at Yung [See on IV. ii. 7. The present passage Shows that we should there read ???" and he put the earl's flag into the quiver. T'an Kow [the spearman] said to Shih Show, "You are by ou ruler's side. Our defeat is great. I am not so important as you. Do you make your escape with the earl, and let me remain here." And there he died.
'The army of Ts'oo drew near to a dangerous pass, and Shuh-shan Jen said to Yang yew-ke, "Notwithstanding the king's command, it being for the State, you must shoot." yew-ke shot two arrows, each of which killed its man. Shuh-shan Jen seized a man, and hurled him against the cross bar in front of his chariot which was broken by the force; and the army of Tsin, [seeing such archery and such strength], stopped its pursuit, having made a prisoner of Fei, a son of the viscount of Ts'oo.
'Lwan K'een, seeing the flag of Tsze-ch'ung, made a request to the marquis, saying, "The people of Ts'oo say that flag is the signal flag of Tsze-ch'ung. That then is Tsze-ch'ung. Formerly, when I was sent on a mission to Ts'oo, he asked me in what the valour of Tsin was seen. I told him it was seen in our love of orderly arrangement, and when he asked in what besides, I said, in our love of being leisurely. Now his State and ours have engaged in battle, without any messenger having gone from us;—that is not what can be called orderly arrangement. And if in the time of action I eat my words, that cannot be called acting leisurely. Allow me to send a drink to him." The marquis granted the request, and K'een then sent a messenger with a vessel of spirits to Tszech'ung, and to say for him self, "My ruler, through want of other officers, has employed me to be in attendance on him with my spear, so that I cannot in person dispense bounty to your followers, and have sent So-and-So with a drink to you in my room." Tsze-ch'ung said, "This must be in consequence of what he said to me in Ts'oo;—do I not remember his words?" He then received the vessel and drank, let the messenger go, and resumed the beating of his drum.
'It was morning when the fighting began, and when the stars appeared, it was not over. Tsze-fan ordered the officers of the army to examine the wounded, to supply from the reserves the place of those who had fallen, to repair the buff-coats and weapons, to inspect the chariots and horses, and that all should take a meal at cock-crow, so as to be ready for orders. On the side of Tsin they were troubled about these arrangements, and Meaou Fun-hwang went round the host, saying, "Review the reserves, and supply the place of the fallen; feed your horses and sharpen your weapons; maintain the same array, and strengthen your ranks; take a meal in your tents, and repeat your prayers;— to-morrow we will resume the engagement." At the same time they let go some of their prisoners.
'When the king heard this, he called Tszefan to him to consult, but Tsze-fan's servant, Kuh-yang, had supplied him with spirits till he was now drunk, and not able to see. The king said, "Heaven is defeating Ts'oo. We must not remain here." He withdrew accordingly during the night, and Tsin entered the camp of Ts'oo, and found grain in it sufficient for three days. Fan Wăn-tsze stood before the marquis's horses, and said, "With your lordship so young, and your officers so wanting in ability, however did we attain to this? Let your lordship beware [of being lifted up]. It is said in one of the Books of Chow (Shoo, V. ix, 23) that 'the appointments of Heaven are not constant,' indicating that it is virtue [which secures them]."
Par. 7. See on V. xxviii. 6. The remarks made there on Tih-shin's death are applicable here to that of Tsze-fan. He is called the Kung-tsze, being a son of duke Muh. The Chuen says:—'The army of Ts'oo returned, and when it had got as far as Hea, the king sent a messenger to Tsze-fan saying, "When a former great officer of our State [Tih-shin] caused the overthrow of his army, the ruler was not present. Do not consider [the present disaster] as your fault;—the guilt of it belongs to me." Tsze-fan bowed twice, with his head to the ground, and said, "The king grants me death, and I will die without shrinking from it. My soldiers did really flee, and I feel that the guilt is mine." [At the same time], Tsze-ch'ung sent a message to Tsze-fan, saying, "You have heard the case of him who formerly lost his army; why should you not consider and act accordingly?" He replied, "Though there had not been such a case, dare I do anything but approve of your command [thus conveyed]? Having lost our ruler's army, dare I forget to die?" The king sent to stop him from his purpose, but, before the messenger arrived, he had died [by his own hand].'
Par. 8. Sha-suy was in Sung,—6 le to the west of the pres. dis. city of Ning-ling (??), dep. Kwei-tih, Ho-nan. If we translate ? by 'had a meeting,' as in other cases, then the beginning and ending of the par. would not agree. The duke was disgraced, say the critics, by the marquis of Tsin; and if there had been reason for the disgrace, then Confucius would have concealed it, as his duty to his native State required him to do. But as in this case Loo was in the right and Tsin in the wrong, the text does not shrink from intimating the disgrace! It must be confessed that the disgrace is intimated in a very indefinite manner.
The Chuen says:—'On the day of the battle, Kwoh Tso and Kaou Woo-k'ew of Ts'e reached the army [of Tsin]; the marquis of Wei commenced his march [to join it] from his capital; and the duke proceeded from Hwae-t'uy. Seuenpih [Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo] had an intrigue with Muh Keang [the duke's mother], and wanted to make away with Ke and Măng [Ke-sun Hăngfoo or Ke Wăn-tsze, and Măng Heen-tsze or Chung-sun Meeh] and appropriate their property. When the duke was commencing his march, Muh Keang escorted him, and urged him to drive out those two ministers; but he represented to her his difficulties with Tsin, and begged [that the matter might be in abeyance] till his return, when he would hear her commands. She was angry; and the duke's two half brothers Yen and Ts'oo [just then] hurrying past, she pointed to them, and said, "If you refuse, either of these may be our ruler." The duke waited at Hwae-t'uy, renewing his orders for a careful watch to be maintained in the palace, and appointed officers to guard [the city]. After this he marched, but the delay made him too late [for the battle]. He had appointed Măng Heen-tsze to keep guard in the palace.
'The meeting in autumn at Sha-suy was to take measures for the invasion of Ch'ing. Seuen-pih sent information to Keoh Ch'ow that the duke had waited in Hwae-t'uy, till he should see which side conquered. [Now] Keoh Ch'ow commanded the new army, and was president of [his branch of] the ducal relatives, with the management of the States of the east. He took bribes from Seuen-pih, and accused the duke to the marquis of Tsin, who consequently refused to see him.'
Par. 9. [The Chuen appends here:—'The people of Ts'aou made a petition to Tsin, saying, "Since our last ruler, duke Seuen, left the world, our people have been saying, 'How is it that our sorrows do not ever come to an end?' And now you have further punished our present ruler, so as to send into exile his brother [See on XV. pp. 3, 4], the guardian of the altars of Ts'aou [See on p. of last year]? Thus you are greatly destroying Ts'aou. Is it not because our former ruler was chargeable with offences? If [our present one] be guilty, yet he had taken his place in an assembly [of the States]. Your lordship is chief and leader of the States, because the punishments you have inflicted have not been contrary to virtue;—how is it that your dealings with our poor State should be the single exception to this? We venture thus privately to set forth our case.'"]
Par. 10. The viscount of Yin was a noble and minister of the royal court, his city of Yin being, probably, in the pres. dis. of E-yang (??), dep. of Ho-nan. That Tsin should call out a minister of Chow to accompany it in the invasion of another State shows how low the royal authority was now reduced.
The Chuen says:—'In the 7th month, the duke joined duke Woo of Yin and the States in an invasion of Ch'ing. When he was about to set out, Muh Keang laid her commands on him in the same way as before, while he also repeated his arrangements for keeping guard, and went his way. The armies of the other States halted on the west of Ch'ing, and our army halted at Tuh-yang, not daring to pass through that State. Tsze-shuh Shing-pih [The Kung-sun Ying-ts'e] sent Shuh-sun Paou [brother of k'eaou-joo] to ask a party from the army of Tsin to come and meet us, saying he would remain without eating, in the borders of Ch'ing, till it arrived. When the party did come to meet us, Shing-pih had been waiting for it 4 days without eating anything; and then he gave food to Paou's messenger [also], before he ate himself. The States then removed [with their forces] to Cheteen. Che Woo-tsze (Seun Ying) was acting as the assistant-commander of the 3d army; and with it and some forces of the States, he made an incursion into Ch'in, as far as Ming-luh. Thence he went on into Ts'ae; and before he returned, the States had removed to Ying-shang. There, on Mow-woo, Tsze-han of Ch'ing attacked them in the night, and the leaders of the armies of Sung, Ts'e, and Wei all got separated from them.'
Par. 11. The Chuen says:—"The people of Ts'aou again begged Tsin [to return to them their earl]. The marquis said, "If Tsze-tsang return, I will send back your ruler." Tszetsang did return [from Sung] [See on p. 4 of last year], and then the earl returned to Ts'aou. Tsze-tsang surrendered [to his brother] his city and his office of minister, and did not leave [his house to engage in the public service].'
Par. 12. We must understand that Ke-sun Hăng-foo was in attendance on the duke in the invasion of Ch'ing. T'eaou-k'ew was a city of Tsin, but its situation is not known. Kungyang has ??.
The Chuen says:—'Seuen-pih [k'eaou-joo] sent word to Keoh Ch'ow, saying, "Ke and Mang are in Loo what Lwan and Fan are in Tsin;—by them is all the action of the govt. determined. Now they have consulted together, and say, "The govt. of Tsin issues from many gates; Tsin is not to be followed. We had better serve Ts'e or Ts'oo. [In any wise] we can only perish; we will not follow Tsin.' If you wish to get your will in Loo, let me ask you to detain Hăng-foo, and put him to death. I will [here] cut off Meeh, and serve Tsin with an unwavering fidelity. When Loo does not waver in its adherence to T'sin, the smaller States are sure to agree in their service. If you do not do as I request, when he returns, he is sure to revolt from you." In the 9th month, the people of T'sin seized and held Ke Wăn-tsze in T'eaouk'ew.
'The duke, returning [from the expedition], waited in Yun, while he sent Tsze-shuh Shingpih to ask Tsin to liberate Ke-sun. Keoh Ch'ow said to him, "If you will take off Chungsun Meeh, and we detain [here] Ke-sun Hăngfoo, I will be more friendly with your State than with our own ducal House." Shing-pih replied, " You must have heard all about Keaoujoo. If you take away Meeh and Hăng-foo, it will be a great casting away of Loo, and will involve my ruler in guilt [towards you]. But if you will not cast Loo away, but bestow on it your favour as a blessing of the duke of Chow, so that my ruler can [continue to] serve yours, then these two men are the ministers on whom Loo's altars depend. Destroy them in the morning, and in the evening Loo is lost to you, for it lies near to the States that are hostile to you. If it be once lost to you and become hostile, how can you remedy such an issue?" Keoh Ch'ow urged, "I will ask a city for you." The other replied, " I am but an ordinary underling of Loo; dare I seek to become great through your great State? I have received my ruler's order to present to you this request. If I obtain it, your gift will be great; what more should I seek for?"
'Fan Wăn-tsze said to Lwan Woo-tsze, "Kesun has been minister to two marquises of Loo, yet his concubines have never worn silk, and his horses have not fed on grain. If we believe the slanderous and bad, and cast away the loyal and good, how shall we appear to the States? Tsze-shuh Ying-ts'e has discharged his ruler's commission without any selfishness. He consulted for his State, without swerving from his purpose; consideration for himself did not make him forget his ruler. If we deny his request, we shall be abandoning a good man. You ought to take measures accordingly." [On this], they, agreed to peace with Loo, and liberated Ke-sun.'
Par. 13. On the liberation of Ke Wăn-tsze, the scale turned against k'eaou-joo. The Chuen says:—'In winter, in the 10th month, [the people drove] away Shuh-sun k'eaou-joo, and [the great officers] entered into a covenant regarding him. He fled to Ts'e.'
Par. 14. The Chuen says:—'In the 12th month, Ke-sun and Keoh made a covenant in Hoo. [Ke-sun] then returned to Loo, and put to death the duke's half brother Yen [see on p. 8]. [Loo subsequently] called Shuh-sun Paou from Ts'e, and made him the representative [of the Shuh-sun family];—see in the 2d year of next Book.' Hoo,—see III. xxiii. 10.
Par. 15. [The Chuen gives here two narratives:—1st, 'Shing Măng-tsze [the mother of the marquis of Ts'e, a daughter of the House of Sung; the eldest daughter by a concubine] began an intrigue with k'eaou-joo, and gave him a position between that of Kaou and Kwoh. He said, however, " I must not be charged with such an offence a second time," and fled to Wei, where also his position was between that of its ministers.' 2d, 'The marquis of Tsin sent Keoh Che to Chow to present the spoils of Ts'oo; and there, in talking with duke Seang of Shen, he frequently boasted of his services. The viscount of Shen said to the great officers of the court, "Ke of Wăn [Keoh Che; see the Chuen at the end of the 11th year] will come to an evil end! His position is below that of seven others, and he seeks to hide the merit of those above him. When resentments gather round a man, there is the root of all disorder. How can he who excites many resentments and prepares the steps of disorder continue in a high position? One of the Books of Hea (Shoo, III.iii.5) says,
'Should resentment be waited for till it appears? It must be cared for before it is seen; showing how cautious we should be in small things, but now he publishes what must occasion resentment. Can that end well?'"]
Par. 16. The execution of Yen is ascribed in the Chuen on p. 14 to Ke Wăn-tsze, while here it would appear to be the action of the duke. The duke, no doubt, ordered it under the direction of the minister. The critics are puzzled to account for the execution of Yen, while his brother Ts'oo was spared [See on p. 8], and they vex themselves also with the force of the ? [See on V. xxviii. 2].
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1 In the [duke's] seventeenth year, Pih-kung Kwoh of Wei led a force, and made an incursion into Ch'ing.
2 In summer, the duke joined the viscount of Yin, the viscount of Shen, the marquis of Tsin, the marquis of Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, and an officer of Choo, in invading Ch'ing.
3 In the sixth month, on Yih-yew, they made a covenant together in Ko-ling.
4 In autumn, the duke arrived from his meeting [with the other princes].
5 Kaou Woo-k'ew of Ts'e fled to Keu.
6 In the ninth month, on Sin-ch'ow, we offered the border sacrifice.
7 The marquis of Tsin sent Seun Ying to Loo to ask the assistance of an army.
8 In winter, the duke joined the viscount of Shen, the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, an officer of Ts'e, and an officer of Choo, in invading Ch'ing.
9 In the eleventh month, the duke arrived from the invasion of Ch'ing.
10 On Jin-shin, Kung-sun Ying-ts'e died in Le-shin.
11 In the twelfth month, on Ting-sze, the sun was eclipsed.
12 Keoh-tseu, viscount of Choo, died.
13 Tsin put to death its great officers, Keoh E, Keoh Ch'ow, and Keoh Che.
14 The people of Ts'oo extinguished Shoo-yung.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'This year, in spring, in the king's 1st month, Tsze-sze of Ch'ing made an incursion into [the districts of] Heu and Hwah in Tsin, when Pih-kung Kwoh of Wei, to relieve Tsin, made an incursion into Ch'ing, as far as Kaou-she.' For (?). Kungyang has ?. Pih-kung Kwoh is also known as Pih-kung E-tsze (????). Too says he was a great-grandson of duke Ch'ing of Wei. Many of the critics insist upon a canon here regarding the use of ?, that it is used instead of ? when the invasion was made by a State at the command of the larger one whose superiority it acknowledged. The canon is without foundation, and would only mystify the text.
Par. 2. See on par. 10 of last year. In VI. xiv. 11, et. al., we have 'the earl of Shen;' here ' the viscount.' The title had been reduced. The Chuen says:—'In summer, in the 5th month, K'wan Wan, the eldest son of the earl of Ch'ing, and How Now, became hostages in Ts'oo, and the two Kung-tszes of Ts'oo, Ch'ing and Yin, came to guard the territory of Ch'ing. The duke joined duke Woo of Yin, duke Seang of Shen, and [the forces of] other States, in invading Ch'ing, from He-t'ung to K'euh-wei.'
[The Chuen introduces here:—'When Fan Wan-tsze returned from Yen-ling, he made the priest of his ancestral temple pray that he might die, saying, "Our ruler is haughty and extravagant, and, by this victory over his enemies, Heaven is increasing his disease. Troubles will soon arise. Let him that loves me curse me, so that I may soon die, and not see those troubles;—that will be my happiness.' In the 6th month, on Mowshin, Sze Seeh [Wan-tsze] died.' Too says that he committed suicide (??); but I do not know on what authority.]
Par. 3. Too says that Ko-ling was in the west of Ch'ing Nothing more is known of it. The object of the covenant, ace. to Tso-she, was to renew that of Ts'eih in the past year. The parties to the covenant were of course the princes and ministers mentioned in the former par. The omission of them here is unimportant, though many crities dwell on it, as intended to conceal the part taken in the covenant by the representatives of the king.
Par. 4. The duke returned so soon, the coalition having been foiled. The Chuen says:— 'Tsze-chrung of Ts'oo relieved Ch'ing, and took post with his army at Show-che, on which [the armies of] the States returned.'
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'K'ing K'ih of Ts'e had an intrigue with Shing Mang-tsze [See the 1st Chuen after p. 14 of last year], and was carried through a street leading to the palace in a carriage along with a woman, himself disguised as a woman. Paou K'een [A greatgrand-son of Paou Shuh-ya of duke Hwan's time] saw him, and told Kwoh Woo-tsze [Kwoh Tso], who sent for K'ih, and spoke to him. K'ih [in consequence] for a long time kept in his house, but he informed the duchess that Kwoh-tsze had been reproving him, which enraged her When duke Ling went to join [the other princes], Kwoh-tsze attended him, while Kaou and Paou remained in charge of the capital. When he was returning, before his arrival, these officers kept the gates of the city shut, and made inquisition for strangers [who might attempt to enter]. On this Mang-tsze accused them, saying that they had meant not to admit the duke, but to appoint duke K'ing's son, Keoh, in his room, and that Kwoh-tsze was privy to their design. In autumn, in the 7th month, on Jin-shin, [duke Ling] caused Paou K'een's feet to be cut off, and drove out Kaou Woo-k'ew, who fled to Keu. [His son], Kaou Joh held [their city of] Loo against the State; and the people of Ts'e called Paou Kwoh [K'een's brother] from Loo, and appointed him the Head of his family.
'Before this, Paou Kwoh had left the Paou family in Ts'e, and come to Loo, where he became a servant to She Heaou-shuh [See the Chuen on XI. 2]. She was consulting the tortoiseshell about a steward, and K'wang K'euseu was indicated for the appointment. Now the steward of the She family had a town of 100 houses, which was assigned to K'wang Keu-seu. He, however, declined the appointment in favour of Paou Kwoh, and gave the town up to him. She Heaou-shuh said, "The divination gave a favourable response for you." K'wang replied, "And what could be a greater proof of its being favourable than my giving the office to a faithful, good man?" Paou Kwoh served the She family faithfully, and therefore the people of Ts'e now chose him to be the representative of the Paou family. Chung-ne said, "The wisdom of Paou Chwang-tsze (Paou K'een) was not equal to that of a sunflower. Though but a flower, it is able to protect its roots!'.— This certainly is not like one of Confucius' remarks; and the critics unanimously agree in protesting against the ascription of it to him.
Par. 6. The 9th month of Chow was the 7th of Hea, when there ought to have been no border sacrifice. The use of ? before ? is singular, and has given rise to much speculation. Many critics, after Kung-yang, would make a canon, that ? is always used to indicate disapprobation of that to which it is applied (??????). Some, especially Lew Ch'ang, think that it indicates the use of a human victim at this sacrifice, and the K'ang-he editors have needlessly given an elaborate refutation of that view. Maou thinks the text is defective.
Parr. 7,8,9. Foiled in its previous expedition, Tsin makes another attempt, equally unsuccessful, to regain its authority over Ch'ing. The Chuen says:—'In winter, the States invaded Ch'ing; and in the 10th month, on Kăng-woo, they laid siege to its capital. Kung-tsze Shin of Ts'oo came to its relief, and took post, with his army, on the Joo, on which [the forces of] the States withdrew.
Par. 10. For * Kung-yang has ?, and Kuh-Leang has ?. Where Le-shins was has not been ascertained. There is a difficulty about the day Jin-shin, which cannot have been in the 11th month of this year. Jin-shin is only two days after Kăng-woo, when, according to the last Chuen, the allies laid siege to the capital of Ch'ing;—some time in the 10th month. Calculating back from Ting-tsze, as the 1st day of the 12th month, we must conclude likewise that the 11th month contained no Jin-shin day. The critics, since Kung and Kuh and their earliest editors, make Jin-shin to have been the 15th day of the 10th month; but this is in conflict with the '11th' month of the previous paragraph. Too says that 'the day is wrong ( ? ?), meaning that either the ? or the ? is wrong;—in the 11th month of this year there were the days ??, ??and ??, and also ?? and ??.
The Chuen says:—'Before this, Shing-pih (the Kung-sun Ying-ts'e) dreamt that he was crossing the Hwan, when some one gave him a k'eung gem and a fine pearl, which he ate. He then fell a-crying, and his tears turned to k'eung gems and fine pearls, till his breast was filled with them. After this he sang:—
"Crossing the waters of the Hwan, They gave me a pearl and a gem. Home let me go! Home let me go! My breast with pearls and gems is full." [When he awoke], he was afraid and did not venture to have the dream interpreted. Returning [now] from Ch'ing, on Jin-shin he arrived at Le-shin, and had the dream interpreted, saying, "I was afraid it indicated my death, and did not venture to have it interpreted. Now the multitude with me is great, and the dream has followed me three years. It cannot hurt me to tell it." He did so; and in the evening of that day he died.'
[The Chuen here returns to the affairs of Ts'e in p. 5:'—' The marquis of Ts'e sent Ts'uy Ch'oo [See the Chuen on VII. x. 5.] as great officer in command, with K'ing K'ih under him, to lead a force and besiege Loo. Kwoh Tso was then with the States at the siege of the capital of Ch'ing, but leave was asked and obtained for him to return to Ts'e, on account of the difficulties of the State. He then went to the army at Loo, and put K'ing K'ih to death, revolting also from the marquis in [his own city of] Kuh. The marquis made a covenant with him at Seukwan, and restored him. In the 12th month, Loo surrendered, and the marquis sent Kwoh [Tso's son] Shing to inform Tsin of the troubles, having charged him to wait [for his further] orders in Ts'ing.']
Par. 11. This eclipse took place 17th Oct., B. C. 573, and was visible in Loo in the morning.
Par. 12. This was duke Ting. He had been viscount of Choo for 40 years. As from the 7th year of Ch'ing we find the troops of Choo, when engaged in expeditions with other States, always led by an officer or minister, we may presume that Keoh-tseu was too old to take the field in person.
Par. 13. The Chuen says:—'Duke Le of Tsin was extravagant, and had many favourites besides the ladies of his harem. When he returned from Yen-ling, he wished to put out of their situations all the great officers, and to appoint in their room the individuals who were always about him. One of his favourites was Seu T'ung, who cherished resentment against the Keoh family, because of the dismissal from office of [his father] Seu K'ih [See the Chuen after VII. viii. 8]. Another of them was E-yang Woo, from whom Keoh E had taken away some fields. A third was Keaou of Ch'ang-yu. with whom, at a former time, Keoh Ch'ow had had a quarrel about some fields; and Ch'ow had also seized and hand-cuffed him, and bound him with his parents, wife, and children to one of the thills of a carriage.
'[These three were all enemies of the Keohs, and] Lwan Shoo also resented the conduct of Keoh Che, who had opposed him, thereby leading to the defeat of the army of Ts'oo [When Lwan Shoo wished that the army of Tsin should keep within its entrenchments, Che insisted that they should go forth and fight which brought on the battle of Yen-ling.] He wanted to procure Che's dismissal from office, and got Fei, the son of the viscount of Ts'oo [who had been taken prisoner], to inform the duke, saying, "My ruler was really called to that battle [of Yen-ling] by Keoh Che, on the ground that the eastern armies had not arrived, and that the commanders of your own difft. armies were not all there. He said, "We are sure to be defeated, and I will then raise Sun-chow [A great-grandson of duke Seang of Tsin] to the rule of Tsin, and serve you?" The duke told this to Lwan Shoo, who said, "It is the truth. If it were not so, how should he have been so regardless of death [in the battle], and have received a message from the enemy? Why should not your lordship try the thing by sending him on a mission to Chow, and examining his conduct there?" [Accordingly], Keoh Che went on a friendly mission to Chow, where Lwan Shoo had sent word to Sunchow to see him. This was spied out by an agent of the duke, who concluded that the whole charge against him was true, and cherished resentment against Keoh Che.
'When the duke was hunting, he would let his women shoot and drink first, and then make the great officers come after them. [Once], Keoh Che was bringing [to the duke] a boar [which he had shot], when Măng-chang, the chief of the ennuchs, snatched it away, and was shot to death by Keoh Che in consequence, [irritating] the duke, [who] said, "Ke-tsze despises me."
'When duke Le wanted to take action against [the great officers], Seu T'ung said to him, "You must begin with the three Keoh. Their clan is large, but they have many enemies. Removing so large a clan will relieve you of pressure, and your action will be easy against those who have so many enemies." The duke approved of this plan. The Keoh heard of it, and E proposed to attack the duke, saying, "Though we may die, he will be put in peril." Keoh Che, however, said, "The things which set a man up are fidelity, wisdom, and valour. A faithful man will not revolt against his ruler; a wise man will not injure the people; a valiant man will not raise disorder. If we lose those three qualities, who will be with us If by our death we increase the number of our enemies, of what use will it be? When a ruler puts a minister to death, what can the latter say to him? If we are really guilty, our death comes late; if he put us to death, being innocent, he will lose the people, and have no repose afterwards, however much he may wish it. Let us simply wait our fate. We have received emoluments from our ruler, and by means of them have collected a party; but what offence could be greater than if with that party we should strive against his order [for our death]?
'On Jin-woo, Seu T'ung and E-yang Woo wished to lead eight hundred men-at-arms to attack the Keoh; but Keaou of Ch'ang-yu begged leave [to attempt their death] without using many followers, and the marquis sent Ts'ing Fei-t'uy with him to help him. Taking their spears and tucking up their skirts, they pretended to have some dispute together, [and went on to where the three Keoh were]. These had planned to take counsel together in the archery hall, and there Keaou with his spear killed Keu-pih (Keoh E) and Ch'ing-shuh of K'oo (Keoh Ch'ow), where they were sitting. Ke of Wan said, "Let me flee from the danger," and ran off. Keaou, however, overtook his carriage, killed him with his spear, took his body and those of the two others, and exposed them in the court. In the meantime Seu T'ung with the men-atarms seized Lwan Shoo and Chung-hang Yen (Seun Heen-tsze) in the court, and Keaou asked that they might be put to death, or sorrow would come to the marquis. The marquis, however, said. " I have exposed the corpses of three ministers in one morning, and I cannot bear to add more to them." Keaou replied, "They will bear to deal with you. I have heard that disorder occasioned by another State is hostility, while that which takes its origin within the State is treason. Hostility is to be met with virtue; treason with punishment. When you put [your enemy] to death without showing [any leniency], it cannot be said there is virtue in such a course; when your ministers exercise a pressure on you, and you do not cut them off, it cannot be said that there is punishment. There being neither virtue nor punishment, hostility and treason will come together. I beg to be allowed to leave the State." Accordingly he fled to the Teih.
'The duke then sent to the two officers that they were at liberty to go, saying, "I have punished the Keoh, and they have suffered for their guilt. No disgrace is intended you. Resume your offices and places." The two bowed twice with their heads to the ground, and replied, "Your lordship has punished the guilty; and that you have further granted us an escape from death,—this is your kindness. Till death we shall not forget it." They then went to their homes.
'The duke made Seu T'ung a high minister; and [not long after], he was rambling and enjoying himself in the neighbourhood of the family of Tseang-le, when Lwan Shoo and Chunghang Yen seized and kept him prisoner. They called Sze K'ae to join them, but he refused. They called Han Keueh, but he also refused, saying, "Formerly I was brought up in the Chaou family; and during the slanders of Măng Ke [See the Chuen on VIII.6], I declined to use my sword. There is a saying of the ancients, that "no one likes to preside at the slaying of an old ox;" how much less would one do so at the slaying of a ruler! You, gentlemen, are not able to serve our ruler; what use could you make of me?'"
Par. 14. The State of Shoo-yung was near that of Shoo-leaou;—see on VII. viii. 7. The Chuen says:—'The people of Shoo-yung, in consequence of the defeat of the army of Ts'oo [at Yen-ling], led the people of Woo to besiege Ch'aou, to attack Kea, and to besiege Le and Hwuy. Trusting in Woo, they made no preparations against Ts'oo, and the Kung-tsze T'oh-tsze surprised their city, and extinguished their State.'
[The Chuen adds here:—'In the intercalary month, on Yih-maou, the last day of it, Lwan Shoo and Chung-hang Yen put to death Seu T'ung. The people were not for the [three Keoh], and Seu T'ung had led on his ruler to commit disorder; and the text therefore says in both cases that "Tsin put its great officers to death.'"]
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1 In the duke's [eighteenth] year, in spring, in the king's first month, Tsin put to death its great officer, Seu T'ung.
2 On Kang-shin, Tsin murdered its ruler, Chow-p'oo.
3 Ts'e put to death its great officer, Kwoh Tso.
4 The duke went to Tsin.
5 In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo and the earl of Ch'ing invaded Sung; [when] Yu Shih of Sung again entered P'ang-shing.
6 The duke arrived from Tsin.
7 The marquis of Tsin sent Sze K'ae to Loo on a mission of friendly enquiries.
8 In autumn, the earl of Ke paid a court-visit to Loo.
9 In the eighth month, the viscount of Choo paid a courtvisit to Loo.
10 We enclosed the deer park.
11 On Ke-ch'ow, the duke died in the state-chamber.
12 In winter, a body of men from Ts'oo and one from Ch'ing made an incursion into Sung.
13 The marquis of Tsin sent Sze Fang to ask the help of an army.
14 In winter, in the twelfth month, Chung-sun Meeh had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the viscount of Choo, and Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e, when they made a covenant together in Heu-ting.
15 On Ting-we, we buried our ruler, duke Ch'ing.
Par. 1. The death of Seu T'ung, as related in the last Chuen, took place in the 12th month, intercalary, of the last year. It appears now, acc. to Too, because it was only now announced to Loo. Tsin followed the calendar of Hea, instead of that of Chow.
Par. 2. See the Chuen on par. 13 of last year. The Chueu here says:—'This spring, in the 1st month, on Kang-shin, Lwan Shoo and Chunghang Yen made Ch'ing Hwah murder duke Le, whom they buried outside the east gate of Yih, with a single carriage in attendance. They then sent Seun Ying and Sze Fang to the capital to meet Chow-tsze, and declared him duke Le's successor. Chow-tsze was [only] 14 years old; but when the great officers met him in Ts'ing-yuen, he said, "At first, I had no wish to arrive at this estate; and [now], though I have arrived at it, is it not to be ascribed to Heaven? When men seek a ruler, it is to have one who shall give out his orders. If, when they have called him to the head of the State, they do not follow his orders, what use have they for him? If you mean to obey me, say so to-day; if not, say so to-day. If you will reverently follow your ruler, then the Spirits will bless us." They replied, "It is your servants' desire. We dare not but hearken to your commands." He then made a covenant with them on Kang-woo, and entered [the capital], lodging in the house of Pih Tsze-t'ung. On Sin-sze he presented himself in the temple of [duke] Woo, and banished seven men, who were unworthy to he ministers.
Chow-tsze had a brother who was devoid of intelligence, so that he could not distinguish beans from wheat, and consequently could not be made marquis.'
The K'ang-he editors enter here again on the subject which they discussed on VI. xvi. 7. The murder of duke Le is ascribed to Tsin, while it was really the work of two of the great officers of the State. Kuh-leang thought the style of the record intimated that the ruler had been very bad. The general view of the critics is, that the style of the entry does in a measure distribute the guilt of the murder among the people, to whom Le was an object of abhorrence. The editors denounce this attempt to screen the deed of the two rascal ministers, and share their guilt among the people. The entry is given in consequence of the nature of the announcement from Tsin, where there was now no inflexible historiographer like Tung Hoo, who recorded the guilt of Chaou Tun. The announcement must have concealed the real criminals by attributing the deed to other parties; but the Ch'un Ts'ew would not so cover the guilt, and therefore attributed the deed to the State itself, that so curiosity might be excited, inquiry made, and the true criminals not escape from the net!' It is impossible to lay down any 'canons,' or offer any satisfactory explanation of the phraseology in cases like the present. We have the 13th par. of last year, and the first three paragraphs of this year, all occupied with executions or murders that cannot be judged of by the same standard, and yet the record of them is identical.
Par. 3. See the Chuen on par. 5 of last year, and that after par. 10. The Chuen says:—'Because of the troubles about K'ing [K'ih] in Ts'e, on keah-shin, the last day of the moon, the marquis of Ts'e made the judge Hwa Meen kill Kwoh Tso with a spear, at an audience which he gave him in the inner palace, there being soldiers concealed in the palace of the marchioness. The language of the text," Ts'e put to death its great officer Kwoh Tso," is because he had paid no respect to his ruler's charge, and had taken it on himself to kill [K-ing K-ih], and had held Kuh in rebellion. [At the same time], the marquis made the people of Ts'ing kill Kwoh Shing. Kwoh Joh [A younger brother of Shing] then fled to Loo, and Wang Tseaou to Lae. K'ing Fung was made a great officer, and K'ing Tso minister of Crime [Both these were sons of K'ih]. After this the marquis recalled Kwoh Joh, and appointed him heir and representative of the Kwoh family;—which was according to rule.'
[The Chuen continues here the narrative in that on p. 2:—'In the 2d month, on Yih-yew, on the 1st day of the moon, duke Taou [Sun-chow] of Tsin took the place of Le in the court, and for the first time gave their charges to the various officers. He bestowed [favours], remitted [burdensome requirements], and forgave debts due to the govt.]; he extended his kindness to the solitary and to widows; he redressed the cause of officers who had been dismissed from employment, and of those who had been kept back; he delivered the needy and distressed; he relieved the sufferers from calamity and misfortune; he laid prohibitions on dissoluteness and wickedness; he lightened taxes; he dealt gently with offenders; he employed the people at the proper times, endeavouring not to interfere with the seasons. He appointed Wei Seang, Sze Fang, Wei Keeh, and Chaou Woo, to be high ministers; Seun Kea, Seun Hwuy, Lwan Yin, and Han Woo-ke, to be great officers over the different branches of the ducal kindred, requiring them to teach the sons and younger brothers of the ministers the duties of reverence, economy, filial piety, and fraternal submission. He appointed Sze Uh-chuh [Sze Ching-tsze] to be grand-master, requiring him to revise and revive the laws of Fan Woo-tsze; and Yew-hang Sin to be minister of Works, requiring him to revise and revive the laws of Sze Wei. Kew of Peen was principal charioteer, with all the head grooms under him, and was required to instruct all the charioteers in the principles of righteousness. Seun Pin was principal spearman on the right, with all the other spearmen under him, and was required to instruct those strong men-at-arms in the service at any time required of them. Ministers [Being generals] were not allowed a special charioteer, his duty being discharged by one of the ordinary officers. K'e He was tranquillizer of the army of the centre, with Yangsheh Chih under him; Wei Keang was marshal, and Chang Laou was scout-master. Toh Ngohk'ow was tranquillizer of the 1st army, with Tsih Yen as marshal, and was required to teach the soldiers and chariot-men to aid one another in obeying the commands which they received. Ch'ing Ch'ing was chief equerry. with the grooms of the six studs under him. whom he was required to instruct in the rules of propriety. The chiefs of all the six official departments were the objects of the people's praise. Not one was unequal to the office to which he was raised; no one interfered with the duties of another's department. Their dignities did not surpass their virtues. The assistant-commanders did not trench on the authority of the generals, nor did their subordinates press upon them. No word of dissatisfaction or reviling was heard among the people, and thus the place of Tsin as the leader of the other States was restored.']
Par. 4, 6. 'The duke,' says Tso-she, 'went to Tsin, to appear at the court of the new ruler'
Par. 5. Păng-shing was in the pres. dis. of T'ung-shan (??), dep. Seu-chow, Keangsoo. The Chuen says:—' In summer, in the 9th month, the earl of Ch'ing made an incursion into Sung, and proceeded as far as the outside of the Ts'aou gate. He then joined the viscount of Ts'oo who was invading Sung, and they took Cheaou-keah. Tsze-sin of Ts'oo and Hwang Shin of Ch ing made an incursion to Shingkaou, and took Yew-k'ew. They then joined in attacking P'ăng-shing. in which they placed Yu Shih, Heang Wei-jin, Lin Choo. Heang Tae. and Yu Foo [See the Chuen on XV., pp. 8.9.], left 300 chariots to guard the country, and returned. The text says that [Yu Shih] "again entered" [P-ăng-shing]. Now, in the case of parties who have left their State, when the State sends and meets them [to bring them back], they are said "to enter it." When they have the places which they formerly held restored to them, they are said "to be restored again." When they are re-instated by the prince of another State, they are said "to be restored." When their restoration is effected by violence, they are said "to enter again."
'The people of Sung were afflicted by these proceedings, but Se Ts'oo-woo said, "Why be afflicted? If the people of Ts'oo had regarded those wicked men as we do, [and dealt with them] so as to do us a favour, then we should have served Ts'oo without daring to waver in our adherence. Then that great State, in its insatiable ambition would have treated us as a border of its own, and still been angry [that our State was not larger]. This would have been a cause [for affliction]. Or if in another way it had received those objects of our detestation, and made them help it in its measures, so as to spy out the opportunities which we might afford it [to attack us], this also would have been an affliction. But now, Ts'oo has exalted these traitors to their prince, and apportioned to them a part of our territory, so as to stop the plain route [of communication between Tsin and Woo];—it has satisfied the traitors'wishes, and will thereby separate from itself its own adherents; it has poisoned the States against itself, and filled with apprehension Woo and Tsin Our course becomes much easier. This should be no sorrow to us. And for what have we served Tsin? It will be sure to pity us.'"
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'When the duke arrived from Tsin, Fan Seuen-tsze (Sze Kae) came to Loo with friendly inquiries, and to acknowledge the duke's visit to the court of Tsin. The superior man will say that in this Tsin behaved with propriety.'
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'The earl of K'e now came to congratulate the duke on the accomplishment of his journey, and to ask about Tsin. The duke in consequence told him all about the [new] marquis. The earl on this went off quickly on a court-visit to Tsin, and begged an alliance of marriage with it.
[There is a note here about Sung:—'In the 7th month, Laou Tso of Sung and Hwa He laid siege to Păng-shing, when the former died.']
Par. 9. Tso-she says this visit was made by duke Seuen of Choo, on occasion of his succeed ing to the State, to have an interview with duke Ch'ing.
Par. 10. Tso-she says this entry is made because of the unseasonableness of the proceeding.
Par. 11. See VII. xviii. 7; et al.'The record,' says Tso,'shows that he died where he should have done.'
Par. 12. The Chuen says:—'In the 11th month, Tsze-chung of Ts'oo came to relieve P'ang-shing, and invaded Sung. Hwa Ynen of Sung went to Tsin to report the urgency of their distress. Han Heen-tsze was then Tsin's chief minister, and said, "It we wish to win men, we must first be earnest in their behalf. To establish our leadership, and secure our strength, we must begin with Sung." The marquis of Tsin then took post with an army at T'ae-kuh, to relieve Sung, and [his generals] met with the army of Ts'oo in the valley of Me-koh. It withdrew before them.'
Par. 13. For ? Kung has ? The Chuen says:—'When Sze Fang asked for the help of an army, Ke Wan-tsze asked Tsang Woo-chung what should be its numbers. Tsang relief, "In the expedition against Ch'ing, Che pih [Seun Ying] came to us, the assistant-commander of the 3d army. Now Che Ke [Sze Fang, a son of Sze Hwuy] is in the same position. Send the same number of troops which we did to the invasion of Ch-ing. In serving a great State, we must not fail to observe the rank aud titles of its envoys, and to be very respectful." Ke Wan-tsze followed this counsel.'
Par. 14. Heu-ting was probably in Sung; but its situation is not known. The Chuen says:—'In the 12th month, Mang Heen-tsze [Meeh] joined [the other commanders] in Heuting, to consult about the relief of Sung. The people of Sung declined the presence of the princes, and begged the service of their armies to besiege P'ang-shing. Mang Heen-tsze asked leave of the princes, and returned to Loo, to be present at the duke's burial."
Par. 15. 'This entry,'says Tso-she, 'intimates that everything [about the death, burial, and succession] was natural and proper.'
BOOK. IX. DUKE SEANG
I. First year.
1 In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant]
seat.
2 Chung-sun Mëeh joined Lwan Yin of Tsin, Hwa Yuen of Sung, Ning Ohih
of Wei, an officer of Ts'aou, an officer of Keu, an officer of Choo, an officer
of T'ăng, and an officer of Sëeh, in besieging P'ăng-shing
in Sung.
3 In summer, Han Keueh of Tsin led an army, and invaded Ch'ing. Chung-sun
Mëeh joined Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e, an officer of Ts'aou, an officer of Choo,
and an officer of K'e, and halted, [with their forces], in Tsăng.
4In autumn, the Kung-tsze Jin-foo of Ts'oo led a force, and made an incursion
into Sung.
5 In the ninth month, on Sin-yëw, the king [by] Heaven's [grace]
died.
6 The viscount of Choo came to Loo on a court-visit.
7 In winter, the marquis of Wei sent the Kung-sun P'ëaou to Loo on a visit of friendly inquiries. So did the marquis of Tsin send Sëun Ying.
Title of this Book.—?
?, Duke Sëang.' Duke Sëang's name was Woo(?). He was the son of duke
Ch'ing, and as we learn from the Chuen after IX. 6, at the time of his acces-
sion was only 4 years old. His mother was not the daughter of Ts'e, of whose
marriage with Ch'ing we have an account in his 14th year, but of a Sze (?),
a lady of K'e, whose death ap- pears in the 4th year. His posthumous title Sëang
denotes—'Successful in his conduct of affairs (?????? ).'
Sëang's 1st year synchronized with the 14th of king Këen (??); the
1st of Taou (?) of Tsin; the 10th of Ling (?) of Ts'e; the 5th of Hëen
(?) of Wei; the 20th of King of Ts'ae; the 13th of Ch'ing (?) of Ch'ing; the
6th of Ch'ing (?) of Ts'aou; the 27th of Ch'ing of Ch'in; the 65th of Hwan of
K'e; the 4th of P'ing (?) of Sung; the 5th of King () of Ts'in; the 19th of
Kung (?) of Ts'oo; and the 14th of Show-mung of Woo (? ? ?).
Par. 1. See on VIII. i. 1; et al.
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'This year, in spring, on Ke-hae, there was
the siege of P'ăng- shing. It did not now belong to Sung;—the
text calls it Sung's retrospectively. At this time [the States] were punishing
Yu Shih for Sung, and therefore the city is called Sung's, and moreover the
text would not sanction the exaltation of a rebel. The language has respect
to the wishes of Sung [in the matter].
'P'ăng-shing surrendered to Tsin, and the people of Tsin took the
five great officers of Sung who were in it back with them, and placed them in
Hoo-k'ëw. The troops of Ts'e were not present at [the siege of] P'ăng-shing,
which Tsin thought was a ground for punishing [that State], and in the 2d month
the eldest son of [the marquis of] Ts'e became a hostage in Tsin.'
According to Tso-she's own remarks in the above Chuen, the ? before ? ? in
this par. is Confucius' own,—an instance not of his pruning, but of
his correcting pencil. But the reasons for his view are very shadowy. Ts'oo
had not taken P'ăng-shing from Sung, and ap- propriated it to itself.
King Kung had indeed placed Yu Shih in it, as a thorn in the side of Sung, and
had supplied him with a force to en- able him to maintain his position, but
he had not made him its ruler with the title of baron, or viscount, or any higher
dignity. Nothing had occurred which should make the historio- graphers not speak
of the city as Sung's.
Par. 3. Tsăng was a city of Ch'ing,—in the pres. Suy Chow,
dep. Kwei-tih. It must not be confounded with the State of Tsăng,
V. xiv. 2; et al. For ? Kung-yang has ?, and for ? ?.
The Chuen says:—'In summer, in the 5th month, Han Keueh and Seun
Yen of Tsin invaded Ch'ing, with the forces of [several of] the States, and
entered its outer suburbs. They defeated its infantry near the Wei. At this
time the armies of the [other] States were halt- ing at Tsăng, waiting
for the army of Tsin. When that came from Ch'ing, it made a junction with them,
and made an incursion into Tsëaou-e of Ts'oo, and into Ch'in. The marquis
of Tsin and the marquis of Wei remained in Ts'eih, to render any aid that might
be needed.'
Chaou P'ăng-fei says on this paragraph:— 'Tsin, as chief
among the States, invaded Ch'ing many times. The reason why it thought it necessary
to maintain its grasp of it with the forces of the other States was not the
strength of Ch'ing, but the fear of Ts'oo. Had there been no Ts'oo to come to
the help of Ch'ing, Tsin might have penetrated to its outer suburbs with a small
force. The manner in which it now took its measures in reference to Ch'ing may
be pronounced prudent and skilful. With Han Keueh alone attacking the capital
of Ch'ing in front, and the soldiers of the five States ready to succour him
in the rear, if the forces of Ts'oo did not come forth, the single Han Keueh
was abundantly able to take the city; if they did come forth, the armies of
the five States were sufficient to fight them without fear. These arrangements
showed the care with which Tsin made use of the other States, and did not lightly
expose their people in bat- tle. Therefore the sage by the terms "in- vaded"
and "halted" indicated his admiration of its measures in dealing with
the offending Ch'ing. Expositors, regarding only the state- ment in the next
paragraph, that an army of Ts'oo made an incursion into Sung, say that the States
halted at Tsăng to save Sung. But it was not till the autumn that
Ts'oo made that incursion;—how should the States have halted here
beforehand with a view to save Sung? Such a view shows no consideration of the
order of the paragraphs. Moreover, Tsăng was in the territory of
Ch'ing;—would they have halted in Ch'ing to save Sung?'
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, Tsze- sin of Ts'oo went to succour
Ch'ing, and made an incursion on Leu and Lëw of Sung. Tsze-jen of Ch'ing
made an incursion into Sung, and took K'euen-k'ëw.'
Por. 5. This was king Këen (?). He was succeeded by his son, king Ling
(?).
Par. 6. Tso-she says this visit was 'proper,' —to congratulate, I
suppose, the child-marquis on his accession.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'In winter Tsze- shuh of Wei, and Che Woo-tsze
of Tsin, came to Loo, with friendly inquiries; which was proper. On the accession
of any prince, smaller States appeared [by their princes] at his court, and
larger ones sent friendly missions;—for the continuance of their friendship,
and cementing their good faith, to take counsel on affairs, and to repair deficiencies.
These were the greatest of ceremonies.'
These courtesies to Loo, it must be supposed, were sent before the States had
heard the news of the king's death, because after such an event there was an
intermission for a time of those observances.
II. Second year.
1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, in the king's first
month, there was the burial of king Këen.
2 An army of Ch'ing invaded Sung.
3 In summer, in the fifth month, on Kăng-yin, [duke Ch'ing's] wife,
the lady Këang, died.
4 In the sixth month, on Kăng-shin, Kwăn,
earl of Ch'ing, died.
5 An army of Tsin, an army of Sung, and Ning Chih of Wei,
made an incursion into Ch'ing.
6 In autumn, in the seventh month, Chung-sun Mëeh
had a meeting with Sëun Ying of Tsin, Hwa Yuen of Sung, Sun Lin-foo of
Wei, an officer of Ts'aou, and an officer of Choo, in Ts'eih.
7 On Ke-ch'ow,
we buried our duchess, Ts'e Këang.
8 Shuh-sun P'aou went to Sung.
9 In winter,
Chung-sun Mëeh had a meeting with Seun Ying of Tsin, Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e,
Hwa Yuen of Sung, Sun Lin-foo of Wei, an officer of Ts'aou, an officer of Choo,
an officer of T'ăng, an officer of Sëeh, and an officer of Little
Choo, in Ts'eih, when they proceeded to wall Hoo-laou.
10 Ts'oo put to death
its great officer, the Kung-tsze Shin.
Par. 1. This burial, 5 months after death,
was sooner than 'the rule' prescribed.
Par. 2. Acc. to Tso, this 'invasion' was merely 'an incursion,' at the command
of Ts'oo.
[The Chuen appends here:—The marquis of Ts'e invaded Lae, the people
of which sent Ching Yu-tsze to bribe Suh Sha-wei [Chief eunuch in Ts'e] with
a hundred choice horses and as many oxen. On this the army of Ts'e returned.
From this the superior man might know that duke Ling of Ts'e was indeed ling
(A play on the meaning of the term as a post- humous epithet)].'
Par. 3. This was duke Ch'ing's wife proper, called the 'wife-mother (? ?)'
of duke Sëang. The Chuen says:—'Before this, Muh Këang [Duke
Ch'ing's mother] had caused some fine këa trees to be chosen, to make for
herself a coffin and a sung lute. Ke Wăn-tsze now took the coffin
to bury Ts'e Këang in. The superior man will pronounce this proceed- ing
contrary to propriety. Propriety admits of nothing unreasonable. A wife should
nourish her mother-in-law;—nothing could be more un- reasonable than
to take from the mother-in-law to supply the wife. The ode (She, III. iii. ode
II. 9.) says,
"There is indeed a wise man;— I tell him good words, And he
yields to them the practice of docile virtue." But Ke-sun in this showed
himself not wise. And [Ts'e] Këang was the duke's mother. The ode (She,
IV. i. Bk. ii. ode IV.), says,
"With spirits and sweet spirits, To present to our deceased parents, And
in supply for all ceremonies;— Very abundant is the blessing conferred
upon us."' Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ch'ing of Ch'ing was
ill, and Tsze-sze begged him to ease his shoulder upon Tsin, but he said, "For
the sake of Ch'ing, the ruler of Ts'oo received an arrow in his eye. It was
for me he underwent this, and for no other man. If I revolt from him, I cast
away his efforts in our behalf and my own promise;—who in such a case
would care for my friendship? It is for you, my officers, to save me from such
a course." In autumn, in the 7th month, on Kăng-shin, Kwăn,
earl of Ch'ing, died.'
In this last sentence of the Chuen, Kăng- shin, the day of the earl's
death, is said to have been in the 7th month, and not in the 6th as in the text.
And the Chuen must be correct, for Kăng-yin of par. 3 being in the
5th month, there cannot have been a Kăng-shin day in the 6th. Acc.
to Too's scheme of the calendar, Kăng-shin was the 9th day of the
7th month.
There is no mention subsequently of the burial of the earl of Ch'ing; 'because,'
acc. to K'aou K'ang, 'he had joined the party of Ts'oo, and the other States
therefore did not observe the usual measures at his funeral.'
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'At this time, Tsze-han [of Ch'ing] had charge
of the State, Tsze-sze was chief minister, and Tsze-kwoh was minister of War.
All the other great officers wished to give in the adhesion of the State to
Tsin, but Tsze-sze said, "The charge to us offi- cers is not yet changed."'
Tsin was now taking advantage of the death of the earl of Ch'ing to attack
the State. The other officers wanted to submit to it, but Tsze- sze held that
the charge of the deceased earl, that they should adhere to Ts'oo, was binding
on them, till his successor should give them different instructions, and it
was too early for him to have done so. To attack a State when suffering from
the death of its ruler was con- trary to the rule and practice of those times.
The commentators have much to say on this point.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'This meeting at Ts'eih was to consult in
reference to Ch'ing. Mang Hëen-tsze (Mëeh) proposed that they should
fortify Hoo-laou, to bring a pressure to bear on Ch'ing. Che Woo-tsze said,
"Good. At the meeting in Tsăng (the year before), you [mentioned]
some remarks of the minister Ts'uy which you had heard; and now he is not here.
Neither have T'ăng, Sëeh, and Little Choo come;—all
in consequence of Ts'e's [disaffec- tion], and to the grief of my ruler. I will
report the thing to him, and we will ask Ts'e [to join in the fortification].
If it accede, and we give notice accordingly, the merit will be yours. If it
do not accede, our business will lie in Ts'e. This proposal of yours is for
the happiness of all the States. Not our ruler on- ly is indebted to you for
it."'
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Ts'e made the wives of all
his great officers of his own surname come to Loo to attend the funeral. He
sent for the viscount of Lae also to come; but he was not present. On this ac-
count Gan Joh walled Tung-yang to exert a pressure on Lae.'
Par. 8. Shuh-sun P'aou,—see the Chuen on VIII. xvi. 14. Tso says:—'This
friendly mission of Muh-shuh (P'aou) to Sung was to open com- munications between
it and the young marquis.'
Par. 9. Little Choo;—see V. vii. 2. The Chuen says:—'In
winter there was a second meeting at Ts'eih, when Ts'uy Woo-tsze of Ts'e, and
great officers of T'ăng, Sëeh, and little Choo were all present,
in consequence of the words of Che Woo-tsze [at the former meeting]. They then
proceeded to fortify Hoo-laou, and the people of Ch'ing tendered their submission
[to Tsin].' Hoo-laou was a city which had belonged to Ch'ing, but was now held
by Tsin. It was in the pres. dis. of Sze-shwuy, dept. K'ae-fung. The K'ang-he
editors say that the fortifying of this city was 'grasping Ch'ing by the throat,
so that it could not look towards the south.'
Par. 10. The Chuen says:—'The Kung-tsze Shin of Ts'oo was marshal
of the right, and by means of the bribes which he received from many of the
small States exercised a pressure on Tsze-chung and Tsze-sin till the people
of Ts'oo put him to death. Hence the language of the text, "Ts'oo put to
death its great officer, the Kung-tsze Shin."'
III. Third year.
1 In the [duke's] third year, in spring, the Kung-tsze Ying-
ts'e of Ts'oo led a force and invaded Woo.
2 The duke went to Tsin.
3 In summer,
in the fourth month, on Jin-seuh, the duke and the marquis of Tsin made a covenant
in Chang-ch'oo.
4 The duke arrived from Tsin.
5 In the sixth month, the duke had
a meeting with the vis- count of Shen, the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung,
the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the viscount of Keu, the viscount of
Choo, and Kwang, heir-son of Ts'e; and on Ke-we they made a covenant together
at Ke-tsih.
6 The marquis of Ch'in sent Yuen K'ëaou to be present at the
meeting.
7 On Mow-yin, Shuh-sun P'aou, and the great officers of the various
princes, made a covenant with Yuen K'ëaou of Ch'in.
8 In autumn, the duke
arrived from the meeting.
9 In winter, Seun Ying of Tsin led a force, and invaded
Heu.
Par. 1. We have here the commencement of those hostilities between Ts'oo
and Woo, which did more than all the power of the northern States to repress
the growth of Ts'oo. Tsin had fostered the jealousy and ambition of Woo, until
Ts'oo saw that the most prudent course for itself was to take the initiative
in making war.
The Chuen says:—'This spring, Tsze-chung of Ts'oo invaded Woo with
an army selected for the purpose. He subdued Këw-tsze, and proceeded as
far as mount Hăng. Thence he sent Tăng Lëaou to make
an incursion into the country, with a force of 300 men, wearing buff- coats
lacquered as if made of strings, and 3,000, whose coats were covered with silk.
The people of Woo intercepted and attacked him. Tăng Lëaou himself
was taken, and of the men who e buff-coats looked as if made of strings only
80 escaped, and of the others only 300. Tsze-chung had returned [to Ying]; and
three days after he had drunk his arrival [in the ancestral temple], the people
of Woo invaded Ts'oo, and took Këa. Këa was a good city, as Tăng
Lëaou was a good officer of Ts'oo. Superior men observed that what Tsze-chung
gained in this expedition was not equal to what he lost. The people of Ts'oo
on this account blamed Tsze-chung, who was so much distressed, that he fell
into mental trouble, and died.'
Parr. 2—4. Tso says that this court-visit was made as being proper
on the duke's accession to the State. Of course the child was in the hands of
his ministers, and did as they directed him. His guide at this time was Chung-sun
Mëeh. As the duke had gone to the capital of Tsin, and the name of the
place where the marquis and he covenanted is given, it is supposed by Too that
the latter had courteously left the city, and met his young guest outside. Hence
Ying- tah says that Chang-ch'oo was a place near the wall of the capital of
Tsin.
The Chuen says:—'At the covenant in Chang- ch'oo, Măng
Hëen-tsze directed the duke, who bowed with his head to the ground. Che
Woo- tsze said, "The son of Heaven is alive; and for your ruler to bow
his head to the ground be- fore him makes my ruler afraid." Hëen-tsze
replied, "Considering how our poor State stands there in the east, in proximity
to our enemies, all our ruler's hope is in yours;—dare he but bow
his head to the ground?"'
[The Chuen appends here:—'K'e He (see the Chuen after VIII. xviii.
3) asked leave to resign his office on account of age. The marquis of Tsin asked
him about his successor, and he re- commended Hëae Hoo, who was his enemy.
Hoo, however, died, as he was about to be ap- pointed, and the marquis consulted
He again. He replied, "Woo (his own son) may do." About the same time
Yang-sheh Chih died, and the marquis asked He who should take his place, when
he replied, "Ch'ih (Chih's son) will do." Accordingly K'e Woo was
appointed tran- quillizer of the army of the centre, and Yang- sheh Ch'ih assistant
to him.
The superior man will say that K'e He thus showed himself capable of putting
forward good men. He recommended his enemy;—evidently no flatterer;
he got his own son appointed;— but from no partiality; he advanced
his subordi- nate;—but with no partizanship. One of the Books of Shang
(Shoo, V. iv. 14) says,
"Without partiality, and without deflection, Broad and long is the royal
path;" —words which may be applied to K'e He. Hëae Hoo,
was recommended; K'e Woo got his position; and Pih-hwa (Yang-sheh Ch'ih) got
his office:—in the filling up of one office three things were accomplished.
He was indeed able to put forward good men. Good himself, he could put forward
those who were like him. The ode (She, II. vi. ode X. 4) says,
"They have the ability, And right is it their actions should show it;"—
so was it with K'e He!'].
Par. 5 Ke-tsih was in Tsin,—in the north- east of the pres. dep.
of Kwang-p'ing, Chih-le. The Chuen says:—'In consequence of the submission
of Ch'ing, and wishing to cultivate the friendship of Woo, Tsin proposed to
call a meeting of the States, and therefore [the marquis] sent Sze Kae to inform
Ts'e, saying, "My ruler has sent me, because of the difficulties of every
year, and the want of preparation against evils that may arise, [to say that]
he wishes to have an interview with his brethren, to consult about the case
of States that are not in harmony with us, and begs your lordship to come to
it. He has sent me to beg a convenant with you." The marquis of Ts'e wanted
to refuse, but felt the difficulty of appearing to be among the discord- ant,
and made a covenant [with Kae], beyond the E. In the 6th month, the duke met
duke K'ing of Shen and the various princes; and on Ke-we they made a covenant
together at Ke- tsih. The marquis of Tsin sent Seun Hwuy to meet the viscount
of Woo on the Hwae, who, however, did not come [to the meeting].'
Most of the critics condemn this covenant on the ground that it was derogatory
to the king to associate his representative, the viscount of Shen, in it. Too,
however, and others think the viscount may have been specially commis- sioned
to take part in it, to establish the leader- ship of duke Taou among the States.
The heir-son of Ts'e was a hostage in Tsin (see on i. 2), and was therefore
present at the meeting.
Parr. 6, 7. Here is another proof that the power of Ts'oo had received a check,
and that the States which had adhered to it were now seeking the alliance of
Tsin. The Chuen says: —'Tsze-sin of Ts'oo, being made chief minister
of the State, was exorbitant in his desire [for bribes] from the small States.
[In conse- quence], duke Ching of Ch'in sent Yuen K'ëaou to the meeting
[of the States], to seek for re- conciliation and peace. The marquis of Tsin
made Ho Tsoo-foo inform the princes of it. In the autumn, Shuh-sun P'aou and
the great officers of the [other] States made a covenant with Yuen K'ëaou;—on
Ch'in's thus begging to tender its submission.' No stress is to be laid on the
two ? in p. 7, as Kuh and Kung would do.
[The Chuen appends here:—'Yang-kan, a brother of the marquis of Tsin,
having thrown the ranks into confusion at K'ëuh-lëang (near Ke-tsih),
Wei Këang (marshal of the army of the centre) executed his charioteer.
The mar- quis was angry, and said to Yang-sheh Ch'ih, "We assembled the
States for our glory, and now this execution has been done on Yang-kan; —the
disgrace is extreme. You must put Wei Këang to death without fail."
Ch'ih replied, "Këang is not a man of double purpose. He will avoid
no difficulty in the service of his ruler, and will evade no punishment due
to any offence he may commit. He will be here to state his case; why should
you send such an order about him?" When he had done, Wei Këang arrived,
gave a written statement to one of the [marquis's] attendants, and was about
to fall upon his sword, but was stopped by Sze Fang and Chang Laou. The marquis
read the statement, which said, "Formerly, being in want of servants, you
gave to me this office of marshal. I have heard that in a host submis- sion
to orders is the soldier's duty, and that when the business of the army may
require the infliction of death, not to shrink from in- flicting it is the officer's
reverential duty. Your lordship had assembled the States, and I dared not but
discharge my reverential duty. If your lordship's soldiers had failed in their
duty, and your officers in theirs, the offence would have been extreme. I was
afraid that the death which I should incur would also extend to Yang-kan; I
do not dare to escape from the consequences of guilt, for I was unable to give
the necessary instructions previously, and proceeded to use the axe. My offence
is heavy, and I dare not shrink from accepting the due, so as to enrage your
mind. Allow me to return, and die at the hands of the minister of Crime."
The duke ran out barefoot, saying, "I spoke out of my love for my brother;
you punished in accordance with military law. I was not able to instruct my
brother, which made him violate your great orders;—that was my fault;
do not you render it still heavier. Let me presume to request this of you."
The marquis [now] con- sidered that Wei Këang was able by his use of punishments
to aid [in the govt. of] the people. When then they returned from the service,
he gave him a feast of ceremony, and made him assistant-commander of the new
army]. Chang Laou was made marshal of the army of the centre, and Sze Foo was
made scout-master.'
There follows another brief notice:—'The Kung-tsze Ho-ke, minister
of War of Ts'oo, made an incursion into Ch'in, because of the revolt of that
State].'
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ling of Heu adhered to Ts'oo, and was
not present at the meeting in Ke-tsih. In winter Che Woo- tsze of Tsin led a
force, and invaded Heu.'
IV. Fourth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, in the king's third
month, Woo, marquis of Ch'in, died.
2 In summer, Shuh-sun P'aou went to Tsin.
3In autumn, in the seventh month, on Mow-tsze, [duke Ch'ing's] wife, the lady
Sze, died.
4 There was the burial of duke Ch'ing of Ch'in.
5 In the eighth month,
on Sin-hae, we buried our duchess, Ting Sze.
6 In winter, the duke went to Tsin.
7 A body of men from Ch'in laid siege to the capital of Tun.
Par. 1. The Chuen
says:—'This spring, the army of Ts'oo, in consequence of the revolt
of Ch'in, was still in Fan-yang. Han Hëen-tsze was troubled about it, and
said in the court [of Tsin], "When king Wăn led on the revolted
States of Yin to serve Show, he knew the time. It is different now with our
course. Alas!" In the 3d month, duke Ch'ing of Ch'in died; and when the
people of Ts'oo, who were then about to invade Ch'in, heard of the event, they
stayed their movement. Nevertheless, the people of Ch'in would not hearken to
Ts'oo's commands. When Tsang Woo-chung heard of it, he said, "Ch'in, thus
refusing to submit to Ts'oo, is sure to perish. When a great State behaves with
courteous consideration, not to submit to it would be deemed blameworthy in
[another] great State; how much more must it be deemed so in a small one!"
In summer, P'ăng Ming of Ts'oo made an incursion into Ch'in, because
of the want of propriety which Ch'in had mani- fested.' The K'ang-he editors
are indignant at the remarks which Ts'oo's persistence in attack- ing Ch'in
elicited from the two statesmen of Tsin and Loo. Now, they think, was the time
to have taken the field in force against Ts'oo.
Par. 2. Tso-she thinks this visit of P'aou to Tsin was in return for that of
Seun Ying in the 1st year; but that courtesy of Tsin had been already more than
responded to. We do not know what now took P'aou to Tsin.
The Chuen says:—'Muh-shuh went to Tsin, in return for the friendly
mission of Che Woo- tsze. The marquis gave him an entertainment; and when the
bells gave the signal, [there were sung] three pieces of the Kae-hëa, but
he made no bow in acknowledgment. The musicians then sang the first three pieces
in the first Book of the Greater odes of the kingdom; but neither did he bow
in acknowledgment of these. They sang finally the first three pieces in the
1st Book of the Minor odes, in acknowledgment of which he bow- ed three times.
Han Hëen-tsze sent the inter- nuncius Tsze-yun to him, saying, "You
have come by the command of your ruler to our poor State. We have received you
with the cere- monies appointed by our former rulers, adding the accompaniment
of music. Where the honour was the greatest, you overlooked it; and where it
was the least, you acknowledged it:—I presume to ask by what rules
of propriety you were guided." The envoy replied, The first three pieces
were those proper to an occasion when the son of Heaven is entertaining a chief
among the princes; I did not presume to seem as if I heard them. The second
three were those proper to the music at an interview between two princes; I
did not presume to appear as if I had to do with them. But in the first of the
last three, your ruler was complimenting mine;—I could not but presume
to acknowledge the compliment. In the second, your ruler was cheering me for
the toil of my embassy;—I dared not decline deeply to acknowledge
[his kindness]. In the third, your ruler was instructing me, and telling me
to be prosecuting my inquiries among the good. I have heard that to inquire
about goodness is [the proper] questioning; to inquire about re- lative duties
is [the proper] seeking for informa- tion; to inquire about propriety is [the
proper] deliberation; to inquire about governmental affairs is [the proper]
consultation; to inquire about calamities is [the proper] devising:—
thus I obtained five excellent instructions, and I dared not but deeply to acknowledge
[the favour]."'
Parr. 3, 5. Here Kung-yang makes the sur- name of the lady to have been ? and
not ?. It is plain from the Chuen that she was the mo- ther of duke Sëang.
The death of duke Ch'ing's wife—Ts'e Këang—appears
in the second year. The Sze could only have been a concubine; yet she appears
here as if she had been his wife, and was buried as such. The K'ang-he editors
can- not help calling attention to this impropriety, and they suppose that the
entries were made just to call attention to it! The whole thing is the more
remarkable, as it appears from the Chuen that it was not thought necessary at
first to bury Ting Sze with any distinguished ceremonies at all. It says:—'In
autumn, Ting Sze died, and [it was proposed] that her coffin should not be carried
into the ancestral temple on occasion of her interment; that there should be
no [double] coffin; and that the subsequent ceremony of lamentation should be
omitted. The artificer K'ing said to Ke Wăn-tsze, "You are our
chief minister, and in making the funeral rites of the duchess thus incomplete,
you are not doing your duty to our ruler. When he is grown up, who will receive
the blame?"
'Before this, Ke-sun had planted for himself six këa trees in the P'oo
orchard outside the east gate. K'ing asked him for some trees [to make the coffin],
and when he gave a half assent, the other used the këas in that orchard,
without Ke- sun's forbidding him. The superior man will say, "Might not
what we find in an [old] book, that he who is guilty of many breaches of pro-
priety will find his conduct recoil upon himself, be spoken of Ke-sun?"
' The funeral must have been hurried on.
Par. 4. The State of Ch'in had revolted from Ts'oo, and was now on the side
of Tsin. Loo in consequence, as one of the northern party, now sent an officer
to be present at the burial of the marquis.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'The duke now went to Tsin, to receive its
orders (as to the services to be rendered to the leading State). The marquis
of Tsin entertained him, and the duke requested that Tsăng might
be attached to Loo. The marquis not agreeing to this, Măng Hëen-
tsze said, "Our ruler in Loo is in proximity to your adversaries, and wishes
to serve your lord- ship firmly, without failing in any of the re- quirements
of your officers. Tsăng contributes no levies to your minister of
War. Your officers are continually laying their commands on our poor State,
which being of small dimensions is liable to fail in discharging them, and may
be charged with some offence. Our ruler therefore wished to borrow the assistance
[of Tsăng]." On this the marquis assented to the application.'
Par. 7. Tun,—see V. xxv. 5. It was one of the many small States acknowledging
the suprema- cy of Ts'oo. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ts'oo made
Tun watch for opportunities in Ch'in, and attack it or make inroads into it.
In consequence, the people of Ch'in laid siege to its principal city.'
[The Chuen gives here a long narrative about Tsin and the Jung. 'Këa-foo,
viscount of Woo- chung (a tribe of the Hill Jung) sent Măng Loh to
Tsin, and through Wei Chwang-tsze (Wei Këang) presented a number of tiger
and leopard skins, begging that Tsin would agree to be in harmony with the various
tribes of the Jung. The marquis said, "The Jung and Teih know nothing of
affection or friendship, and are full of greed. The best plan is to attack them."
Wei Këang said, "The States have only recent- ly declared their submission
to Tsin, and Ch'in has recently sought our friendship. They will all be watching
our course. If that be one of kindly goodness, they will maintain their friend-
ship with us; if it be not, they will fall off and separate from us. If we make
a toilsome ex- pedition against the Jung, and Ts'oo [in the mean time] invade
Ch'in, we shall not be able to relieve that State;—we shall be throwing
Ch'in away. The States also will be sure to revolt from us;—shall
we not be acting an impolitic course, if we lose the States, though we gain
the Jung? And in the Book of Instructions of Hëa (Shoo, III. iii. 2) mention
is made of "E, prince of K'eung." The marquis said, "What about
the prince E?" He replied, "Formerly, when the princes of Hea were
in a decaying State, prince E removed from Seu to K'ëung-shih, and took
ad- vantage of [the dissatisfaction of] the people to supersede the line of
Hëa. Relying [afterwards] on his archery, he neglected the business of
the people, and abandoned himself to the pursuit of the beasts of the plains.
He put away from him Woo Lo, Pih Yin, Hëung K'wan, and Măng
Yu, and employed Tsuh of Han. This Tsuh was a slanderous scion of the House
of Pih-ming, prince of Han, who cast him out. E, [prince of Këung], received
him, trusted him, and made him his chief minister. Tsuh then fell to flat- tering
all inside the palace, and gave bribes to all outside it. He cajoled the people,
and en- couraged E in his fondness for hunting. He plied more and more his deceit
and wickedness to take from E his kingdom, until inside and outside the palace
all were ready to acknowledge him. Still E made no change in his ways; and as
he was [on one occasion] on his return from the field, his own servants killed
him, boiled him, and gave his flesh to his sons to eat. They could not bear
to eat it, and all died in the gate of K'ëung. Mei then fled to the State
of Yëw- kih. Tsuh took to himself E's wife, and by her had Këaou and
He. Relying on his slanderous villanies and deceit, he displayed virtue in gov-
erning the people, and made Këaou with an army extinguish the States of
Chin-kwan and Chin-sin. He then placed Këaou in Ko (?), and He in Ko (?).
[In the meantime], Mei went from Yëw-kih, and collected the remnant of
the people of those two States, with whom he extinguished Tsuh, and raised Shaou-k'ang
to the throne. Shaou-k'ang extinguished Këaou in Ko, and [his son], the
sovereign Ch'oo, extin- guished He in Ko: The princes of K'ëung thus perished
because they had lost the people. Formerly, in the times of our own Chow, when
Sin Këah was grand historiographer, he ordered each of the officers to
write some lines reproving the king's defects. In the lines of the forester
it was said,
'Wide and long Yu travelled about, When the nine regions he laid out, And through
them led the nine-fold route. The people then safe homes possessed; Beasts ranged
the grassy plains with zest. For man and beast sweet rest was found, And virtue
reigned the empire round. Then took E E the emperor's place, His sole pursuit
the wild beasts' chase. The people's care he quite forgot. Of does and stags
alone he thought. Wars and such pastimes kings should flee; Soon passed the
power of Hëa from E. A forester, these lines I pen, And offer to my king's
good men.' Such were the lines of the forester;—is there not matter
of admonition in them?" At this time the marquis of Tsin was fond of hunting,
and therefore Wei Këang took the opportunity to touch on the subject. The
marquis then said, "Well then, will it not be our best plan to be on good
terms with the Jung?" Këang replied, "To be on good terms with
the Jung has five advantages. The Jung and Teih are continually changing their
residence, and are fond of exchanging land for goods. Their lands can be purchased;—this
is the first advantage. Our borders will not be kept in apprehension. The people
can labour on their fields, and the husbandmen complete their toils;—this
is the second. When the Jung and Teih serve Tsin, our neighbours all round will
be terrified, and the States will be awed and cherish our friend- ship;—this
is the third. Tranquillizing the Jung by our goodness, our armies will not be
toiled, and weapons will not be broken;—this is the fourth. Taking
warning from the sove- reign E, and using only measures of virtue, the remote
will come to us, and the near will be at rest;—this is the fifth."
The marquis was pleased, and sent Wei Këang to make a cove- nant with all
the Jung. He also attended to the business of the people, and hunted [only]
at the proper seasons.'
There is another narrative regarding Loo and Choo:—'In winter, in
the 10th month, a body of men from Choo and another from Keu in- vaded Tsăng.
Tsăng-sun Heih succoured Tsăng, and made an incursion
into Choo, when he was defeated at Hoo-t'ae. The people of the State went to
meet the dead [who were being brought back], and all had their hair tied up
with sack- cloth. It was now that this style commenced in Loo. The people sang
these lines on the occasion:—
"The fox-fur robe of Tsăng, Caused our loss at Hoo-t'ae. Our
ruler a child; Our general a dwarf. O dwarf, O dwarf, You caused our defeat
in Choo!" ']
V. Fifth year.
1 In his fifth year, in spring, the duke arrived
from Tsin.
2 In summer, the earl of Ch'ing sent the Kung-tsze Fah to Loo on a
mission of friendly inquiries.
3 Shuh-sun P'aou and Woo, heir-son of Tsăng,
went to Tsin.
4 Chung-sun Mëeh and Sun Lin-foo of Wei had a meeting with
Woo at Shen-taou.
5 In autumn, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
6 Ts'oo put
to death its great officer, the Kung-tsze Jin-foo.
7 The duke had a meeting with
the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of
Wei, the earl of Ch'ing, the earl of Ts'aou, the viscounts of Keu, Choo, and
T'ăng, the earl of Sëeh, Kwang, heir-son of Ts'e, an officer
of Woo, and an officer of Tsăng, in Ts'eih.
8 The duke arrived from
the meeting.
9 In winter, we went to guard Ch'in.
10 The Kung-tsze Ching of Ts'oo
led a force, and invaded Ch'in.
11 The duke joined the marquis of Tsin, the duke
of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou, and Kwang, heir-son
of Ts'e, in relieving Ch'in.
12 In the twelfth month, the duke arrived from the
relief of Ch'in.
13 On Sin-we, Ke-sun Hăng-foo died.
Par. 1. [The
Chuen appends here:—'The king sent Wang-shuh Ch'in-săng
to accuse the Jung to Tsin. The people of Tsin seized and held him prisoner,
while Sze Fang went to the capital, to tell how Wang-shuh was playing double
with the Jung.]
Par. 2. Tso-she says:—'This mission of Tsze- kwoh of Ch-ing was to
open communication between Loo and the new earl of Ch'ing' The new earl of Ch'ing
had succeeded to that State in the duke's 2d year; be might have sent a mission
to Loo before this, but through Ch'ing's long adherence to Ts'oo, its intercourse
with the northern States had become irregular. Fah was son of duke Muh, and
was styled Tsze- Kwoh. He was the father of the famous Tsze- ch'an (? ?).
Par. 3. The Chuen says:— 'Muh-shuh (P'aou) procured an interview
with [the marquis of] Tsin for the eldest son of [the viscount of] Tsăng,
in order to complete the attaching of Tsăng [to Loo]. The style of
the text, joining Shuh-sun P'aou and Woo of Tsăng together, [without
a conjunction between their names], exhibits the latter as a great officer of
Loo.'
Par. 4. Shen-taou was in Woo. Kung and Kuoh make the name ? ?, It appears to
have been in the pres. Sze-chow (? ? ), dep. Fung-yang, Ngan-hwuy. The Chuen
says:— 'The viscount of Woo sent Show-yueh to Tsin, to explain the
reason of his not attending the meeting at Ke-tsih, and to ask for another op-
portunity of joining the alliance of the other States. The people of Tsin proposed
on his account to assemble the States, and made Loo and Wei have a meeting with
Woo beforehand, and convey to it the time of the [general] meet- ing. On this
account Măng hëen-tsze and Sun Wăn-tsze had a meeting
with Woo at Shen-taou.' The names of Chung-sun Mëeh and Sun Lin-foo are
joined together like those of Shuh-sun P'aou and the prince of Tsăng
in the previous par., because they went to Woo by orders of Tsin,—indeed,
as its officers.
Par. 5. See on II. v. 7. Tso adds here that the sacrifice was offered because
of a prevailing drought.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—' The people of Ts'oo were inquiring into
the cause of the revolt of Ch'in, and it was said, "It was in consequence
of exorbitant demands upon it of our chief minister Tsze-sin;" and on this
they put him to death. The words of the entry show that it was his covetousness
[which brought his fate on Jin-foo]. The superior man will say that king Kung
of Ts'oo here failed in his use of punishment. The ode (a lost ode) says—
"The great way is level and straight; My mind is exact and discriminating.
In deliberating on things which are not good, We should collect the [wise] men
to determine them." He himself did not keep faith, and he put others to
death to gratify his resentment;—was it not hard to have to do with
him? One of the Books of Hëa (Shoo, II. ii. 14) says, "When one's
good faith is established, he can accom- plish his undertakings."'
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'In the 9th month, on Ping-woo, there was
a covenant at Ts'eih, the business being-the presence of Woo at the meeting,
and giving charge [to the States] about the guarding of Ch'in. Muh-shuh, considering
that to have Tsăng attached to Loo was not advantageous, made a great
officer of Tsăng receive the charge [from Tsin] at the meeting.'
This last sentence would seem to be added to explain the presence of a representative
of Tsăng at the meeting. As attached to Loo, that State could not
be separately represented at such a time; but Muh-shuh thus publicly renounced
the superiority which Loo had a short time obtained over it.
Parr. 9. Not Loo alone sent forces to guard the territory of Ch'in; but the
other States had also received orders from Tsin at Ts'eih to do the same. There
must have been a gathering of troops from several of them.
Parr. 10, 11. Between ? ? and ? the text of Kung and Kuh adds ? ?, ? ?, ? ?,
? ?. The Chuen says:—'Tsze- nang became chief minister of Ts'oo, on
which Fan Seuen-tsze said, 'We shall lose Ch'in. The people of Ts'oo, having
found the cause of its disaffection and made Tsze-nang minister, are sure to
change their ways with it. And they are rapid in their measures to punish. Ch'in
is near to Ts'oo;—is it possible that the people, distressed morning
and night, should not go to it? It is not ours to hold command of Ch'in. Let
us let it go, as our best plan." In winter, the States commenced to guard
the territory of Ch'in, and Tsze-nang invaded it. In the 11th month, on Këah-woo.
[Tsin and its allies, all] met at Shing-te to relieve it.'
Par. 13. The Chuen says:—' When Ke Wăn- tsze died, the
great officers went to his coffining, and the marquis was present in his proper
place. The steward had arranged the furniture of the house in preparation for
the burial. There was not a concubine who wore silk, nor a horse which ate grain.
There were no stores of money and gems, no valuable articles accumulated. The
superior man hereby knows that Ke Wăn- tsze was loyal to the ducal
House. He acted as chief minister to three dukes, and yet he had accumulated
nothing for himself;—is he not to be pronounced loyal?'
Wăn-tsze was succeeded by his son Suh (?), known as Ke Woo-tsze
(? ? ?),
VI. Sixth year.
1In the [duke's] sixth year, in spring, in the king's third
month, on Jin-woo, Koo-yung, earl of Ke, died.
2 In summer, Hwa Joh of Sung came
a fugitive to Loo.
3 In autumn, there was the burial of duke Hwan of Ke.
4 The
viscount of T'ăng came to Loo on a court-visit.
5 The people of Keu
extinguished Tsăng.
6 In winter, Shuh-sun P'aou went to Choo.
7 Ke-sun
Suh went to Tsin.
8 In the twelfth month, the marquis of Ts'e extinguished Lae.
Par. 1. Tso-she says:—'When duke Hwan of Ke died this spring, the
announcement of his death was made with his name for the 1st time [on occasion
of the death of a prince of Ke], the reason being that he and our dukes had
cove- nanted together.' This canon is applicable in the case of the only previous
notice which we have of the death of a prince of Ke, where no name is given;—see
V. xxiii. 4. Generally, how- ever, throughout the classic, it will not apply.
E.g., in I. viii. 4, we have the name of the mar- quis of Ts'ae in the record
of his death, though duke Yin had never covenanted with him. A- gain, in VIII.
xiv. 7, we have the death of an earl of Ts'in without his name, tho' in ii.
10 there is the record of a covenant made by Loo with Ts'in.
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'Hwa Joh of Sung (a grandson of Hwa Tsëaou,
in the Chuen on VII. xii. 5) and Yoh Pe, were great companions when young, and
when grown up they made sport together, and went on to revile one another. [Once],
Tsze-Tang (Yoh Pe), in a passion with the other, twisted his bow [-string] about
his neck in the court. Duke Ping saw the thing, and said, "It would be
strange if a minister of War, who is dealt with thus in the court, were equal
to his office." He then drove Joh out of the State; and in summer he came,
a fugitive, to Loo. Tsze-han, minister of Works, said, "To inflict different
penalties on parties guilty of the same offence is improper punishment. What
offence could be greater than [for Pe] to take it on himself [so] to disgrace
[Joh] in the court?" [Accordingly he proposed] also to drive out Tsze-tang,
who shot an arrow at his door, saying, "In a few days, shall you not be
following me?" Tsze-han then became friendly with him as before.'
Par. 3. Loo had not before this sent an officer to attend the burial of a prince
of Ke. The State was small and at a distance. But duke Hwan had married a daughter
of Loo, and Sze,—Ting-sze,—duke Sëang's mother, had
been from Ke. These circumstances drew the States together more than had been
the case before.
Par. 4. Tso says that this visit of duke Ching of Tăng was the first
on the part of T'ang since duke Sëang's accession.
Par. 5. This calamity came upon Tsăng, acc. to Tso-she, 'through
its trusting in bribes,'— bribes which it had paid to Loo for its
protection. Nothing could be plainer than the statement here that Tsăng
was extinguished by Keu. Men- tion, however, is made, in the 4th year of duke
Ch'aou, of Loo's taking Tsăng, as if it had not been extinguished
now. The language there can only be equivalent to 'Loo took from Keu what had
formerly been Tsăng.' Kung-yang, however, suggests another view of
the 'extin- guished' in the text;—that Keu now superseded the Sze
line in Tsăng by the son of a daughter of Tsăng married
to one of its scions. There is no necessity for this view, and no evidence of
it.
Par. 6. Tso-she says:—'In winter, Muh-shuh went to Choo, with friendly
inquiries, and to cultivate peace;'—after the battle of Foo-t'ae,
in the end of last year.
Par. 7. Suh was the son of Häng-foo, and had succeeded to his father as
chief minister of Loo. It would seem that it was necessary for him to get the
sanction of the leading State to his appointment. The Chuen says:—'An
offi- cer of Tsin came to Loo to inquire about [the loss of] Tsăng,
and to reprove us for it, saying, "Why have you lost Tsăng?"
On this, Ke Woo-tsze went to Tsin to have an interview [with the marquis], and
to hear his commands.'
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'In the 11th month, the marquis of Ts'e extinguished
Lae, through its reliance on the bribes [which it had offered to Ts'e], (see
the Chuen after ii. 2). In the 4th month of the last year, when Tsze-kwoh of
Ch'ing came on his friendly mission to Loo (see v. 2), Ngan Joh fortified Tung-yang,
and proceeded to lay siege to the capital of Lae. On Këah-jin, he raised
a mound round the wall, which was [gradually] brought close to the parapet.
In the month [of this year] when duke Hwan of Ke died, on Yih-we, Wang Tsëaou
(see the Chuen on VIII. xviii. 3), Ching Yu-tsze (see the Chuen after ii. 2),
and the people of T'ang attacked the army of Ts'e, which inflicted on them a
great defeat, and entered Lae on Ting-we. Fow-jow, duke Kung of Lae, fled to
T'ang. Ching Yu-tsze and Wang Tsëaou fled to Keu, where they were put to
death. In the 4th month, Ch'in Woo-yu pre- sented the most precious spoils of
Lae in the temple of [duke] Sëang. Ngan Joh laid siege to T'ang, and on
Ping-shin, in the 11th month, he extinguished it. Lae was removed to E. Kaou
How and Ts'uy Ch'oo superintended the laying out of its lands [anew]'.
VII. Seventh year.
1 In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, the viscount of
T'an came to Loo on a court-visit.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, we divined
a third time about the border sacrifice. The divination was adverse, and the
victim was let go.
3 The viscount of Little Choo came to Loo on a court-visit.
4 We walled Pe.
5 In autumn, Ke-sun Suh went to Wei.
6 In the eighth month, there
were locusts.
7 In winter, in the tenth month, the marquis of Wei sent Sun Lin-foo
to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries; and on Jin-sëuh [the duke] made
a covenant with him.
8 The Kung-tsze Ching of Ts'oo led a force and besieged
[the capital of] Ch'in.
9 In the twelfth month, the duke had a meeting with the
marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the marquis of Wei,
the earl of Ts'aou, and the viscounts of Keu and Choo, in Wei.
10 K'wăn-hwan
earl of Ch'ing [see out] to go to the meeting; but before he had seen the [other]
princes, on Ping- seuh, he died at Ts'aou. 11The marquis of Ch'in stole away
[from the meeting] to Ch'in. Par. 1. See on p. 4 of last year.
Par. 2. See on V. xxxi. 3—5. There, how- ever, the divination had
been tried 4 times, while here the tortoise-shell was only consulted a 3d time;
and it is understood that to divine thrice was in accordance with rule. But
on this occasion, as we learn from the Chuen, the 3d divination was made after
the equinox, when it was no longer proper to offer the border sacri- fice. The
Chuen says:—'On this occasion, Măng Hëen-tsze said,
"From this time forth I know the virtue of the tortoise-shell and the milfoil.
At this service we sacrifice to How- tseih, praying for a blessing on our husbandry.
Hence the border sacrifice is offered at the seas- on of K'e-chih (the emergence
of insects from their burrows; see on II. v. 7), and afterwards the people do
their ploughing. Now the plough- ing is done, and still we divined about the
bor- der sacrifice. It was right the divinations should be adverse.'
Par. 3. Like p. 1. See on p. 4 of last year.
Par. 4. Pe was the city belonging to the Ke or Ke-sun clan;—its name
remains in the district so called, dep. of E-chow. The old city was 20 le north-west
from the pres. dis. city. Pe was granted originally by duke He to Ke Yëw,
the founder of the Ke clan;—see the Chuen on V. i. 9. The Chuen says:—Nan
E was commandant of Pe, and Shuh-chung Ch'aou- pih was superintendent of workmen.
Wishing to be on good terms with Ke [Woo-tsze] and to flatter Nan E, he proposed
to him to ask that Pe might be fortified, saying that he would allot a great
number of workmen for the undertaking. On this the Head of the Ke clan fortified
Pe.'
This event deserved record, as illustrating the gradual increase of the power
of perhaps the most influential family in Loo.
Par. 5. Tso-she says this visit to Wei was in return for that of Tsze-shuh
or Kung-sun P'ëaou in the duke's 1st year, to explain the delay that had
taken place, and assure Wei that it was from no disaffection. Maou thinks it
unreason- able to suppose that we have here the response to a visit seven years
before; what really occa- sioned it, however, he cannot tell.
Par. 6. See II. v. 8; et al.
[The Chuen appends here:—'In winter, in the 10th month, Han Hëen-tsze
announced his [wish to retire from duty on account of] age. [His son], Muh-tsze
(Han Woo-ke; see the Chuen after VIII. xviii. 3), the Head of one of the branches
of the ducal kindred, had an in- curable disease; and when it was proposed to
appoint him his father's successor, he declined [the office] saying, "The
ode says (She, I. ii. ode VI. 1):—
'Might I not have been there in the early morning? I said, "There is too
much dew on the path."' And another says (She, II. iv. ode VII. 4):—
'Doing nothing personally and by himself, The people have no confidence in
him.' I have not the ability [for the place]; may I not decline it in favour
of another? I would ask that K'e (his younger brother) may be ap- pointed. He
associated much with T'ëen Soo, and may be pronounced a lover of virtue.
The ode says (She, II. vi. ode III. v.):—
'Quietly fulfil the duties of your office, Loving the correct and upright.
So shall the Spirits hearken to you, And increase your brilliant happiness.'
A compassionate attendance to the business of the people is goodness. The rectification
of one's-self is real rectitude. The straightening of others crookedness is
real correctness. These three things in harmony constitute virtue. To him who
has such virtue, the Spirits will listen, and they will send down on him bright
happiness. Would it not be well to appoint such an one?"
'On Kăng-seuh, [Han Hëen-tsze] made [his son], Sëuen-tsze
appear in court before the marquis, and then retired from office himself. The
marquis, considering [also] that Han Woo- ke was possessed of high virtue, appointed
him director of the Heads of all the branches of the ducal kindred].'
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Sun Wăn-tsze came on a friendly
mission; to acknowledge also the [satisfactory] language of Woo-tsze (on his
mission to Wei in autumn); and to renew the covenant of Sun Hwan-tsze (in the
third year of duke Ching; see VIII. iii. 13). When the duke was ascending the
steps, he ascended them along with him, on which Shuh-sun Muh- tsze (P'aou),
who was directing the ceremonies, hurried forward, and said, "At meetings
of the States, our ruler has never followed after yours; and now you do not
follow after our ruler;—he does not know wherein he has erred. Be
pleased, Sir, to be a little more leisurely." Sun-tsze made no reply, and
did not change his deport- ment. Muh-shuh said, "Sun-tsze is sure to perish.
For a minister to play the part of a ruler, to do wrong and not change one's
con- duct, are the first steps to ruin. The ode says (She, I. ii. ode VII.);
'They have retired to their meals from the court; Easy are they and self-possessed.'
It speaks of officers acting naturally as they ought to do; but he who assumes
such an ap- pearance of ease in a cross and unreasonable course is sure to be
broken."'
Parr. 8, 9. For ? Kuh-lëang has. The place was in Ch'ing. The Chuen says:—Tsze-
nang of Ts'oo having laid siege to the capital of Ch'in, there was the meeting
at Wei to suc- cour it.' The meeting came to nothing, as we shall see, and thenceforth
there was an end of any adherence to the northern States on the part of Ch'in.
Par. 10. For ? ? Kung and Kuh have ? ?; and for ? they have ?. Ts'aou was in
Ch'ing. The Chuen says:—'When duke He of Ch'ing was [only his father's]
eldest son, in the 16th year of duke Ch'ing he went with Tsze-han to Tsin, and
behaved improperly. He did the same in Ts'oo, to which he had gone with Tsze-fung.
In his first year, when he went to the court of Tsin, Tsze-fung wished to accuse
him to the marquis, and get him displaced, but Tsze-han stopped the attempt.
When he was proceeding to the meeting at Wei, Tsze-sze was with him as director,
and to him also he behaved with impropriety. His attendants remonstrated, but
he did not listen to them. They repeated their remonstrance, and he put them
to death. When they got to Ts'aou, Tsze-sze employed some ruffians to kill the
duke, and sent word to the States that he had died of fever. [His son], duke
Këen, though but 5 years old, was raised to be earl."
Chaou K'wang and some other critics deny the account of the earl's murder which
is given in the Chuen (and also by Kung and Kuh), and suppose from the language
of the text, that he died a natural death. There can be no doubt, however, that
the truth is to be found in the Chuen.
Par. 11. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ch'in were troubled by [the
action of] Ts'oo; and [while the marquis was absent at Wei], K'ing Woo and K'ing
Yin proposed to the com- mander of Ts'oo's army that they should send the Kung-tsze
Hwang to it, to be held as a pri- soner This was agreed to and acted on; and
the two K'ing then sent to the marquis at the meet- ing, saying, "The people
of Ts'oo have seized and hold your brother Hwang. If you do not at once come
back, your ministers cannot bear to see the impending fate of our altars and
an- cestral temple. We fear there will be two plans [for the future in debate]."
On this the mar- quis stole away back.'
VIII. Eighth year.
1 In his eighth year, in spring, in the king's first month,
the duke went to Tsin.
2 In summer, there was the burial of duke He of Ch'ing.
3 A body of men from Ch'ing made an incursion into Ts'ae, and captured duke [Chwang's]
son, Sëeh.
4 Ke-sun Suh had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the earl
of Ch'ing, an officer of Ts'e, an officer of Wei, and an officer of Choo, in
Hing-k'ëw.
5 The duke arrived from Tsin.
6 A body of men from Keu invaded
our eastern borders.
7 In autumn, in the ninth month, there was a grand sacri-
fice for rain.
8 In winter, the Kung-tsze Ching of Ts'oo led a force, and invaded
Ch'ing.
9 The marquis of Tsin sent Sze Kae to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
Par. 1. The duke was at the meeting of Wei the month before this, and now went
on to Tsin, without first returning to Loo. He went to Tsin, says Tso-she, 'on
a court-visit, and to hear how often such visits, and visits of friendly inquiry,
should be paid.' From the Chuen after X.iii. 1, we learn that, when dukes Wăn
and Sëang of Tsin led the States, the rule was that the other princes should
appear in the court of Tsin once in 5 years, and send a friendly mission once
in 3 years. This rule had ceased to be observed, and duke Taou was now encouraged
by his strength and success to regulate anew the relations between his own and
other States.
Par. 2. The K'ang-he editors observe that the classic, having given above the
death of the earl of Ch'ing as it had been announced to Loo, —a natural
death, and not a murder,—was now bound to give his burial. I suppose
the burial is recorded, because it took place, and was at- tended by an officer
of Loo.
[The Chuen adds here:—'The sons of pre- vious earls of Ch'ing, in
consequence of the death of duke He, were planning to take off Tsze-sze, when
he anticipated their movement. On Kăng-shin, in the 4th month, this
summer, on some charge of guilt, he put to death Tsze- hoo, Tsze-he, Tsze-how,
and Tsze-ting. Sun Keih and Sun Goh (sons of Tsze-hoo) fled to Wei'].
Par. 3. Here and afterwards Kuh-lëang has, for ? ?, which he interchanges
with ? The Chuen says:—'On Kăng-yin, Tsze-kwoh and Tsze-urh
made an incursion into Ts'ae, and cap- tured its minister of War, duke [Chwang's]
son Sëeh. The people of Ch'ing were all glad, with the single exception
of Tsze-ch'an, who said, "There can be no greater misfortune to a small
State than to have success in war while there is no virtue in its civil administration.
When the people of Ts'oo, come to punish us [for this exploit], we must yield
to their demands. Yield- ing to Ts'oo, the army of Tsin is sure to come upon
us. Both Tsin and Ts'oo will attack Ch'ing, which, within 4 or 5 years, will
have no quiet." Tsze-kwoh (his father) was angry, and said to him, "What
do you know? The ex- pedition was a great commission of the State, and conducted
by its chief minister. If a boy like you talk about it so, you will get into
dis- grace."
Par. 4. Hing-këw was in Tsin,—70 le to the south-east of the
dis. city of Ho-nuy, dep. Hwae- k'Ing, Ho-nan. The Chuen says:—'In
the 5th month, on Këah-shin, [the marquis of Tsin] held a meeting at Hing-këw;
to give out his rules about the times for appearing at his court, and for friendly
missions, when he made the great officers attend to receive his orders. [Our]
Ke-sun Suh, Kaou How of Ts'e, Hëang Seuh of Sung, Ning Chih of Wei, and
a great officer of Choo, were present. The earl of Ch'ing presented the spoils
[of Ts'ae] at the meeting, and so received the charge of Tsin in person. The
names of the great officers are not given, in deference to the marquis of Tsin.'
The Chuen on the 1st par. says that the duke went to Tsin to receive the instructions
of that court about the relations between the States and it. He was not present,
however, at Hing-k'ëw; and the earl of Ch'ing was present only through
his own for- wardness, and wish to pay court to Tsin. The marquis of Tsin seems
to have felt that, if he as- sembled the princes in person at Hing-k'ëw,
the proceedings would approximate too closely to a usurpation of kingly functions.
Tso-she's canon about the different ? has little value.
Par. 5. Tso says this invasion had reference to the defining the borders of
the lands of Tsăng. We can easily suppose that Loo had encroached,
or was now endeavouring to en- croach, on the west of what had been the terri-
tory of Tsăng, supplying Keu with a casus belli.
Par. 6. See on v. 5.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'In winter, Tsze- nang, of Ts'oo invaded
Ch'ing, to punish it for its raid on Ts'ae. Tsze-sze, Tsze-kwoh, and Tsze-urh
wished to follow Ts'oo. Tsze-k'ung Tsze-këaou, and Tsze-chen, wished to
[hold out, and] wait for Tsin. Tsze-sze said, "There is an ode (a lost
ode) of Chow which says,
'If you wait till the Ho becomes clear, The life of man is too short [for such
a thing].' There are the decisions of the tortoise-shell, and various opinions
of our counsellors; this is like making a net with conflicting views. The great
families have many different plans, and the people are much divided. It is more
and more difficult to conduct our affairs successfully. The people are in distress;
let us for the time give way to Ts'oo, to relieve our people. When the army
of Tsin arrives, we can also follow it. To wait the comer with reverent offerings
of silks is the way for a small State. With cattle, gems, and silks, on our
two borders, we can wait the approach of the stronger Power, and thus protect
the people. The enemy will then do us no harm, and the people will not be distressed:
—is not this a course that can be followed?"
'Tsze-chen said, "It is by good faith that a small State can serve a great
one. If the small one do not observe good faith, war and disorder will be constantly
coming on it, and the day of its ruin will not be distant. We are bound to faith
[with Tsin] by five meetings, and if we violate it, though Ts'oo may help us,
of what use will it be? With [Tsin] that would be- friend us you do not seek
peace; with [Ts'oo] that would make our State a border of its own you wish to
[treat]:—this plan is not to be followed. We had better wait for Tsin.
Its ruler is intelligent; its four armies are all com- plete; its eight commanders
are all harmonious: —it will not abandon Ch'ing. The army of Ts'oo
has come from far; its provisions will soon be exhausted; it must shortly retire:—
why be troubled about it? According to what I have heard, no support is like
good faith. Let us firmly hold out, to tire Ts'oo, and let us lean on good faith,
awaiting Tsin:—is not this the course that should be followed? Tsze-sze
replied, "The ode (She, II. v. ode I. 3) says,
The counsellors are very many, And so nothing is accomplished. The words spoken
fill the court, But who will take the responsibility of decision? We are as
if we consulted [about a jour- ney], without taking a step in advance, And therefore
did not get on on the road.' Please let us follow Ts'oo, and I will take the
responsibility." Accordingly they made peace with Ts'oo, and sent the king's
son, Pih-p'Ing to inform [the marquis of] Tsin, saying, "Your lordship
commanded our State to have its cha- riots in repair and its soldiers in readiness
to punish the disorderly and remiss. The people of Ts'ae were disobedient, and
our people did not dare to abide quietly [looking on]. We called out all our
levies to punish Ts'ae, took captive Sëeh its minister of war, and presented
him to your lordship at Hing-k'ëw, And now Ts'oo has come to punish us,
asking why we commenced hostilities with Ts'ae. It has burn- ed all the stations
on our borders; it has come insultingly up to our walls and suburbs. The multitudes
of our people, husbands and wives, men and women, had no houses left in which
to save one another. They have been destroyed with an utter overthrow, with
no one to appeal to. If the fathers and elder brothers have not perished, the
sons and younger brothers have done so. All were full of sorrow and distress,
and there was none to protect them. Under the pressure of their destitution,
they accepted a covenant with Ts'oo, which I and my ministers were not able
to prevent. I dare not but now inform you of it." Che Woo-tsze made the
in- ternuncius Tsze-yun reply to Pih-p'ing, "Your ruler received such a
message from Ts'oo, and at the same time did not send a single messenger to
inform our ruler, but instantly sought for rest under Ts'oo:—it was
your ruler's wish to do so; who would dare to oppose him? But our ruler will
lead on the States and see him beneath his walls. Let your ruler take meas-
ures accordingly."
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'Fan Seuen-tsze (Sze Kae) came to Loo, on
a friendly mission, and also to acknowledge the duke's visit [to Tsin, in spring],
and to give notice about taking the field against Ch'ing. The duke feasted him,
on which occasion he sang the P'ëaou yëw mei (She, I. ii. ode IX.),
and Ke Woo-tsze (Ke-sun Suh) rejoined, "Who will dare [not to obey your
orders]? If you compare your ruler to a plum-tree, ours is to him as its fragrance,
[a portion of the same plant]. Joyfully we re- ceive your orders, and will obey
them without regard to time." With this he sang the Këoh kung (She
II. vii. ode IX.). When the guest was about to leave [the hall], Woo-tsze [also]
sang the T'ung kung (She, II. iii. ode I.), Seuen- tsze said, "After the
battle ol Shing-puh, our former ruler, duke Wăn, presented [the trophies
of] his success in Hăng-yung (see the Chuen on V. xxviii. 8), and
received the red bow from king Sëang, to be preserved by his descendants.
I have inherited the office held by my ancestor under that previous ruler, and
dare not but re- ceive your instructions?" The superior man considers that
Seuen-tsze was acquainted with propriety.'
IX. Ninth year.
1 In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, there was a fire in
Sung.
2 In summer, Ke-sun Suh went to Tsin.
3 In the fifth month, on Sin-yëw,
duke [Sëuen's] wife, Këang, died.
4 In autumn, in the eighth month,
on Kwei-we, we buried our duchess Muh Këang.
5 In winter, the duke joined
the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou,
the viscounts of Këu, Choo, and T'ăng, the earls of Sëeh
and Ke, the viscount of Little Choo, and Kwang, heir-son of Ts'e, in invading
Ch'ing. In the twelfth month, on Ke-hae, these princes made a covenant together
in He.
6 The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing.
Par. 1. Kung-yang has here ? instead
of ?, and we may doubt whether the canon of Tso-she, that ? denotes a calamity
produced by Heaven is applicable to this passage. The Chuen makes it clear that
the event thus briefly chronicled was a fire which desolated the capital of
Sung. This is another instance of the record in the Ch'un Ts'ëw of the
prodigies and calami- ties that occurred in Sung. Acc. to Kung and Kuh, such
events in other States ought not to be mentioned in the Classic, but they make
an exception in the case of Sung, as being entitled to preëminence among
the other States, because its princes were the representatives of the line of
Shang, or because Confucius was descended from a family of Sung! But calamities
in other States are sometimes chronicled in the text;— e.g. X. xviii.
2. Too is, no doubt, correct in saying we have this record here, because an
announcement of the event was sent from Sung to Loo.
The Chuen says:—'In the duke's 9th year, in spring, there was a fire
in Sung. Yoh He (Tsze-han) was then minister of Works, and made in consequence
[the following] regulations [for such an event]. He appointed the officer Pih
to take charge of the streets where the fire had not reached. He was to remove
small houses, and plaster over large ones. He was to set forth baskets and barrows
for carrying earth; provide well-ropes and buckets; prepare water jars; have
things arranged according to their weight; dam the water up in places where
it was collected; have earth and mud stored up; go round the walls, and measure
off the places where watch and ward should be kept; and signalize the line of
the fire. He appointed Hwa Shin to have the public workmen in readi- ness, and
to order the commandants outside the city to march their men from the borders
and various stations to the place of the fire. He appointed Hwa Yueh to arrange
that the officers of the right should be prepared for all they might be called
on to do; and Hëang Sëuh to arrange similarly for the officers of
the left. He appointed Yoh Ch'uen in the same way to prepare the various instruments
of punishment. He appointed Hwang Yun to give orders to the master of the horse
to bring out horses, and the chariot-master to bring out chariots, and to be
prepared with buff-coats and weapons, in readi- ness for military guard. He
appointed Se Ts'oo-woo to look after the records kept in the different repositories.
He ordered the superin- tendent and officers of the harem to maintain a careful
watch in the palace. The masters of the right and left were to order the headmen
of the 4 village-districts reverently to offer sacri- fices. The great officer
of religion was to sacrifice horses on the walls, and sacrifice to Pwan-kăng
outside the western gate.
'The marquis of Tsin asked Sze Joh what was the reason of a saying which he
had heard, that from the fires of Sung it could be known there was a providence.
"The ancient director of fire," replied Joh, "was sacrificed
to either when the heart or the beak of the Bird culminated at sun-set, to regulate
the kindling or the extin- guishing of the people's fires. Hence the beak is
the star Shun-ho, and the heart is Ta-ho. Now the director of fire under T'aou-t'ang
(Yaou) was Oh-pih, who dwelt in Shang-k'ëw, and sacrificed to Ta-ho, by
fire regulating the seasons. Sëang-t'oo came after him, and hence Shang
paid special regard to the star Ta-ho. The people of Shang, in calculating their
disas- ters and calamities, discovered that they were sure to begin with fire,
and hence came the saying about thereby knowing there was a pro- vidence."
"Can the thing be certainly [known beforehand]?" asked the marquis,
to which Joh replied, "It depends on the ruler's course. When the disorders
of a State have not evident indications, it cannot be known [beforehand]."'
Par. 2. Tso says this visit of Ke Woo-tsze to Tsin was in return for that of
Fan Sëuen-tsze to Loo in the end of last year.
Par. 3. This lady was the grandmother of duke Sëang. Her intrigue with
K'ëaou-joo, and her threats to duke Ching, have appeared in different narratives
of the Chuen. It would appear that she had been put under some re- straint,
and confined in the palace appropriate to the eldest son and heir-apparent of
the State. The Chuen says:—'Muh Këang died in the eastern palace.
When she first went into it, she consulted the milfoil, and got the second line
of the diagram Kin (?,). The diviner said, 'This is what remains when Kin becomes
Suy (?, ). Suy is the symbol of getting out; your ladyship will soon get out
from this." She replied, "No. Of this diagram it is said in the Chow
Yih, 'Suy indicates being great, penetrating, beneficial, firmly correct, without
blame.' Now that greatness is the lofty distinc- tion of the person; that penetration
is the assemblage of excellences; that beneficialness is the harmony of all
righteousness; that firm correctness is the stem of all affairs. The per- son
who is entirely virtuous is sufficient to take the presidency of others; admirable
virtue is sufficient to secure an agreement with all pro- priety. Beneficialness
to things is sufficient to effect a harmony of all righteousness. Firm correctness
is sufficient to manage all affairs. But these things must not be in semblance
merely. It is only thus that Suy could bring the assurance of blamelessness.
Now I, a wo- man, and associated with disorder, am here in the place of inferior
rank. Chargeable more- over with a want of virtue, greatness cannot be predicated
of me. Not having contributed to the quiet of the State, penetration cannot
be predicated of me. Having brought harm to myself by my doings, beneficialness
cannot be predicated of me. Having left my proper place for a bad intrigue,
firm correctness cannot be predicated of me. To one who has those four virtues
the diagram Suy belongs;—what have I to do with it, to whom none of
them belongs? Having chosen evil, how can I be without blame? I shall die here;
I shall never get out of this."'
[The Chuen appends here:—'Duke King of Ts'in sent Sze K'ëen
to beg the assistance of an army from Ts'oo, intending to invade Tsin. The viscount
granted it, but Tsze-nang objected, saying, "We cannot now maintain a struggle
with Tsin. Its ruler employs officers according to their ability, and his appointments
do justice to his choice. Every office is filled according to the regular rules.
His ministers give way to others who are more able than themselves; his great
officers discharge their duties; his scholars vigorously obey their instructions;
his common people attend diligently to their husbandry; his merchants, mechanics,
and in- ferior employés know nothing of changing their hereditary employments.
Hăn Keueh having retired in consequence of age, Che Ying asks for
his instructions in conducting the government. Fan Kae was younger than Chung-hang
Yen, but Yen had him advanced and made assistant- commander of the army of the
centre. Han K'e was younger than Lwan Yin, but Yin and Sze Fang had him advanced,
and made assistant commander of the 1st army. Wei Këang had performed many
services, but considering Chaon Woo superior to himself, he became assistant
under him. With the ruler thus intelligent and his servants thus loyal, his
high officers thus ready to yield their places, and the inferior officers thus
vigorous, at this time Tsin cannot be resisted. Our proper course is to serve
it; let your Majesty well consider the case." The king said, "I have
granted the request of Ts'in. Though we are not a match for Tsin, we must send
an army forth." In autumn, the viscount of Ts'oo took post with an army
at Woo-shing, in order to afford support to Ts'In. A body of men from Ts'In
made an incursion into Tsin, which was suffering from famine, and could not
retaliate.']
Par. 4. Here, as elsewhere, Kung-yang has ? for ?. The duchess was buried sooner
than the rule required.
Par. 5. He was in Ch'ing. It was the same place which, in the Chuen on VIII.
xvii. 2, is called He-t'ung (? ?),—in the pres. dis. of Fan-shwuy
(? ?), dep. K'ăe-fung. Acc. to Too there was no Ke-hae day in the
12th month, and we should read ? ? ?—instead of ? ? ?. The Chuen says:—'In
winter, on the 10th month, the States invaded Ch'ing. On Kăng-woo,
Ke Woo-tsze, Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e, and Hwang Yun of Sung, followed Sëun
Ying and Sze Kae, and attacked the Chuen gate. Pih-kung Kwoh of Wei, an officer
of Ts'aou, and an officer of Choo followed Seun Yen and Han K'e, and attacked
[the gate] Sze-che-lëang. Officers of T'ăng and Sëen followed
Lwan Yin and Sze Fang, and attacked the north gate. Officers of Ke and E followed
Chaou Woo and Wei Këang, and cut down the chesnut trees along the roads.
On Këah-seuh, the armies collected in Fan, and orders were given to the
States, saying, "Look to your weapons that they be ready for service; prepare
dried and other provisions; send home the old and the young; place your sick
in Hoo-laou; forgive those who have committed small faults:—we are
going to lay siege to the capital of Ch'ing." On this the people of Ch'ing
became afraid, and wished to make peace. Chung-hang Hëen-tsze (Seun Yen)
said, "Let us hold the city in siege, and wait the arrival of the succours
from Ts'oo, and then fight a battle with them. If we do not do so, we shall
have accomplished nothing." Che Woo-tsze, however, said, "Let us grant
Ch'ing a covenant, and then withdraw our armies, in order to wear out the people
of Ts'oo. We shall divide our 4 armies into 3, and [with one of them and] the
ardent troops of the States, meet the comers:—this will not be distressing
to us, while Ts'oo will not be able to endure it. This is still better than
fighting. A struggle is not to be maintained by whitening the plains with bones
to gratify [our pride]. There is no end to such great labour. It is a rule of
the former kings that superior men should labour with their minds, and smaller
men labour with their strength."
'None of the States wished to fight; so they granted peace; and in the 11th
month, on Ke- hae, they made a covenant together in He,—on the submission
of Ch'ing. When they were about to covenant, the six ministers of Ch'ing, —the
Kung-tszes, Fei (Tsze-sze), Fah (Tsze- kwoh), and Këa (Tsze-k'ung), and
the Kung- suns, Cheh (Tsze-urh), Ch'ae (Tsze-këaou), and Shay-che (Tsze-chen),
with the great officers and younger members of the ministerial clans, all attended
the earl of Ch'ing. Sze Chwang- tsze made the words of the covenant to this
ef- fect, "After the covenant of to-day, if the State of Ch'ing hear any
commands but those of Tsin, and incline to any other, may there happen to it
according to what is [imprecated] in this cove- nant!" The Kung-tsze Fei
rushed forward at this, and said, "Heaven has dealt unfavourably with the
State of Ch'ing, and given it its place midway between two great States, which
do not bestow on it the marks of favour which could be appreciated, but demand
its adherence by violence. Thus its Spirits cannot enjoy the sacrifices which
should be presented to them, and its people cannot enjoy the advantages of its
soil. Its husbands and wives are oppress- ed and straitened, full of misery,
having none to appeal to. After this covenant of to-day, if the State of Ch'ing
follow any other but that which extends propriety to it and strength to protect
its people, but dares to waver in its ad- herence, may there happen to it according
to [the imprecations in] this covenant!" Seun Yen said, "Change [the
conditions of] this covenant." Kung-sun Shay-che said, "These are
solemn words in which we have appealed to the great Spirits. If we may change
them, we may also revolt from your great State." Che Woo-tsze said to Hëen-tsze
"We indeed have not virtue, and it is not proper to force men to covenant
with us. Without propriety, how can we pre- side over covenants? Let us agree
for the pre- sent to this covenant, and withdraw. When we come again, after
having cultivated our vir- tue, and rested our armies, we shall in the end win
Ch'ing. Why must we determine to do so to-day? If we are without virtue, other
people will cast us off, and not Ch'ing only; if we can rest and be harmonious,
they will come to us from a distance. Why need we rely upon Ch'ing?" Accordingly
they covenanted [as re- lated above], and the forces of Tsin withdrew.
'The people of Tsin had thus not got their will with Ch'ing, and they again
invaded it with the armies of the States. In the 12th month, on Kwei-hae, they
attacked the [same] three gates, and persevered for five days at each (? ? ought
to be ? ? ?). Then on Mow-yin, they crossed [the Wei] at Yin-fan, and over-
ran the country. After halting at Yin-k'ow, they withdrew. Tsze-k'ung proposed
to attack the army of Tsin, saying that it was old and exhausted, and the soldiers
were all bent on re- turning home, so that a great victory could be gained over
it. Tsze-chen, however, refused to sanction such a movement.'
[The Chuen here relates the capping of duke Sëang:—'The duke
accompanied the marquis of Tsin [back from Ch'ing], and when they were at the
Ho and he was with the marquis at a feast, the latter asked how old he was.
Ke- Woo-tsze replied, "He was born in the year of the meeting at Sha-suy
(see VIII. xvi. 8)." He is twelve then," said the marquis. "That
is a full decade of years, the period of a revolution of Jupiter. The ruler
of a State may have a son when he is fifteen. It is the rule that he should
be capped before he begets a son. Your ruler may now be capped. Why should you
not get everything necessary for the ceremony ready?" Woo-tsze replied,
"The capping of our ruler must be done with the ceremonies of libation
and offerings; its different stages must be defined by the music of the bell
and the mu- sical stone; it must take place in the temple of his first ancestor.
Our ruler is now travelling, and those things cannot be provided. Let us get
to a brother State, and borrow what is necessary to prepare for the ceremony."
The marquis as- sented; so, when the duke had got as far as Wei on his return,
he was capped in the temple of duke Ch'ing. They borrowed the bell and musical
stone of it for the purpose;—as was proper.'
This capping of duke Sëang out of Loo was a strange proceeding, and was
probably done in the wantonness of the marquis of Tsin, amusing himself with
the child. Maou supposes that it is kept out of the text, to conceal the disgrace
of it.]
Par. 6. Here Ts'oo is down again upon Ch'ing, because of its making the covenant
with Tsin. The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing,
and Tsze-sze proposed to make peace with him. Tsze-k'ung and Tsze- këaou
said, "We have just made a covenant with the [other] great State, and,
while the blood of it is not dry on our mouths, may we break it?" Tsze-sze
and Tsze-chen replied, "At that covenant we said that we would fol- low
the strongest. Here now is the army of Ts'oo arrived, and Tsin does not come
to save us, so that Ts'oo is the strongest;—we are not presuming to
break the words of the covenant and oath. Moreover, at a forced covenant where
there is no sincerity, the Spirits are not present. They are present only where
there is good faith. Good faith is the gem of speech, the essential point of
all goodness; and therefore the Spirits draw near to it. They in their in- telligence
do not require adherence to a forced covenant;—it may be broken."
Accordingly they made peace with Ts'oo. The Kung-tsze P'e-jung entered the city
to make a covenant, which was done in [the quarter] Chung-fun. [In the meantime],
the widow of [king] Chwang of Ts'oo died, and [king] Kung returned [to Ying],
without having been able to settle [the affairs of] Ch'ing.'
[The Chuen appends here a notice of the measures of internal reform in Tsin:—'When
the marquis of Tsin returned to his capital, he consulted how he could give
rest and prosperity to the people. Wei Këang begged that he would confer
favours on them and grant remis- sions. On this all the accumulated stores of
the State were given out in benefits. From the marquis downwards, all who had
such stores brought them forth, till none were left unap- propriated, and there
was no one exposed to the endurance of want. The marquis granted access to every
source of advantage, and the people did not covet more than their proper share.
In religious services they used offerings of silks instead of victims; guests
were entertained with [the flesh of] a single animal; new articles of furniture
and use were not made; only such chariots and robes were kept as sufficed for
use. When this style had been practised for twelve months, a right method and
order prevailed throughout the State. Then three expeditions were undertaken,
and Ts'oo was not able to contend [any more] with Tsin].'
X. Tenth year.
1 In his tenth year, in spring, the duke joined the marquis of
Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, the viscounts
of Keu, Choo, and T'ăng, the earls of Sëeh and Ke, the viscount
of Little Choo, and Kwang, heir-son of Ts'e, in a meeting with Woo at Cha.
2 In
summer, in the fifth month, on Këah-woo, [Tsin] went on [from the above
meeting] to extinguish Peih-yang.
3 The duke arrived from the meeting.
4 The Kung-tsze
Ching of Ts'oo, and the Kung-sun Cheh of Ch'ing, led a force, and invaded Sung.
5 An army of Tsin invaded Ts'in.
6 In autumn, a body of men from Keu invaded our
eastern borders.
7 The duke joined the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the
marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, the viscounts of Keu and Choo, Kwang, heir-son
of Ts'e, the viscount of T'ăng, the earls of Sëeh and Ke, and
the viscount of Little Choo, in invading Ch'ing.
8 In winter, some ruffians killed
the Kung-tszes Fei and Fah, and the Kung-sun Cheh, of Ch'ing.
9 We [sent troops]
to guard Hoo-laou.
10 The Kung-tsze Ching of Ts'oo led a force to relieve Ch'ing.
11 The duke arrived from the invasion of Ch'ing.
Par. 1. Too says Cha was in
the territory of Ts'oo, and the K'ang-he editors identify it with the pres.
Këa-k'ow (? ?), in the dis. of Yih, dep. of Yen-chow. The one or the other
must be wrong. The territory of Ts'oo would thus have extended as far north
as Loo. We may accept the statement of Too, and leave the question as to any
more exact identification. The object of the meeting was, no doubt, to call
forth the hostility of Woo to more active meas- urea against Ts'oo, so that
that State should be obliged to relax its efforts to hold Ch'ing. The phrase
'a meeting with Woo (? ?),' with- out specifying the viscount himself or his
re- presentative on the occasion, has occasioned the critics a good deal of
difficulty. The same style has occurred before, in VIII. xv. 10 and IX. v. 4,
and we meet with it again, in xiv. 1. The most likely account that can be given
of it is the re- mark, probably of Soo Ch'eh, that only the name of the State
is given because [to get the help of] that State was the object of the meeting
(? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?).
The Chuen says:—The meeting at Cha was a meeting with Show-mung,
viscount of Woo. In the 3d month, on Kwei-ch'ow, Kaou How of Ts'e came with
his marquis's eldest son Kwang, and had a previous meeting with the princes
in Chung-le (see VIII. xv. 10), when they behaved disrespectfully. Sze Chwang-tsze
(Sze Joh) said, "Kaou-tsze, coming in attendance on his prince to a meeting
of the States, ought to have in mind the protection of Ts'e's altars, and yet
they both of them behave disrespectfully. They will not, I apprehend, escape
an evil end." In summer, in the 4th month, on Mow-woo, there was the meeting
at Cha.'
Par. 2. Peih-yang was a small State, whose lords were viscounts, with the surname
of Yun (?). It was under the jurisdiction of Ts'oo. Tsin now led on the forces
of the States from the meeting at Cha to attack it. Its principal town is said
to have been 30 le to the south of the dis. of Yih, dep. Yen-chow. The Chuen
says:—'Seun Yen and Sze Kaë of Tsin asked leave to attack Peih-yang,
and that it should be conferred on Hëang Seuh of Sung. Sëun Ying said,
"The city is small but strong. If you take it, it will be no great achievement;
if you do not take it, you will be laughed at." They persisted in their
request; and on Ping-yin they laid siege to it, but could not overcome it.
'Ts'in Kin-foo, the steward of the Măng fami- ly, drew after him
a large waggon to the service. The people of Peih-yang having opened one of
their gates, the soldiers of the States attacked it, [and had passed within].
Just then, the portcullis gate was let down, when Hëih of Tsow raised it
up, and let out the stormers who had entered. Teih Sze-me carried the wheel
of a large car- riage, which he covered with hides and used as a buckler. Holding
this in his left hand, and carrying a spear in his right, he took the place
of a body of 100 men. Măng Hëen-tsze said, "To him we may
apply the words of the ode (She, I. iii. ode XIII. 2), 'Strong as a tiger."'
The besieged hung strips of cloth over the wall, by one of which Kin-foo climbed
up to the parapet, when they cut it. Down he fell, when they hung out another;
and when he had re- vived, he seized it and mounted again. Thrice he performed
this feat, and on the besieged declining to give him another opportunity he
retired, taking with him the three cut pieces, which he showed all through the
army for three days.
'The forces of the States were long detained at Peih-yang; and Seun Yen and
Sze Kae went with a request to Geun Ying, saying, "The rains will soon
fall and the pools gather, when we are afraid we shall not be able to return.
We ask you to withdraw the troops." Che Pih. (Seun Ying) became angry,
and threw at them the stool on which he was leaning, which passed be- tween
the two. "You had determined," said he, "on two things, and then
came and informed me of them. I was afraid of confusing your plans, and did
not oppose you. You have im- posed toil on our ruler; you have called out [the
forces of] the States; you have dragged an old man like myself here. And now
you have no prowess to show, but want to throw the blame on me, saying, that
I ordered the retreat of the troops, and but for that you would have sub- dued
the place. Can I, thus old and feeble, sus- tain such a heavy responsibility?
If in 7 days you have not taken it, I shall take yourselves instead of it."
On this, in the 5th month, on K'ăng-yin, Seun Yen and Sze Kae, led
on their men to the attack of the city, themselves en- countering [the shower]
of arrows and stones. On Keah-woo they extinguished it.
'The language of the text,—"They went on to extinguish Peih-yang,"
shows that they pro- ceeded to attack it from the meeting [at Cha]. [The marquis
of Tsin] would then have given Peih-yang to Hëang Seuh, but he declined
it, saying, "If your lordship will still condescend to guard and comfort
the State of Sung, and by the gift of Peih-yang distinguish my ruler and increase
his territory, all his ministers will be at case;—what gift can be
equal to this? If you insist on conferring it on me alone, then I shall have
called out the States to procure a fief for myself,—than which there
could not be a greater crime. Though I die, I must entreat you not to do so."
Peih-yang accordingly was given to the duke of Sung.
'The duke entertained the marquis of Tsin in Ts'oo-k'ëw, and asked leave
to use, [on the occasion, the music of] Sang-lin (the music which had been used
by the sovereigns of Shang). Seun Ying declined it, but Seun Yen and Sze Kae
said, "Among the States, it is [only] in Sung and Loo that we can see the
ceremonies [of the kings]. Loo has the music of the grand triennial sacrifice,
and uses it when entertaining guests and at sacrifices; is it not allowable
that Sung should entertain our ruler with the Sang-lin?" The master of
the pantomimes began indicating to them their places with the great flag, when
the marquis became afraid, and withdrew to another apart- ment. When the flag
was removed, he return- ed and finished the entertainment. On his way back [from
Sung], he fell ill at Choo-yung. They consulted the tortoise-shell [about his
sickness], and [the Spirit of] Sang-lin appeared. Seun Yen and Sze Kae wanted
to hurry [back to Sung], and to pray to it. Seun Ying, however, refused to allow
them, and said, "I declined the ceremony. It was they who used it. If there
indeed be this Spirit, let him visit the offence on them." The marquis
got better, and took the viscount of Peih-yang back with him to Tsin. and pre-
sented him in the temple of [duke] Woo, calling him an E captive. [The lords
of] Peih-yang had the surname of Yun. [The marquis] made the historiographer
of the Interior in Chow select one from the family of the [old] House to continue
[its sacrifices]. whom he placed in Hoh as its commandant;—which was
proper.
'When our army returned, Măng Hëen-tsze employed Ts'in Kin-foo
as the spearman on the right of his chariot. He had a son, Ts'in Pe- tsze, who
was a disciple of Chung-ne.'
As Tso-she here mentions Confucius, it may be added that it was the sage's
father, Shuh-lëang Heih, who performed the feat of strength with the portcullis
of Peih-yang.
Par. 4. Sung had been rewarded for its allegiance to Tsin with Peih-yang, and
now it has to pay the price to Ts'oo. The Chuen says:—'In the 6th
month, Tsze-nang of Ts'oo and Tsze-urh of Ch'ing invaded Sung, taking post [first]
at Tsze-moo. On Kăng-woo they laid siege to the capital, and attacked
the T'ung gate.'
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—Sëun Ying of Tsin invaded Ts'in, to
retaliate its incursion.' The incursion of Ts'in is related in the Chuen after
p. 3 of last year. Tsin was then unable to retaliate in consequence of a famine,
but its vengeance had not slumbered long. At this time Ts'in was in league with
Ts'oo, and the alliance between the States was drawn closer through the wife
of king Kung being a sister of duke King of Ts'in.
[The Chuen gives here a narrative, which is the sequel of that on p. 4:—'The
marquis of Wei went to succour Sung, and encamped with his forces at Sëang-nëw.
Tsze-chen of Ch'ing said, "We must invade Wei. If we do not do so, we shall
not be doing our part for Ts'oo. We have offended against Tsin, and if we also
of- fend against Ts'oo, what will be the consequence to our State?" Tsze-sze
said, "It will distress the State;" but Tsze-chen replied, "If
we offend against both the great States, we shall perish. We may be distressed,
but is that not better than perishing?" The other great officers all agreed
with him, and Hwang-urh accordingly led a force and made an incursion into Wei,—
[having received] orders from Ts'oo.
'Sun Wăn-tsze (Lin-foo) consulted the tor- toise-shell about pursuing
the enemy, and presented the indication he had obtained to Ting Këang (the
mother of the marquis of Wei), who asked what the corresponding oracle was.
"It is this," said Wăn-tsze. 'The in- dication being like
a hill, a party go forth on an expedition, and lose their leader."' The
lady observed, "The invaders lose their leader;—this is favourable
for those who resist them. Do you take measures accordingly." The people
of Wei then pursued the enemy, and Sun Kwae captured Hwang Urh at K'euen-k'ëw.'
[There follows the account of an invasion of Loo by Ts'oo. which ought to be
given in the text. Too observes that, as it involved no disgrace to Loo, he
cannot account for the silence about it.—'In autumn, in the 7th month,
Tsze-nang of Ts'oo and Tsze-urh of Ch'ing in- vaded our western borders. On
their return they laid siege to Sëaou (a city of Sung), and reduced it
in the 8th month, on Ping-yin. In the 9th month. Tsze-urh of Ch'ing made an
in- cursion on the northern border of Sung. Măng Hëen-tsze said,
"Calamity must be going to be- fall Ch'ing." The aggressions of its
armies are excessive. Even Chow could not endure such violent efforts, and how
much less Ch'ing! The calamity is likely to befall the three minis- ters who
conduct its government!"]
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'The people of Keu taking advantage of the
States being occupied, invaded our eastern borders.' Wang K'ih-kwan observes
that this movement shows strikingly the daring of Keu, as its viscount had taken
part in nearly all the covenants ordered by duke Taou of Tsin. It shows how
incomplete the harmony was which the leading State sought to establish among
the others which acknowledged its supremacy.
Par. 7. This was the first of the three ex- peditions of Tsin mentioned in
the Chuen at the end of last year, by which that State wore out Ts'oo, and established
its supremacy, for a time, over Ch'ing. The Chuen says:—'The States
invaded Ch'ing. Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e came with Kwang, the eldest son of the marquis,
to the army early, and the prince therefore took precedence of T'ăng.
On Ke-yëw, the whole army took post at Nëw-show.' The proper place
of the heir-son of Ts'e was after all the princes, as in p. 1. If he had received,
indeed, the ap- pointment of the king as his father's successor, and were administering
for him the govt. of the State, he would have been entitled to rank as an earl,
according to the rules of Chow. But he had not received such appointment, as
we infer from the Chuen on the 19th year. The precedence now given to him was
probably brought about as Tso-she says; but as we shall find that he continued
to retain it, it is an instance of how the marquis of Tsin took it upon him
to override the standing statutes of the kingdom.
Par. 8. We have here the fulfilment of the prognostication in the Chuen after
p. 5. For ? Kung and Kuh have ?. We have in this par. the first occurrence of
? in the text, which I have translated "ruffians." Too Yu observes
that, as the paragraph commences with that term, the rank of the murdered could
not be mentioned in it. They were all ministers or great officers, and if their
death had been by order or management of the State, the text would have been?
?, or ? ?,? ? ? ?, ? ?. If the murderers had been great of- ficers, their names
and rank, and those of their victims as well, would have been given. But being
what they were in this case, their names were not admissible in the text, and
consequent- ly we have the persons murdered without any intimation of their
rank. No stigma is fixed upon them by the omission, as Kuh-lëang thought,
and as Ch'ing E, Hoo Ngan-kwoh, and many, other critics have contended. The
men may have deserved their fate, but no evidence of that can be drawn from
the style of the text.
The Chuen says:—'Before this, Tsze-sze (the Kung-tsze Fei) had a
quarrel with Wei Che, and when he was about to take the field against the army
of the States, he reduced the number of the chariots [which Che wanted to contribute
to the expedition]. He had another quarrel with Che about the captives whom
he had taken, and kept him down, saying his chariots had been beyond the number
prescribed by rule, and would not allow him to present his spoils [be- fore
the marquis].
'Before this also, Tsze-sze, in laying out the ditches through the fields,
had occasioned the loss of fields to the Sze, Too, How and Tsze-sze families;
and these four, along with Wei Che, collected 'a number of dissatisfied individuals,
and proceeded, with the adherents of the sons of the ruling House (killed in
the 8th year by Tsze-sze; see the Chuen after viii.2) to raise an insurrection.
At this time the govt. was in the hands of Tsze-sze; Tsze-kwoh (the Kung- tsze
Fah) was minister of War; Tsze-urh (the Kung-sun Cheh) was minister of Works;
and Tsze-k'ung was minister of Instruction. In winter in the 10th month, on
Mow-shin, Wei Che, Sze Chin, How Tsin, Too Joo-foo, and Tsze-sze Puh, led a
band of ruffians into the palace, and early in the morning attacked the chief
minister at the audience in the western palace. They killed Tsze-sze, Tsze-kwoh,
and Tsze-urh, and carried off the earl to the northern palace. Tsze-k'ung had
known of their design, and so escaped death. The word 'ruffians' in the text
indicates that none of them were great officers.
'Tsze-se, the son of Tsze-sze) hearing of the ruffians, left his house without
taking any pre- cautions, went to [his father's] corpse, and pursued them. When
they had entered the northern palace, however, he returned, and be- gan giving
out their arms [to his followers]. Most of the servants and concubines had fled,
and most of the articles of furniture and use were lost.
'Tsze-ch'an (the son of Tsze-kwoh), hearing of the ruffians, set a guard at
his gate, got all his officers in readiness, shut up his storehouses, carefully
secured his depositories, formed his men in ranks, and, then went forth with
17 chariots of war. Having gone to [his father's] corpse, he proceeded to attack
the ruffians, in the northern palace. Tsze-k'ëaou (the Kung- sun Chae)
led the people to his assistance, when they killed Wei Che and Tsze-sze Puh.
The majority of their followers perished, but How Tsin fled to Tsin, and Too
Joo-foo, Sze Shin, Wei Pëen, and Sze Ts'e fled to Sung.
'Tsze-k'ung (the Kung-tsze Këa) then took charge of the State, and made
a covenant re- quiring that all in the various degrees of rank should receive
the rules enacted by himself. The great officers, ministers, and younger mem-
bers of the great families refusing obedience to this, he wished to take them
off; but Tsze-ch'an stopped him, and begged that for their sakes he would burn
the covenant. He objected to do so, saying, "I wrote what I did for the
settle- ment of the State. If I burn it because they all are dissatisfied, then
the government is in their hands;—will it not be difficult to administer
the affairs of the State?" Tsze-ch'an replied, "It is difficult to
go against the anger of them all; and it is difficult to secure the exclusive
authority to yourself. If you insist on both these difficulties in order to
quiet the State, it is the very way to endanger it. It is better to burn the
writing, and so quiet all their minds. You will get what you wish, and they
also will feel at ease;—will not this be well? By insisting on your
exclusive authority, you will find it difficult to succeed; by going against
the wishes of all, you will excite calamity:—you must follow my advice."
On this Tsze-k'ung, burned the writing of the covenant outside the Ts'ang gate,
after which the minds of all the others became composed.'
Par. 9. Hoo-laou,—see ii. 9. The text would lead us to think that
the keeping guard over Hoo-laou was the action of Loo, and of Loo alone; whereas
Tsin had taken possession of that city, fortified it and now held it with the
troops of its confederate States, as a strategical point against Ch'ing and
Ts'oo. Loo sent troops to guard it; and this alone the text men- tions, but
other States did the same. Original- ly it belonged to Ch'ing, but was not Ch'ing's
now. Yet the text says—'Hoo-laou of Ch'ing.' Too Yu and others see
in this the style of Con- fucius writing retrospectively, expressing him- self
according to his knowledge of the purpose of Tsin to restore the place to Ch'ing,
when that State should really have broken with Ts'oo. Hoo Ngan-kwoh, again,
has his followers in maintaining that Confucius here assigned it to Ch'ing to
mark his disapproval of Tsin's ever taking it. The probability is that neither
the one view nor the other is correct. The place properly belonged to Ch'ing;
it was held against it by the confederates for a time; it was im- mediately
restored to it:—what more natural than to mention it as 'Hoo-laou
of Ch'ing,' without any intention either 'to praise or to blame.' The Chuen
says:—'The armies of the States fortified [afresh] Hoo-laou, and guarded
the country about. The army of Tsin fortified Woo and Che; and Sze Fang and
Wei Këang guarded them. The text speaks of Hoo-laou of Ch'ing, though it
was not [now] Ch'ing's, indi- cating that it was to be restored to it. Ch'ing
[now] made peace with Tsin.'
Par. 10. The Chuen says:—'Tsze-nang of Ts'oo came to succour Ch'ing.
In the 11th month, the armies of the States made a circuit round Ch'ing, and
proceeded south to Yang-ling. Still the army of Ts'oo did not retire, [seeing
which], Che Woo-Tsze proposed that the con- federates should withdraw, saying,
"If we now make our escape from Ts'oo, it will become arrogant, and can
be fought with when in that mood. Lwan Yin, said, "To evade Ts'oo will
be a disgrace to Tsin. Our having assembled the States will increase the disgrace.
We had better die. I will advance alone." On this the [whole] army advanced,
and on Ke-hae it and the army of Ts'oo were opposed to each other with [only]
the Ying between them. Tsze këaou [of Ch'ing] said. "The [armies of
the] States are prepared to march. and are sure not to fight. If we follow Tsin,
they will retire; if we do not follow it, they will retire. Ts'oo is sure to
besiege our city when they retire; but they will still do so. We had better
follow Ts'oo, and get its army to retire also." That night he crossed through
the Ying, and made a covenant with Ts'oo. Lwan Yin wished to attack the army
of Ch'ing, but Seun Ying said, "No. We cannot keep back Ts'oo, neither
can we protect Ch'ing. Of what offence is Ch'ing guilty? Our best plan is to
leave a grudge against it, and withdraw. If we now attack its army, Ts'oo will
come to its help. If we fight, and do not conquer, the States will laugh at
us. Victory cannot be commanded. We had better withdraw." Accordingly,
on Ting-we the armies of the States withdrew, made an incursion into the northern
borders of Ch'ing, and returned. The forces of Ts'oo also withdrew.
Par. 11. [The Chuen gives here a narrative about troubles at court:—'Wáng-shuh
Ch'in- săng and Pih Yu had a quarrel about the govt. The king favoured,
Pih Yu, when the other fled from the capital in 'a rage. The king recalled him
when he had got to the Ho. and put the historiographer këaou to death to
please him. He would not enter [the capital]. however, and was allowed to remain
[near the Ho]. The marquis of Tsin sent Sze Káe to pacify the royal House,
when Wang-shuh and Pih Yu maintain- ed each his cause. The steward of Wang-shuh,
and Hëa Kin, the great officer of Pih Yu; pleaded in the court of the king,
while Sze Kae listened to them. Wang-shuh's steward said, "When people
who live in hovels, with wicker doora fitted to holes in the wall, insult their
superiors, it is hard to be a man of superior rank." Hea K'in said, "When
king P'ing removed here to the east, there were seven fami- lies of us, who
followed him, and on whom he was dependent for the victims which he used. He
made a covenant with them over [the flesh of] a red bull, saying that from generation
to generation they should hold their offices. If we had been people of such
hovels, how could they have come to the east? and how could the king have been
dependent on them? Now since Wang-shuh became chief minister, the govt. has
been carried on by means of bribes, and punish- ments have been in the hands
of his favourites. His officers have become enormously rich, and it is not to
be wondered at if we are reduced to such hovels. Let your great State consider
the case. If the low cannot obtain right, where is what we call justice?"
Fan Seuen-tsze said, "Whom the son of Heaven favours, my ruler also favours;
whom he disapproves, my ruler also disap- proves." He then made Wang-shuh
and Pih Yu prepare a summary of their case; but Wang- shuh could bring forward
no evidence, and fled to Tsin. There is no record of this in the text, because
no announcement of it was made to Loo. Duke Tsing of Shen then became high minister,
to act as director for the royal House.']
XI. Eleventh year.
1 In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, in the king's
first month, we formed three armies.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, we divined
a fourth time about the border sacrifice. The result was unfavour- able, and
the sacrifice was not offered.
3 The Kung-sun Shay-che of Ch'ing led a force,
and made an incursion into Sung.
4 The duke joined the marquis of Tsin, the duke
of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, Kwang, heir-son of Ts'e, the
viscounts of Keu, Choo, and T'ăng, the earls of Sëeh and Ke,
and the viscount of Little Choo, in invading Ch'ing.
5 In autumn, in the seventh
month, on Ke-we, [the above prin- ces] made a covenant together on the north
of Poh-shing.
6 The duke arrived from the invasion of Ch'ing.
7 The viscount of
Ts'oo and the earl of Ch'ing invaded Sung.
8 The duke joined the marquis of Tsin,
the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earl of Ts'aou, Kwang, Kwang, heir-son
of Ts'e, the viscounts of Keu, Choo, and T'ăng, the earls of Sëeh
and Ke, and the viscount of Little Choo, in invading Ch'ing. There was a meeting
in Sëaou-yu.
9 The duke arrived from the meeting.
10 The people of Ts'oo
seized and held lëang Sëaou, the mes- senger of Ch'ing.
11 In winter,
a body of men from Ts'in invaded Tsin.
Par. 1. ? must be taken here as in VIII.
1. 4, indicating an arrangement either altogether new, or modifying in a most
important manner existing arrangements on the subject to which it refers. The
Chuen says:—'This spring, Ke Woo-tsze wished to form 3 armies, and
told Shuh-sun Muh-tsze (P'aou) of his purpose, say- ing, "Let us make three
armies, and each of us collect the revenue for the support of his army."
Muh-tsze replied, "When the demands [of Tsin] come upon you, [according
to this increased establishment], you will not be able [to meet them]."
Woo-tsze, however, persisted in his re- quest, till Muh-tsze said, "Well,
let us make a covenant." They covenanted accordingly at the gate of [duke]
He's temple, the imprecatory sentences being repeated in the street of Woo-foo."
In the 1st month they proceeded to the formation of the 3 armies, [the three
clans] dividing the ducal prerogative [as it were] into three, and each of them
taking one part to itself. The three chiefs broke up their own [establishments
of] chariots. The Ke appointed that those who brought their followers and the
amount of the military contribution of their families to him, should pay nothing
more [to the State], and those who did not so enter his ranks should pay a double
contribution. The Măng employed one half the sons and younger brothers
in his service. The Shuh-sun employed all the sons and younger brothers. [They
had said that], unless they acted thus, they would not alter the old arrangements.'
It is to be wished that Tso-she's narrative were more perspicuous and explicit;—see
also the narrative under X. v. 1, when the new army, or that of the centre,
was obliged to be discon- tinued. The arrangement for 3 armies which was now
adopted was an important one, and marked an era in the history of Loo. It was
originally a great State, and could furnish the 3 armies, which were assigned
by the statutes of Chow to a great State;—see the Chow Le, Bk. XXVIII.
par. 3. But its power had gradu- ally decayed; and as Tsin rose to preëminence
as the leading State of the kingdom, Loo sank to the class of the second-rate
States (? ?), which furnished only two armies. The change from 3 to 2 seems
to have taken place under Wăn or Seuen. In this way Loo escaped some
of the exactions of Tsin, whose demands for military assistance were proportioned
to the force which the States could furnish, and hence, in the Chuen, Shuh-sun
Muh-tsze objects to the formation of 3 armies on the ground that they would
then be unable to meet the requirements of Tsin. But up to this time, the armies
of Loo, whether 3 or 2, had always belonged to the marquises, having been called
forth by them as occasion required, and been commanded by their ministers accord-
ing to their appointment. A great change now took place. The Heads of the three
families, —the descendants of duke Hwan, now not only claimed the
command of the armies, but they claimed the armies as their own. Taking advan-
tage of the youth of duke Sëang, their act was all but a parting of the
State among themselves. They would henceforth be not only its ministers, but
its lords, and the direct descendants of the duke of Chow would be puppets in
their hands. I must repeat the wish that we had fuller details of the formation
of the three armies, and of the pro- ceedings of the three chiefs. Too says
that they added one army,—that of the centre, to the two already existing;
but that is a very im- perfect description of their act. The chariots which
they broke up would be those belonging to themselves, for which they would now
have no separate occasion, and which would go therefore to the formation of
the third army. The text relates the event, as if it had proceeded from the
duke, or by his authority.
Par. 2. See on V. xxxi. 3.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ch'ing were troubled about
[their relations with] Tsin and Ts'oo, and all the great officers said, "Through
our not following Tsin, the State is nearly ruined. Ts'oo is weaker than Tsin,
but Tsin shows no eagerness in our behalf. If Tsin were eager in our behalf,
Ts'oo would avoid it. What shall we do to make the army of Tsin ready to encounter
death for us? In that case Ts'oo will not venture to oppose it, and we can firmly
adhere to it." Tsze-chen said, "Let us commence hostilities against
Sung; the States are sure to come [to its help], when we will submit to them,
and make a covenant. The army of Ts'oo will then come, and we shall do the same
with it. This will make Tsin very angry. If it can then come quickly and reso-
lutely [into the field], Ts'oo will not be able to do anything against it, and
we shall firmly ad- here to Tsin." The others were pleased with this proposal,
and they made the officers of the borders commence a quarrel with Sung, Hëang
Seuh of which retaliated with an incursion into Ch'ing, in which he took great
spoil. Tsze- chen said, "We may now invade Sung with an army. If we attack
Sung, the States are sure to attack us immediately. We will then hearken to
their commands, and at the same time send notice to Ts'oo. When its forces come,
we shall further make a covenant with it; and by heavy bribes to the army of
Tsin, we shall escape [the vengeance of them both]." Ac- cordingly, in
summer, Tsze-chen (Shay-che) made an incursion into Sung.'
Tsze-chen had formerly advocated the ad- herence of Ch'ing in good faith to
Tsin, while Tsze-sze had been for adhering now to Tsin and now to Ts'oo, according
to the pressure of the time. Tsze-sze was now dead; and the com- mentators find
great fault with Tsze-chen for the crooked course which he took to bring about
the accomplishment of his own policy.
Par. 4. This is the second of Tsin's great expeditions with the States of the
north to break the power of Ts'oo. The Chuen says:— 'In the fourth
month, the States invaded Ch'ing. On Ke-hae, Kwang, eldest son of [the marquis
of] Ts'e, and Hëang Seuh of Sung, came first to its capital, and attacked
the east gate. In the evening of that day, Seun Ying of Tsin arrived in the
western suburbs, from which he made an incursion to the old [capital of] Heu
(see on VIII. xv. 11). Sun Lin-foo of Wei made an incursion on the northern
borders of the State. In the 6th month, the States assembled at Pih- lin, and
encamped in Hëang. Thence they took a circuit, and halted at So, after
which they invested the capital, and made a [grand] dis- play of their forces
outside the south gate, and on the west crossed over the Tse-suy.'
Par. 5. Instead of ? Kung and Kuh have ?. Poh-shing was in Ch'ing, and, acc.
to the K'ang-he editors, must have been in the pres. district of Yen-sze, dep.
Ho-nan. This is very doubtful. Too and nearly all the critics explain the ?
with reference to the presence of Ch'ing, and its joining in the covenant. No
previous instance where the term has occurred exactly corresponds to this; and
perhaps Tan Tsoo is right in thinking that Ch'ing was not present. The Chuen
says:—'The people of Ch'ing [now] became afraid, and sought terms
of accommodation. In autumn, in the 7th month, they made a covenant together
in Poh. Fan Sëuen-tsze said, "If we be not careful, we shall lose
the States. Wearied as they have been by marching, and not [really] accomplishing
any- thing, can they be but disaffected?" Accord- ingly, when they covenanted,
the words were:— "All we who covenant together agree not to hoard
up the produce of good years, not to shut one another out from advantages [that
we possess], not to protect traitors, not to shelter criminals. We agree to
aid one another in dis- asters and calamities, to have compassion on one another
in seasons of misfortune and disor- der, to cherish the same likings and dislikings,
to support and encourage the royal House. Should any prince break these engagements,
may He who watches over men's sincerity and He who watches over covenants, [the
Spirits of] the famous hills and [of] the famous streams, the kings and dukes
our predecessors, the whole host of Spirits, and all who are sacrificed to,
the ancestors of our 12 (? 13) States with their 7 surnames:—may all
these intelligent Spirits destroy him, so that he shall lose his people, his
appointment pass from him, his family perish, and his State be utterly overthrown!'"
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Tsze-nang of Ts'oo had asked the assistance
of troops from Ts'in; and Chen, Ts'in's great officer of the right, led a force
to follow the viscount of Ts'oo, intending to invade Ch'ing. [In the meantime],
the earl of Ch'ing met [the army of Ts'oo], [made his submission], and on Ping-tsze
invaded Sung [along with it].'
Par. 8. This is the third and last of the great expeditions of Tsin against
Ts'oo. Sëaou- yu was a place in Ch'ing, to the south of its capital, in
the pres. Heu Chow (? ?). The Chuen says:—'In the 9th month, the States,
with all their armies, again invaded Ch'ing. They showed their forces outside
the east gate of the city, on which the people of Ch'ing made the king's son,
Pih-p'ing, offer their submission. On Këah-seuh, Chaou Woo of Tsin entered
the city, and made a covenant with the earl; and in winter, in the 10th month,
on Ting-hae, Tsze- chen came out, and made a covenant with the marquis of Tsin.
In the 12th month, on Mow- yin, there was a meeting in Sëaou-yu. On Kăng-shin,
[the marquis of Tsin] released his Ch'ing prisoners, treated them all courteously,
and sent them back. He [also] called in his scouting parties, and forbade raids
and pillag- ing. [At the same time], he sent Shuh-heih to inform the [other]
princes of these proceedings. The duke made Tsang-sun Heih return the fol- lowing
reply, "All we who have covenanted to- gether [are here], because your
great State found it necessary to punish a small one which had offended. Having
obtained sufficient ground for your present course, you are ready to exercise
forgiveness. My ruler has received your commands."
'The people of Ch'ing presented to the mar- quis of Tsin the music-masters,
Kwei, Ch'uh, and Keuen; fifteen, each, of wide chariots and guard- chariots
with the buff-coats and weapons for them complete, and other war-chariots amount-
ing altogether to a hundred; two sets of musical bells, with the large bells
and musical stones belonging to them; and sixteen female musi- cians. The marquis
gave one half [of these two last gifts] to Wei Këang, saying, "It
was you who taught me to harmonize the Jung and the Teih, so as secure the adherence
of the great States (see the long Chuen at the end of the 4th year). In the
space of 8 years, I have nine times asembled the States, and a harmony has prevailed
among them like that of music. I beg to share the pleasure of these things with
you." Wei Këang declined the gifts, saying, "The harmonizing
of the Jung and Teih was the hap- py destiny of the State. The assembling of
the States nine times within the space of eight years, and the princes all virtuously
adhering, is to be ascribed to your lordship's powerful in- fluence, and the
labours of your various servants. What did I contribute to those results? What
your servant wishes is that your lordship may enjoy your present pleasure and
think about the future. The ode (She, II. vii. ode VIII. 4) says,
'To be delighted in are those princes, The guardians of the country of the
Son of Heaven! To be delighted in are those princes; Around them all blessings
collect. Discriminating and able are their attendants, Who also have followed
them hither!' Now music helps the repose in virtue; right- eousness is seen
in the manner of occupying one's position; the rules of propriety are seen in
one's practice; good faith maintains consisten- cy; and benevolence makes one
powerful in influencing others. When a prince has these qualities, then indeed
he may be the guardian of the country, share in all blessings and emo- luments,
and attract people from a distance:— this is called music indeed.
The Shoo says (probably V. xv. 19 is intended), 'In a position of security,
think of peril.' If you think thus, you will make preparation against the danger,
and with the preparation there will be no calamity. I venture to offer you these
admonitions." The marquis said, "Dare I but receive your com- mands
in these instructions? But for you, however, I should not have known how to
treat the Jung; I should not have been able to cross the Ho. To reward is a
statute of the State, preserved in the repository of covenants; it may not be
disused. Do you receive those things." It was thus that Wei Këang
first had bells and musical stones;—and it was right he should thus
receive them.'
Par. 9. The canon laid down for entries like this is that, when the duke has
been absent on more than one affair, the last shall be stated in the record
of his return. It is so here. The duke left Loo to take part in the invasion
of Ch'ing, which ended in the meeting at Sëaou-yu; and it is said he arrived
'from the meeting.' In par. 6, however, it is said that he arrived 'from the
invasion of Ch'ing,' though the event im- mediately preceding his return was
the meeting and covenant at Poh. The commentators find 'praise and blame' in
these variations of the style, but we may well believe that the historio- graphers
made these entries, as the characters occurred to them, without regard to any
differ- ent character of the transactions in which the duke had been engaged.
Par. 10. For ? Kuh-lëang has ?. The Chuen says:—'The people
of Ch'ing had sent Lëang Sëaou, and the grand-superintendent Sheh
Ch'oh, to Ts'oo, to give notice of their in- tended submission to Tsin in the
words, [as from the earl], "Out of regard to my altars, I am not able to
cherish your lordship [as my superior]. If your lordship with gems and silks
will come to a good understanding with Tsin, or if by a display of prowess you
will overawe it. this would be what I desire." The people of Ts'oo seized
and held the two officers. The text speaks of "the messenger," intimating
that [Lëang Sëaou] was an ambassador.'
Par. 11. The Chuen says:—'Two dignitaries of Ts'in, Paou and Woo,
led a force and in- vaded Tsin, in order to succour Ch'ing. Paou first entered
the territory of Tsin, and was met by Sze Fang, who slighted the forces of Ts'in,
and did not make preparation against them. On Jin-woo, Woo crossed [the Ho]
from Foo-she, and, joining Paou, went on with him into Tsin. On Ke-ch'ow the
armies of the two States fought at Leih, when that of Tsin received a great
defeat;—in consequence of making light of Ts'in.'
XII. Twelfth year.
1 In the [duke's] twelfth year, in spring, in the king's
third month, a body of men from Keu invaded our eastern borders, and laid siege
to T'ae.
2 Ke-sun Suh led a force and relieved T'ae, after which he went on to
enter Yun.
3 In summer, the marquis of Tsin sent Sze Fang to Loo on a mission
of friendly inquiries.
4 In autumn, in the ninth month, Shing, viscount of Woo,
died.
5 In winter, the Kung-tsze Ching of Ts'oo led a force, and made an incursion
into Sung.
6 The duke went to Tsin.
Parr. 1, 2 T'ae was a city belonging to Loo,
—in the pres. dis. of Pe, dep. E-chow. Kuh- lëang has?. Yun is
the same place mentioned in VI.xii.8, as then walled by duke Wăn.
In his time it belonged to Loo, but had subsequently been taken by Keu. Though
Ke-sun Suh now entered it, it does not appear to have remained in the possession
of Loo.
The Chuen says:—'This year, in spring, a body of men from Keu invaded
our eastern borders, and laid siege to T'ae. Ke Woo-tsze then re- lieved T'ae,
and went on to enter Yun, from which he took its bell to form a deep dish for
the duke.' ? is used as heretofore, to denote the going on from the accomplishment
of one thing to another not originally contemplated. Kung and Kuh, however,
remark that it was not competent for any one to do this but the ruler of the
State himself, and hence the ? is here condemnatory of Ke-sun Suh;—but
see on III. xix. 3.
Par. 3. Tso says that the object of Fang in this mission was to convey the
acknowledgments of the marquis of Tsin for the military services performed by
Loo the previous year.
Par. 4. This viscount of Woo is better known by the name of Show-mung, which
we find in the 1st Chuen on the 10th year. How he should have the two names
of Show-mung and Shing is not easily explained. Fuh K'ëen (? ?) of the
Han dynasty supposed that the double name of this and the other lords of Woo
is merely an attempt to spell, or give the sound of, the native term, so that
in reality ? ? and ? are but one and the same name.
The Chuen says:—"In autumn, Show-mung, viscount of Woo, died.
The duke went to the Chow temple (that of king Wăn) to wail for him;—which
was according to rule. On occasion of the decease of any prince, if he were
of a different surname from the duke, he was wailed for outside on the city
wall. If he were of the same surname, the wailing took place in the an- cestral
(i.e., the Chow) temple; if he were de- scended from the same individual who
bore that surname, in the temple of that [common] ancestor; if he were of some
common branch family from that ancestor, in the paternal tem- ple. Thus the
princes of Loo mourned for the Kes generally in the Chow temple; but for the
lords of Hing, Fan, Tsëang, Maou, Tsoo, and Chae, in the temple of the
duke of Chow.' Here for the 1st time the Ch'un Ts'ëw records the death
of a lord of Woo. But there is no re- cord of the burial; not that an officer
of Loo may not have been present at it, but because, as in the case of the lords
of Ts'oo, the usurped title of king must have been introduced.
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'In winter, Tsze- nang of Ts'oo, and Woo-te,
one of the dig- nitaries of Ts'in, invaded Sung, and took post with their forces
at Yang-lëang;—in retaliation for Tsin's taking Ch'ing [from
Ts'oo].'
[The Chuen here turns aside to a marriage negotiation on the part of the king—'King
Ling sought a queen from Ts'e. The marquis asked Gan Hwan-tsze how he should
reply, and that officer answered, "In the language of ceremony, issued
by the former kings, we find that when the king applies for a queen to the prince
of any State, the prince replies, 'Of daughters by my proper wife, I have so
many; and of daughters by concubines I have so many.' If he have no daughter
of his own, but has sisters and aunts, he says, 'Of so and so, who preceded
me in this fief, there are so many daughters.' The marquis of Ts'e agreed to
the proposed marriage, and the king sent Yin Le to settle the engagement.']
Par. 6. Tso says, 'The duke went to Tsin, to appear at its court, and to express
his ac- knowledgments for the visit of Sze Fang.' Fang's visit was that in p.
3.
[The Chuen here relates an incident, of which it is difficult to see the drift.—"A
daugh- ter of the House of Ts'in had been married to [the viscount of] Ts'oo.
[This year], Tsze- kăng (a son of king Chwang, named Woo) minis-
ter of War to Ts'oo, paid a friendly visit to Ts'in, to inquire after her mother
in the viscountess's behalf. This was according to rule.']
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1 In his thirteenth year, in spring, the duke arrived
from Tsin.
2 In summer, we took She.
3 In autumn, in the ninth month, on Kăng-shin,
Shin, viscount of Ts'oo, died.
4 In winter, we walled Fang.
Par. 1. The Chuen
says:—'When the duke arrived from Tsin, Măng Hëen-tsze
caused a record of his successful services to be made in the ancestral temple;—which
was according to rule.' See the Chuen on II. ii. 9 about the force of ? in such
paragraphs as this. Too Yu goes at length into the matter here:—'Under
the 2d year of duke Hwan, the Chuen says, "The duke arrived from T'ang.
and announced his doing so in the temple." Whenever the duke set out on
a journey, he announced it in the ances- tral temple. On his return, he drank
in cele- bration of that in the temple; and when he put down the cup, he had
his service recorded in the tablets:—this was the rule. In the 16th
year of Hwan, it says, "The duke came from the invasion of Ch'ing, and
observed the cere- mony of drinking on his arrival in the temple." It appears
then (from those two passages and the present), that if any one of the three
cere- monies,—the announcement in the temple, the drinking to celebrate
the arrival, and the record in the tablets,—was observed, the notice
of arrival was made; but if they were all neglect- ed, there was no such notice.'
Par. 2. For bffy? Kung-yang has ?. She was a small State, near Loo,—in
the present Tse- ning (? ?) Chow, dep. Yen-chow. It was now incorporated with
Loo. The Chuen says: —'In summer, She was dismembered into three by
disorders [which prevailed]. A force from Loo succoured She, and took the opportunity
to take it.' Too observes on this, that, while the Chuen speaks of 'a force
from Loo,' the text does not use that term, intimating that the troops employed
did not really amount to a ?, or 2,500 men. Tso-she subjoins his canons regarding
the force of several terms:—"'Taking (?)" is used, when
the thing was done with ease; "extinguishing (?)," when it required
a large force; "entering (?)," when the ter- ritory was not retained.'
There is difficulty found, however, in the application of these canons; and
some critics, as Lëw Ch'ang, call them in question altogether.
[The Chuen appends here a narrative about the affairs of Tsin:—'Seun
Ying and Sze Fang died, and the marquis of Tsin assembled his troops in Mëen-shang
that he might order and regulate them. He appointed Sze Kae to the command of
the army of the centre, but Kae declined, saying, "Pih-yëw (Seun Yen)
is my senior. Formerly from my acquaintance with, and knowledge of, Che Pih,
I was assistant-com- mander under him; but I cannot [be regarded as] superior
[to Yen]. I beg you to follow [my advice, and appoint] Pih-yëw." Seun
Yen was then made commander of the army of the centre, and Sze Kae was assistant-commander
under him. [The marquis] appointed Han K'e to the command of the 1st army; but
he wished to decline in favour of Chaou Woo. The marquis, however, offered the
command to Lwan Yen, who also declined it, saying, "I am not equal to Han
K'e, and as he wishes Chaou Woo to be above him, your lordship should hearken
to him." Chaou Woo was then made commander of the 1st army, with Han K'e
as assistant-commander. Lwan Yen was continued as commander of the 3d army,
and Wei Këang was made assistant- commander of it. Neither commander nor
as- sistant-commander was appointed to the new army; but the marquis, finding
it difficult to meet with proper men, ordered the officers of tens to lead their
footmen and chariot-men, and all the other officers, to follow the 3d army;—
which was right. On this, a great harmony prevailed among the people of Tsin,
and the States cultivated their friendly relations with it.
'The superior man will say, "Modesty is an essential point in the proprieties.
Fan Scuen- tsze (Kae) having declined the command [offered to him], those below
him did the same, and even Lwan Yen, naturally forward, did not dare to act
differently. The State of Tsin was thus made tranquil, and the effect extended
through several generations:—such was the force of a good example!
Is not this a thing to be ear- nestly sought,—the good example of
one man, securing the quiet and harmony of the people? The language of the Shoo
(V. xxvii. 13) is applicable to this;—'When the one man is good, all
the people look to him as their dependence, and the repose of such a State will
be perpetual.' Of the rise and prosperity of Chow, the ode (She, III. i. ode
I. 7) says:—
'Take your pattern from king Wăn, And the myriad regions will repose
confidence in you;' showing a pattern of excellence. But in the decline of Chow,
the ode (She, II. vi. ode I. 2) says:—
'The great officers are unfair; I am made toserve; I alone am deemed worthy;'
showing how [at that time] they would not yield to one another. In an age of
good government, men in high stations prefer ability, and give place to those
who are below them; and the lesser people labour vigorously at their husbandry
to serve their superiors. In this way all the rules of propriety are observed
both by high and low, and slanderers and evil men fall into disrepute and disappear.
Such a state of things arises from their not quarrelling about superiority;—it
is what we call a state of admirable virtue. But in an age of disorder, men
in high stations proclaim their merit in order to impose their will on those
who are below them, and the lesser people boast of their arts to encroach on
their superiors. In this way the rules of propriety are observed by neither
high nor low, and disorders and oppressions grow up together. Such a state of
things arises from contentions about superiority; —it is what we call
a state where virtue is all- obscured. The ruin of a State is sure to result
from it."'
Par. 3. This was king Kung (? ?). He was succeeded by his son Ch'aou, known
as king K'ang (? ? ?). The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo was
ill, and addressed his great officers, saying, "I, the unworthy, was called
when young to preside over the altars. At the age of ten, I lost my father,
and the dignity of the State fell to my lot before I had been train- ed by the
instructions of the tutor and guard- ian. Thus it was that I lost my army at
Yen (see VIII. xvi. 6), to the very great disgrace of our altars, and the very
great sorrow of you. If by your influence I am able to preserve my head, and
die a natural death, for the business of sacrifice and interment, whereby I
shall take the place after my predecessors in the temple proper to me, I beg
you will call me by such an epithet as Ling (?) or Le (?), according as you
shall choose." They gave him no reply, till he had charged them five times,
when they consented.
'In the autumn, he—king Kung—died, and Tsze-nang was consulting
about the posthumous epithet for him, when the great officers said, "We
have his own charge about it." Tsze- nang said, "His charge was marked
by humble reverence. Why should we use any other epi- thet but that which is
expressive of that quali- ty? He came to the charge of this glorious State of
Ts'oo; he tranquillized, and got the dominion of, the Man and the E; his expeditions
went rapidly forth along the sea of the south; and he subjected the great States.
And yet he knew his errors;—may he not be pronounced humbly reverent
(?>)? Let us call him by the epithet of Kung." The great officers agreed.'
[The Chuen appends here:—'Woo made a raid upon Ts'oo. Yang Yëw-ke
hurried away with a charge [to resist the enemy], followed by Tsze-kăng
with a [larger] force. Yang Shuh said, "Woo is taking advantage of the
death of our king, thinking we shall not be able to take the field. They are
sure to slight us, and not use proper caution. Do you place three ambush- ments,
and wait for the result of my measures, giving me leave to decoy them."
Tsze-kăng having agreed to this, a battle was fought at Yung-poo,
when the troops of Woo received a great defeat, and the Kung-tsze Tang was taken.
The superior man will say, "Woo was unpity- ing;—[as] the ode
(She, II. iv. ode VII. 6) says,
'Great Heaven has no compassion, And there is no end to the disorders.'"
Par. 4. Fang,—see I. ix. 6. The city was granted, probably about this
time, to the Tsang- sun family. The Chuen says:—'This text shows the
seasonableness of the proceeding [from the state of other business]. They had
wished to wall the city earlier, but Tsang Woo-chung begged to wait till the
labours of husbandry were finished;—which was right.'
[The Chuen here takes up the narrative un- der xi. 10:—'Lëang
Sëaou of Ch'ing, and the grand-superintendent Shih Ch'oh, were still in
Ts'oo. Shih Ch'oh said to Tsze-nang, "The an- cient kings divined about
their progresses for five years, year by year seeking for a favourable response.
When they found that repeated so many times, then they set out. If such a response
was not repeated, they cultivated their virtue with increased assiduity, and
divined again. Now Ts'oo cannot maintain its struggle with Tsin; but what is
the offence of [Ch'ing's] messenger? You here detain one of its high ministers,
relieving its court of the pressure [of its ministers on one another], making
the others more harmonious and adhere firmly to Tsin, with a hatred of Ts'oo;—what
is the use of such a measure? If you send him back, and thus frustrate the object
of his mission, he will resent the conduct of his ruler, and be at enmi- ty
with the great officers, so that they will begin to draw different ways;—would
not this be a better course?" On this the people of Ts'oo sent them both
back].'
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, in the king's
first month, Ke-sun Suh, and Shuh Laou, along with Sze Kae of Tsin, officers
of Ts'e, Sung, and Wei, the Kung-sun Ch'ae of Ch'ing, and officers of Ts'aou,
Keu, Choo, T'ăng, Sëeh, Ke, and Little Choo, had a meeting with
Woo in Hëang.
2 In the second month, on Yih-we, the first day of the moon,
the sun was eclipsed.
3 In summer, in the fourth month, Shuh-sun P'aou joined
Seun Yen of Tsin, officers of Ts'e and Sung, Pih-kung Kwoh of Wei, the Kung-sun
Ch'ae of Ch'ing, and officers of Ts'aou, Keu, Ch'oo, T'ăng, Sëeh,
Ke, and Little Choo, in invading Ts'in.
4 On Ke-we, the marquis of Wei left his
State, and fled to Ts'e.
5 A body of men from Keu made a raid upon our eastern
borders.
6 In autumn, the Kung-tsze Ching of Ts'oo led a force and invaded Woo.
7 In winter, Ke-sun Suh had a meeting with Sze Kae of Tsin, Hwa Yueh of Sung,
Sun Lin-foo of Wei, the Kung-sun Ch'ae of Ch'ing, and officers of Keu and Choo,
in Ts'eih.
Par. 1. The defeat of Woo by Ts'oo is re- lated in the Chuen appended
to par. 3 of last year. Tso-she supposes that this meeting at Hëang (the
Hëang in dis. of Hwae-yuen; see on I.ii. 2) was held in consequence of
an applica- tion from Woo to Tsin for help; but, as Woo Ch'ing has remarked,
the text, where representatives of Tsin and the other States all go to meet
Woo, would rather indicate that the meeting was called by Tsin for its own purposes,
to make use of Woo, instead of giving help to it.
Here and below, Kung-yang has ?for ?. At this meeting we have two officers,
both ministers, present on the part of Loo;—Ke-sun Suh and Shuh Laou
(a son of Kung-sun Ying- ts'e, and grandson of Shuh-heih, mentioned VII. xvii.
7). There were always two officers sent by the States to those meetings, a principal
and an assistant (—? ?—? ?), But the second was inferior
in rank, and only the principal took part in conference. Loo departed from the
ordinary rule in this case probably to flatter Tsin, and Tsin accepted the adulation
by ad- mitting two envoys to the meeting.
The Chuen says:—' This spring, Woo an- nounced to Tsin the defeat
[which it bad sustained from Ts'oo], and a meeting was held at llëang,
to consult about measures against Ts'oo; in the interest of Woo. Fan Seuen-tsze,
however, pointed out Woo's act of miscon- duct, and sent away its representative.
He [also] caused the Kung-tsze Woo-low of Keu to be seized, because of Keu's
interchanging communications with Ts'oo. He wished [fur- ther] to seize Keu-che,
viscount of the Jung, and accused him, himself, in the court [which had been
established in Hëang], saying, "Come, you chief of the Këang
Jung! Formerly, the people of Ts'in drove Woo-le, one of your an- cestors, to
Kwa-chow, when he came, clothed with rushes and forcing his way through briars
and thorns, and threw himself on our ruler duke Hwuy, who cut off from Tsin
some poor lands, and gave them to you to afford you a subsistence. The States
do not now yield to our ruler the service which they formerly did, because of
reports leaking [out from Tsin].—all through you. You must not be
present at the business of to-morrow morning; if you are, I will cause you to
be seized." The viscount re- plied, 'Formerly, the people of Ts'in, relying
on their multitudes, and covetous of territory, drove out us Jung. Then [your]
duke Hwuy displayed his great kindness; and considering that we Jung were the
descendants of the [chief of the] four mountains (see the Shoo, 1.11), and were
not to be entirely cut off and abandoned, he gave us the lands on his southern
border. The territory was one where jackals dwelt and wolves howled, but we
Jung extirpated the briars and thorns from it, drove away the jackals and wolves,
and considered ourselves his subjects, who should not make inroads on his State,
nor rebel. Nor to the present day have we swerved from our allegiance. Former-
ly, when duke Wăn and Ts'in invaded Ch'ing (see V. xxxv.), the people
of Ts'in stealthily made a covenant with Ch'ing, and left some troops as a guard
in its territory, which led to the battle of Hëaou (V. xxxiii. 3). There
Tsin met the enemy in front, and we Jung withstood him in the rear. That the
army of Ts'in did not return to their State was owing to our ser- vices. As
in the pursuit of a stag, the people of Tsin took Ts'in by the horns, and we
took it by the feet, and along with Tsin, we laid it prostrate on the ground;—might
we not expect to escape [such a charge as you bring against us]? From that time
to the present, in all the expeditions of Tsin we Jung have taken part, one
after another, as they occurred, following its leaders, without ever daring
to keep ourselves apart from them. And now when the troops of your officers
have indeed committed some errors which are separating the States from you,
you try to throw the blame on us. Our drink, our food, our clothes are all different
from those of the Flowery States; we do not interchange silks or other articles
of introduction with their courts; their language and ours do not admit of intercourse
between us and them:—what evil is it possible for us to have done?
Not to be present at the meeting will not be a grief to me." He then sang
the Ts'ing ying (She, II. vii. ode VI.), and withdrew. Sëuen-tsze acknowledged
his error, made the viscount be present at the business of the meeting, and
proved himself "the gentle and harmonious superior" [of that ode].
'At this time Tszeshuh Ts'e-tsze (Shuh Laou) was the assistant of Ke Woo-tsze
and attended the meeting. From this time Tsin made the contributions of Loo
lighter, and gave more respect to its messengers.'
The above Chuen is interesting, as showing how the chiefs of the various ruder
tribes might be present at the meetings of the States, though there be no record
of such a thing in the text.
[The Chuen turns here to the affairs of Woo: —'Choo-fan, viscount
of Woo, when the mourn- ing [for his father] was [so far] completed (see the
death of the former viscount, xii. 4), wished to raise his younger brother Chah
to be lord of the State; but Chah declined the dignity, saying, 'When duke Seuen
of Ts'aou died (see VIII. xiii. 4, 6), the States and the people of Ts'aou,
disapproving of the new ruler, wished to raise Tsze-tsang in Seuen's room. Tsze-Tsang,
how- ever, left Ts'aou, and would not be [earl of it]. thus establishing the
position of the [actual] ruler. Superior men say of him that he could maintain
in purity his position. You are the rightful heir; who will dare to be false
to you? I cannot possess the State in my position. De- void as I am of ability,
I wish rather to follow the example of Tsze-Tsang, so as not to lose my purity."
When the thing was still pressed upon him, he abandoned his house, and took
to plough- ing, on which his brother let him alone.']
Par. 2. This eclipse took place on the 8th of January, B.C. 558.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'In summer, the great officers of the States
followed the marquis of Tsin to invade Ts'in, in return for the affair at Leih
(see on xi. 11). The marquis waited on the borders of the State, and sent his
six minis- ters forward with the forces of the States. When the armies reached
the King, they [were unwilling] to cross it; but Shuh-Hëang (Yang- sheh
Heih; the Shuh-heih of the Chuen on xi. 8) having seen Shuh-sun Muh-tsze (P'aou),
the latter sang the P'aou yëw k'oo yeh (She, I. iii. ode IX), on which
Shuh-Hëang withdrew and prepared boats for crossing the stream. The men
of Loo and Keu were the first to cross. Tsze- Këaou of Ch'ing, seeing Pih-kung
E-tsze of Wei, said to him, "If we take a side and do not ad- here firmly
to it, we shall bring on ourselves the greatest evils. What will be the conse-
quences to our altars?" The other was pleased, and they united in advising
the forces of the States to cross the King. This was done and the army then
halted, but the people of Ts'in had put poison into the stream higher up, in
consequence of which many of the soldiers died. Tsze Këaou, minister of
War of Ch'ing, led its forces forward, and was followed by those of the other
States to Yih-lin.
'[When they were there], they still did not succeed in bringing Ts'in to terms,
and Seun Yen issued an order that at cock-crow they should yoke their chariots,
fill up the wells, level their furnaces, and look only at his horses heads,
[and follow him]." Lwan Yen said, "Such an order as this was never
given out by the State of Tsin. My horses' heads wish to go to the east;"
and with this he turned back, fol- lowed by the third army. The historiographer
of the Left said to Wei Chwang-tsze (Wei Këang), "Will you not wait
for Chung-hang Pih (Seun Yen)?" but Chwang-tsze said, "He ordered
us to follow our leaders. Lwan Pih is my leader; I will follow him, and in this
way wait for the general." [On learning this], Pih-yëw (Seun Yen)
said, "I committed an error, and repent- ance for it will not now avail.
We shall leave many prisoners in the hands of Ts'in." On this he commanded
a great retreat; and the people of Tsin called the whole affair "The campaign
of changes and delays."
'Lwan Këen said, "This service was to repay the affair of Leih, and
it proves itself to be a failure;—to the disgrace of Tsin. And there
are two of us [he was a brother of Lwan Yen) in the expedition;—can
I but feel the disgrace?" He then dashed with Sze Yang against the army
of Ts'in and was killed, Sze Yang [escaping and] returning. Lwan Yen said to
Sze Kae, "My brother did not wish to go forward, and your son invited him
to do so. My brother died, while your son has returned. He is answer- able for
my brother's death, and if you do not drive him away, I will kill him."
On this Sze Yang fled to Ts'in.
'Tsuy Ch'oo of Ts'e, and Hwa Yueh and Chung Këang of Sung, were engaged
in this ex- pedition, but their names do not appear in the text, because they
were remiss. For the same reason they are not mentioned in the account of the
meeting at Hëang. Pih-kung Kwoh of Wel does not appear at that meeting,
but he is men- tioned here, because he was here more attentive to his duty.
'The earl of Ts'in asked Sze Yang which of the great officers of Tsin would
first go to ruin, and was answered, "Probably the Lwan." "Be-
cause of their excessive arrogance?" asked the earl. "Yes," was
the reply. "The arrogance and violence of Lwan Yen are extreme, but still
he may escape an evil end. The thing will happen to Ying." "Why so?"
pursued the earl. Yang answered, "The good offices of Woo-tsze (Yen's father)
to the people [have made them think of them] as the people of Chow thought of
the duke of Shaou. If they loved the sweet pear tree [of the duke] (see the
She, I. ii. ode v.), how much more must the people now regard the son [of Woo-tsze]!
When Lwan Yen dies, and the goodness of Ying does not extend to the peo- ple,
the favours of Woo-tsze will be forgotten, and the wrongs done by Yen will be
clearly seen, and then the doom will come." The earl was impressed with
the wisdom of his remarks, ap- pealed in his behalf to Tsin, and got him re-
stored to that State.' With this 'Expedition of changes and delays' the strife
between Tsin and Ts'in came to a long intermission. The two States were about
equally matched. The re- sources of Tsin were more fully developed, but they
did not exceed those of its neighbour to such a degree as to enable it to maintain
a per- manent superiority over Ts'in.
Maou lays down canons about the names of some officers which are in the text,
just the contrary of those laid down by Tso;—showing how uncertain
all such criticism is.
Par. 4. Kung-yang has ?, the marquis's name, after ? ?. The Chuen says:—'
Duke Hëen of Wei had given an invitation to Sun Wăn- tsze (Sun
Lin-foo) and Ning Hwuy-tsze (Ning Chih) to eat with him, and the two officers
dressed themselves, and went to court accordingly. The duke, however, had sent
them no [subsequent] summons [to the feast], even when the day was getting late,
but was shooting wild geese in the park. Thither they followed him, when he
spoke to them, without taking off his skin cap. They were offended, and Wăn-tsze
repaired to [his city of] Ts'eih, from which he sent [his son] Sun Kwae to the
court. The duke called for spirits to drink with Kwae, and ordered the chief
music- master to sing the last stanza of the K'ëaou yen (She, II. v. ode
IV.). That officer declined to do so, and his subordinate Ts'aou asked leave
to sing it. Before this, the duke had employed this Ts'aou to teach a favourite
concubine the lute, and he had whipped the lady, which so en- ranged the duke
that he had given the musician 300 blows. It was in consequence of this that
Ts'aou wished to sing the stanza, that he might thereby enrage Sun-tsze, and
obtain his own re- venge upon the duke. The duke ordered him to sing the words,
and further to intimate his meaning in them. Kwae was afraid, and told the whole
thing to his father, who said, "The duke suspects me. If I do not take
the initia- tive, I shall die." On this he brought his son also to Ts'eih,
and went [to the capital] to see Keu Pih-yuh, and said to him, "You are
well aware of the cruel oppressions of our ruler; I am very much afraid lest
our altars be over- thrown :—what is to be done?" Pih-yuh re-
plied, "The ruler's authority is supreme; who will dare to oppose him?
And though we should oppose him, do we know that we should find a better?"
And after this interview he left the State by the nearest gate on the borders.
'The duke then sent Tsze-këaou, Tsze-pih, and Tsze-p'e to make a covenant
in K'ëw-kung with Sun-tsze, who put them all to death. In the 4th month,
on Ke-we, Tsze-chen fled to Ts'e; and the duke went to Këuen, from which
he sent Tsze-hang to Sun-tsze, who put him also to death. The duke then left
the State, and fled towards Ts'e, pursued by the Sun, who defeated his followers
at the marsh of O. The people of Keuen also took some of them prisoners. Yin-kung
T'o and Yu-kung Ch'ae continued the pursuit of the duke. T'o had learned archery
from Ch'ae, whose own instructor in the art had been the Kung-sun Ting. Ting
was now driving the duke's chariot, and Tsze-yu (Yu-kung Ch'ae) said, "If
I shoot, I do violence to my instructor; and if I do not shoot, I shall be killed;—had
I not beter shoot in ceremony only?" Accord- ingly he shot twice, [merely]
hitting the yoke over the horses' necks, and returned. [By and by] Yin-kung
T'o said, "He was your master, but I am farther removed from him,"
and there- on he turned again in pursuit. The Kung-sun Ting gave the reins to
the duke, and sent an arrow through the upper part of T'o's arm.
'Tsze-sëen followed the duke, who sent the director of prayers back from
the borders of the State to announce his flight [in the ancestral temple], and
to announce that he was free from guilt. [His father's proper wife], Ting Këang
said [on this], "If there be no Spirits, what is the use of such an announcement?
If there be, they are not to be imposed upon;—guilty as he is, how
can he announce that he is free from guilt? He neglected the great officers,
and took counsel with his small officers;—that was one act of guilt.
He treated with contempt the chief ministers of his father, who had been appointed
tutor and guardian to him; that was a second. He was oppressive, as to a concubine,
to me, who with towel and comb had served his father; that was a third. He might
announce his flight; but nothing more; how could he announce that he was free
from guilt?"
'The marquis [of Loo] sent How Ch'ing-shuh on a visit of condolence to Wei,
who said, "My ruler has sent me (Tseih was Ch'ing-shuh's name), having
heard that your ruler was no longer watching over your altars, but had cross-
ed your borders into another State. In such circumstances, how could he but
send his con- dolences? Considering how he had covenanted with your ruler, he
has sent me privately to you, the officers of Wei, to say, 'Your ruler showed
no sympathy, and his ministers were not earnest and intelligent. He did not
forgive [their offences], and they did not perform their duties. His excesses
were increased, and they gave vent to their resentments. What is to be done
in such a case?'" The people of Wei ap- pointed T'ae-shuh E to reply to
him, who said, "We officers, in our want of ability, offended our ruler.
He did not proceed to punish us, but in grief has left the State, causing sorrow
to your ruler. Mindful of the friendship between the former princes of Wei and
Loo, your ruler has condescended to send his condolences to us, and to show
us his great pity. We venture to acknowledge the condescension of his message;
we thank him deeply for his great gift." When How-sun returned, and reported
the execution of his mission, he said to Tsang Woo-chung, "The ruler of
Wei will yet return, I apprehend, to his State. There is Tae-shuh E to keep
guard in it; there is his own brother Chuen (Tsze-sëen), who has left it
with him. With the former watching over his interests in the State, and the
latter to build him up out of it, is it possible he should not be restored?"
'The people of Ts'e assigned Lae to the mar- quis as his residence, and when
he returned to Wei, he took with him the provisions that were in it. Kub, commandant
of the right, had fol- lowed the marquis on his flight, but afterwards stole
away from him, and returned to Wei, where the people wished to put him to death.
He pleaded, however, that he had not gone away at first with a good will, and
that he might be compared to a robe of fox-skin with sleeves of lamb's fur.
On this they forgave him, and raised P'eaou, a grandson of duke Muh to the vacant
seat. To him Sun Lin-foo and Ning Chih acted as chief ministers, awaiting his
re- cognition by the States.
'While the marquis of Wei was in Lae, Tsang Heih went to Ts'e, and paid him
a visit of condolence, when he spoke in so violent a way, that, when Heih retired,
he said to his followers that the marquis would not be able to enter the state
again "His words," said he, "are dirt. His exile has wrought
no change in him. How is it possible that he should return?' Tsze-chen and Tsze-sëen
heard this, and visited Heih, when their discourse was so marked by right principle,
that he said to his people, "The ruler of Wei is sure to return to his
State. With the one of these officers to pull him forward, and the other to
keep him back, though he wished not to enter it, he could not keep from doing
so."'
The K'ang-he editors observe on this para- graph:—'In the account
of the exit of the marquis of Wei, the Ch'un Ts'ëw does not men- tion the
traitors who drove him out, but ascribes his flight to himself. In consequence
of this, Too Yu and K'ung Ying-tah held that the style was condemnatory of the
ruler, in which view they were followed by Hoo Gan-kwoh. But this is not the
idea of the text. There is no greater crime than the expulsion of a ruler by
a minister; and is it to be supposed that the sage would indicate his condemnation
of the ruler only? Wang Ts'ëaou and Yen K'e-lung have therefore both disputed
this view.' This method of settling a point on the critic's a priori view of
the author's character and intention will not pass current out of China. With
the account in the text there has to be taken the statement of Ning Chih on
his deathbed, as given in the Chuen at the end of the 20th year, that it was
recorded in the tablets (? ?), of the States, that 'Ning Chih drove out his
ruler.' Maou contends that there were, besides those tablets, others (? ?) in
a different style, and that Confucius made his text from the latter. This distinction
of tablets again is vehemently con- troverted; and even if it were granted,
the point of real interest in regard to the merits of Con- fucius as a historian
would not be affected by it.—We look for truth as to the things which
he relates, and we do not get it. It is to be observed, however, that only in
the case of the murder of a ruler is the name of the traitor given in the Ch'un
Ts'ëw, and even not always then. Records of expulsions are in the style
of the text here, with the addition generally of the name of the fugitive prince,—as
in II. xv. 4. The omission of the name in the text, however, is not to be considered
important.
[The Chuen takes us now, in two narratives to Tsin:—1st. 'When his
armies returned from the invasion of Ts'in, the marquis of Tsin dis- banded
the new army;—which was according to rule. The armies of a large State
could only be half those of the Son of Heaven. Chow had six armies, and the
greatest of the States might have three. At this time, Che Soh (? ?, belonging
to a branch of the Seun or Chung- hang clan) had died after the birth of [?
his brother] Ying. Woo-tsze, [their father], also died when Ying was only six
years old. Che K'ëw (? ?, a brother of Fan Kae; belong- ing to the Fan
or Sze clan) was also still young. Neither of them was competent for office.
There was thus no leader for the new army, and it was given up.'
2d. 'The music-master Kwang being by the side of the marquis of Tsin, the marquis
said to him, 'Have not the people of Wei done very wrong in expelling their
ruler?" Kwang re- plied, "Perhaps the ruler had done very wrong. A
good ruler will reward the virtuous and pun- ish the vicious; he will nourish
his people as his children, overshadowing them as heaven, and supporting them
as the earth. Then the people will maintain their ruler, love him as a parent,
look up to him as the sun and moon, revere him as they do spiritual Beings,
and stand in awe of him as of thunder;—could such a ruler be ex- pelled?
Now, the ruler is the host of the spirits, and the hope of the people. If he
make the life of the people to be straitened and the spirits to want their sacrifices
(Read ? ? ? ? ?,? ? ? ?), then the hope of the people is cut off, and the altars
are without a host;—of what use is he, and what should they do but
send him away? Heaven, in giving birth to the people, appointed for them rulers
to act as their superintendents and pastors, so that they should not lose their
proper nature. For the rulers there are assigned their assistants to act as
tutors and guardians to them, so that they should not go beyond their proper
limits. Therefore the son of Heaven has his dukes; princes of States have their
high ministers; ministers have [the Heads of] their collateral families; great
officers have the members of the secondary branches of their families; inferior
officers have their friends; and the common people, mechanics, merchants, police
runners, shepherds, and grooms, all have their relatives and acquaintances to
aid and assist them. These stimulate and honour those [to whom they stand in
such a relation], when they are good, and correct them when they do wrong. They
rescue them in calamity, and try to put away their errors. From the king downwards,
every one has his father, elder brothers, sons and younger brothers, to supply
[the defects] and watch over [the character of] his govern- ment. The historiographers
make their records; the blind make their poems; the musicians re- cite their
satires and remonstrances; the great of- ficers admonish and instruct, and inferior
officers report to these what they hear; the common people utter their complaints;
the merchants [display their wares] in the market places; the hundred artificers
exhibit their skilful contri- vances. Hence in one of the Books of Hëa
(Shoo III. iv. 3) it is said, "The herald with his wooden-tongued bell
goes along the roads, pro- claiming, "Ye officers, able to instruct, be
pre- pared with your admonitions. Ye workmen engaged in mechanical affairs,
remonstrate on the subject of your business." In the first month, at the
beginning of spring, this was done.' It was done, lest remonstrances should
not be re- gularly presented. Heaven's love for the people is very great;—would
it allow the one man to take his will and way over them, so indulging his excessive
desires and discarding the [kindly] nature of Heaven and Earth? Such a thing
could not be."' The reader will not wonder that the K'ang-he editors should
condemn these radi- cal sentiments of the music-master.]
Par. 5. Too says this was in retaliation for Loo's capture of Yun, in the 12th
year. It was only a continuation of the aggressions of Keu, in defiance not
only of Loo, but also of Tsin.
Par. 6. Tso-she says this attack was ordered by the viscount of Ts'oo, in consequence
of Woo's invasion of Ts'oo the previous year, which ended with the battle of
Yung-poo (see the Chuen af- ter xiii. 3); adding, 'Tsze-nang took post with
his army at Tsang, intending to attack Woo; and when Woo would not come forth,
he with- drew. He brought up the rear himself, and did not take precautions,
thinking Woo could do nothing. A body of men, however, advancing through the
defile of Kaou-chow, intercepted and fell upon him where the troops of Ts'oo
could not help one another. They defeated Tsze-nang, and took the Kung-tsze
E-kuh prisoner.'
[The Chuen appends here:—'The king sent duke Ting of Lëw to
deliver the following charge to the marquis of Ts'e.—"Formerly,
our great kinsman (duke l'ae was father-in-law to king Woo; hence the ?), [your
ancestor], duke T'ae, aided our ancient kings, and was as a limb to the House
of Chow, a tutor and guardian to the myriads of the people; and his services
as the grand-tutor were recompensed with the distinction conterred on him by
the castern sea, descending to his posterity. That the royal House was not overthrown
was owing to him. Now I give charge to you Hwan to follow the rules of our [great]
kinsman, and to continue the services of your ancestors, bringing no disgrace
on them. Be reverent. Do not neglect my charge]!"'
Par. 7. Ts'eih,—see VI. i. 9. This meeting had relation to the affairs
of Wei, and from the presence at it of Sun Lin-foo, we can understood how its
councils were likely to incline.
The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Tsin con- sulted Chung-hang Hëen-tsze
(Seun Yen) about the affairs of Wei, when that minister replied, "Our best
plan is to accede to its present cir- cumstances, and settle it accordingly.
Wei has a ruler. If we attack it, we may not succeed as we should desire, and
we shall be troubling the States. The historiographer Yih said, 'Add stability
to the heavy.' Chung-hwuy said, 'Deal summarily with States that are going to
ruin, and take their States from the disorderly. To overthrow the perishing
and strengthen what is being preserved, is the way in which to ad- minister
a State.' Let your lordship now settle Wei, and wait the time [for a different
course]. In winter a meeting was held at Ts'eih, to con- sult about the settlement
of Wei. Fan Seuen- tsze borrowed from Ts'e its [banner with variegated] feathers
and ox-tails, and did not return it; in consequence of which the people of Ts'e
began to be disaffected.'
[The Chuen appends here a short narrative about Ts'oo:—'When Tsze-nang
of Ts'oo re- turned from the invasion of Woo, he died. When he was about to
die, he left word that Tsze-kăng should fortify Ying. The superior
man will say that Tsze-nang was [indeed a] faithful [minister]. When his ruler
died, he did not forget to make him remembered by a good name (see on xiii.
3); when he was about to die himself, he did not forget to defend the altars
[of the State]. Ought he not to be pro- nounced faithful? To the faithful the
people look. The words of the ode (She, II. viii. ode I. 1),
'If we could now go back to Chow, These would be admiringly looked to by all
the people," have respect to the faithfulness [of the officers spoken of].']
XV. Fifteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, the duke of
Sung sent Hëang Seuh to Loo on a mission of friendly in- quiries; [and]
in the second month, on Ke-hae, [the duke] made a covenant with him at Lëw.
2 Hëa of Lëw met the king's bride in Ts'e.
3 In summer, the marquis
of Ts'e invaded our northern bor- ders, and laid siege to Ch'ing. The duke went
as far as Yu to relieve Ch'ing.
4 K'e-sun Suh and Shuh-sun P'aou led a force
and walled round the suburbs of Ch'ing.
5 In autumn, in the eighth month, on
Ting-sze, the sun was eclipsed.
6 A body of men from Choo invaded our southern
borders.
7 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Kwei-hae, Chow, marquis of Tsin,
died.
Par. 1. Too observes that this mission of Hëang Seuh was in return
for that of Shuh-sun P'aou to Sung in the duke's 2d year, and to renew the covenant
at Poh in the 11th year. He says nothing about the situation of Lëw, from
which Ying-tah infers that it was a place near the capital, though outside it.
For the duke to covenant at all with the messenger was below his dignity; to
go outside the city to do it was still more unbecoming. Wan Ch'ung- tsung (???;
of the pres. dyn.) ingeni- ously supposes that ?? are an addition to the text
occasioned by the next paragraph's beginning with ?. The Chuen says:—'Hëang
Seuh of Sung came on a friendly mission; and to renew the [existing] covenant.
Visiting Măng Hëen-tsze, he reproved him about his house, saying,
"I did not expect that a man of your great reputation would have so beautiful
a house." Hëen-tsze replied, "My elder brother did it, when I
was in Tsin. To have taken it down again would have been a great labour, and
I did not wish to find fault with him."'
Par. 2. The negotiation for the king's mar- riage with a princess of Ts'e is
related in the Chuen appended to xii. 5. For the ceremonies in conveying a king's
bride to Chow, see on II. viii. 6. Those ceremonies appear not to have been
correctly observed on the occasion here spoken of. The Lëw Hëa of
the text is no doubt, the 'duke Ting of Lew,' mentioned in the Chuen appended
to par. 6 of last year. But his appear- ing by his name here shows, according
to the rules for the use of titles, designations, and names, that he was not
yet a high minister or duke of the court, and not even a great officer; yet
here he is employed to receive the queen and convey her to Chow,—a
duty for which only a high minister was competent. What Tso-she says on the
subject is too brief to be in- telligible:—'An officer, following
duke Tsing of Shen, met the queen in Ts'e. That a minister did not go on this
duty was contrary to rule.'
[The Chuen gives two narratives here about the affairs of Ts'oo and of Ch'ing.
1st. 'The Kung-tsze Woo of Ts'oo was made chief minis- ter (in room of Tsze-nang);
the Kung-tsze P'e- jung, director of the Right; Wei Tsze-p'ing, grand marshal;
the Kung-tsze T'oh-sze, marshal of the Right; the Kung-tsze Ch'ing, marshal
of the Left; K'euh Taou, the Moh-gaou; the Kung-tsze Chuy-shoo, director of
Remonstrances; K'euh Tang, joint-director; Yang Yëw-ke, director of the
palace stables;—and thus the people of the State were composed. The
superior man will say that Ts'oo was able to put the right men in the right
offices. Such allotment of offi- ces is an urgent necessity of a State; when
it is done, the minds of the people have nothing more to desire. The words of
the ode (She, I. i. ode III. 1),
"Alas! I think of the men, Who can be placed in all the offices,"
refer to the subject of being able to give offices to proper men. "All
the offices" there refers to the occupancy of their places by the king,
the dukes, marquises, earls, viscounts, knights, the lords of the Tëen,
the Ts'ae the Wei, and their great of- ficers.'
2d. "After the insurrection of the Wei and Sze families in Ch'ing (see
on x. 8), the ruffians who escaped [took refuge] in Sung, to which the people
of Ch'ing, out of regard to Tsze-se, Pih-yëw, and Tsze-ch'an, sent a bribe
of 160 horses, and the musicians Fei and Hwuy; and in the 3rd month, the Kung-sun
Hih also went [to Sung] as a hostage. Tsze-han, [Sung's] minis- ter of Works,
on this, delivered up Chay (So ? is here, and should formerly have been, read)
Joo-foo, Wei P'ëen, and Sze Ts'e; but thinking well of Sze Shin, he let
him escape to the protection of Ke Woo-tsze [in Loo], who placed him in Pëen.
The people of Ch'ing reduced the other three men to pickle. The musician Hwuy
was passing by the court of Sung, and wished to make his water, when his guide
told him it was the court. "But," said Hwuy, "there is no man
there." "It is the court," replied the other; "how should
there be no man there?" "It is impossible," said Hwuy, "there
should be any man. If there were, would he have prefer- red [two] blind masters
of licentious music to [simply gratifying] the ministers of a State of a thousand
chariots? This is a proof that there can be no man there." When Tsze-han
heard this, he made an urgent request, and returned [the musicians].']
Parr. 3, 4. Ch'ing,—see II. vi. 2. Yu was also in Loo, and the duke
only advanced to it, fearing an encounter with Ts'e, which seems, however, to
have withdrawn its troops, leaving to Suh and P'aou the opportunity of fortifying
the place. ?, we have seen, denotes 'the outer suburbs' extending beyond the
?. We must suppose that the wall now reared was between the limits of the two,
outside the ?, on the inside of the ?. The Chuen says:—'In summer,
the marquis of Ts'e laid siege to Ch'ing, having become estranged from Tsin.
On this we fortified the suburbs of Ch'ing.' Ch'ing was the city of the Mang-sun
clan. That the Heads of the other two clans undertook to fortify it shows, it
is understood, the alliance that existed between the three.
Par. 5. This eclipse took place May 23d, B.C. 557. The month is wrong;—it
was really the 6th month intercalary. Even Too Yu saw that there was an error
in the text.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, a body of men from Choo invaded
our southern borders, when we sent information of their do- ing so to Tsin.
Tsin purposed to call a meeting [of the States], to punish Choo and Keu, but
the thing was stopped by the illness of the marquis. In winter duke Taou of
Tsin died, and no meet- ing [of the States] could be held.'
Par. 7. The marquis Chow, or duke Taou, of Tsin was a prince of great merit,
though he is ranked as inferior to his predecessor, duke Wăn, and
to duke Hwan of Ts'e. He was succeeded by his son Pëw (?), known as duke
P'ing.
[The Chuen adds here three short narratives: —1st. 'The Kung-sun
Hëa of Ch'ing went to Tsin, hurrying to the death-rites. Tsze-këaou
attended the funeral.' 2d. 'A man of Sung found a gem, and presented it to Tsze-han,
who would not receive it. The man said, "I showed it to a lapidary, who
considered it to be valuable, and therefore I ventured to offer it to you."
Tsze-han said, "What I consider valuable is not to be covetous; what you
consider valuable is your gem. If you give it to me, we shall both lose what
we consider to be valuable; wo had better each keep his own." [The man]
bowed his head to the earth, and said, "If a small man like me carry such
a peih in his bosom, he cannot leave his village. I offer it as my means of
asking [an escape from] death." Tsze- has on this placed the man in the
street where he lived himself, and made a lapidary cut the gem for him, who
in this way became rich, and was sent afterwards back to his place.' 3d. 'In
the 12th month, the people of Ch'ing took away his wife from Chay Kow, and sent
her back to the Fan family [of Tsin, to which she belonged.]
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, in the king's
first month, there was the burial of duke Taou of Tsin.
2 In the third month,
the duke had a meeting with the [new] marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the
marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou, the viscounts of Choo and Keu,
the earls of Sëeh and Ke, and the viscount of Little Choo, in Këih-lëang.
On Mow-yin [their] great officers made a covenant.
3 The people of Tsin seized
the viscounts of Keu and Choo, and carried them back [to Tsin].
4 The marquis
of Ts'e invaded our northern borders.
5 In summer, the duke came from the meeting.
6 In the fifth month, on Këah-tsze, there was an earthquake.
7 Shuh Laou
joined the earl of Ch'ing, Sëun Yen of Ts'e, Ning Chih of Wei, and an officer
of Sung, in invading Heu.
8 In autumn, the marquis of Ts'e invaded our northern
borders, and laid siege to Ch'ing.
9 We had a grand sacrifice for rain.
10 In
winter, Shuh-sun P'aou went to Tsin.
Par. 1. This interment was hurried on;—
probably because of the urgency of public af- fairs, that the new marquis might
be able to attend the meeting in the next par.
Parr. 2, 3. Keih-lëang might be translated 'bridge or dam of Keih.' The
place is referred to the present dis. of Tse-yuen (??), dep. Hwac-k'ing, near
mount Yuen (??), on the Pih-këen river (???). The Chuen says:—'On
the burial of duke Taou, duke P'ing took his place. Yang-sheh Heih (appears
for- merly as Shuh-hëpang) was made [grand-] tutor; Chang Keun-chin (son
of Chang Laou), mar- shal of the army of the centre; K'e He, Han Sëang,
Lwan Ying, and Sze Yang, great officers of the ducal kindred; and Yu K'ëw-shoo,
charioteer to the duke, who changed his mourn- ing, arranged all the offices,
and offered the winter sacrifice in K'ëuh-yuh. Having care- fully arranged
for e keeping of the State, he descended [eastwards], and met the States at
Keih-lëang. He ordered them to return the lands which they had taken from
one another in their incursions; and on our account he seized duke Seuen of
Choo and duke Le-pe of Keu, charging them moreover with maintaining a friendly
intercourse with Ts'e and Ts'oo. The marquis feasted with the other princes
in Wăn, and made their great officers dance before them, telling
them that the odes which they sang must be befitting the occasion. That sung
by Kaou How of Ts'e was not so, which enraged Sëun Yen, so that he said,
"The States are cherishing a disaffected spirit," and proposed that
all the great officers should make a cove- nant with Kaou How, who, however,
stole away back to Ts'e. On this, Shuh-sun P'aou, Sëun Yen of Tsin, Hëang
Seuh of Sung, Ning Chih of Wei, the Kung-sun Ch'ae of Ch'ing, and a great officer
of Little Choo, made a covenant, engaging that they should together punish the
State which did not appear at the court [of Tsin].'
Kung-yang and Kuh-lëang argue from the 2d par., where the princes meet
but only the great officers covenant, that it supplies evidence of how the power
of the States was being en- grossed by the latter; and this view was follow-
ed by Hoo Gan-kwoh and Choo He. The Chuen, however, supplies a better ground
for the covenanting in this case being confined to the great officers.
Par. 4. Ts'e would seem to have now deter- mined to set Tsin at defiance.
Par. 7. Shuh Laou,—see xiv. 1. The Chuen says:—'The baron
of Heu asked leave from Tsin to remove his capital (see VIII. xv. 11, where
Heu moves its capital to be near Tsoo, while now it wants to move back towards
Tsin). The States accordingly [assembled to] superintend the removal, which
the great officers of Heu theo refused to sanction. The commanders of Tsin sent
the princes back to their States; but Tsze- këaou of Ch'ing, hearing that
it was intended to invade Heu, kept in attendance on the earl, and followed
the armies [which had been detained for the expedition]. Muh-shuh (Shuh-sun
P'aou), however, went back to Loo with the duke, while Ts'e-tsze (Shuh Laou)
joined Sëun Yen of Tsin with a force. The text says that "he joined
the earl of Ch'ing," the earl's rank requiring this style, [though in reality
Seun Yen commanded in the expedition]. In sum- mer, in the 6th month, they halted
at Yih-lin; and on Kăng-yin they attacked [the capital of] Heu, halting
at Han-she.
'[Then] Seun Yen and Lwan Yen of Tsin led a force and invaded Ts'oo, in return
for the ex- pedition [by Ts'oo] to Yang-lëang of Sung (see on xii. 5).
The Kung-tsze Kih came with a force, and fought with that of Tsin at Chan-fan,
where he received a great defeat. The army of Tsin then overran the country
outside Ts'oo's barrier wall, and returned to the attack of Heu, and thence
back to Tsin.'
According to this Chuen, an invasion of Heu and an invasion of Ts'oo were confusedly
mixed up together, though the text only speaks of the former. Many critics contend
that Seun Yen should appear before the earl of Ch'ing, as he, representing Tsin,
was director of all the forces; and Maou contends that the order of the names
proves that the invasion of Heu was really from Ch'ing, and not from Tsin;—contrary
to the Chuen.
Par. 8. Tso-she has ? for ?. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the marquis
of Ts'e laid siege to Ch'ing, when Măng Suh, [styled] Yu- tsze, (a
son of Măng Hëen-tsze) came suddenly upon him. "This,"
said the marquis, "is a man of daring; let us leave the place, and so make
his name famous." Suh then shut up the ravine by the sea, and returned.'
Par. 10. The Chuen says:—'In winter, Muh- shuh went to Tsin on a
visit of friendly inqui- ries, and also to speak about Ts'e. The people of Tsin
said, "[The reason of our inaction is] that our ruler has not yet offered
the te sacrifice (See on IV. ii. 2), and that the people have not yet rested
[from their toils against Ts'oo and Heu]. But for these things, we should not
have dared to forget [your distress]." Muh- shuh said, "Because the
people of Ts'e morning and evening vent their indignation on our poor State,
therefore we press our request [for help]. Such is the urgency of our distress,
that in the morning we cannot be confident there will be the evening, and with
necks outstretched we look to the west, and say, 'Perhaps [Tsin] is coming.'
When your officers have leisure, I am afraid the help may be too late."
When he saw Chung-hang Hëen-tsze (Seun Yen), he sang the K'e-foo (She,
II. iv. ode I.); and Hëen-tsze said, "I know my guilt. How dared I
not to follow your officers, and along with them care for your altars, causing
Loo to come to this distress?" When he saw Fan Seuen-tsze, he sang the
last stanza of the Hung yen (She, II. iii. ode VII.) and Sëuen-tsze said,
"Here am I, Kae. Dare I allow the people of Loo to be scattered about?"
XVII. Seventeenth year.
1 In the [duke's] seventeenth year, in spring, in the
king's second month, on Kăng-woo, K'ăng, viscount of Choo,
died.
2 A body of men from Sung invaded Ch'in.
3 In summer, Shih Mae of Weiled
a force, and invaded Ts'aou.
4 In autumn, the marquis of Ts'e invaded our northern
borders, and laid siege to T'aou. Kaou How of Ts'e invaded our northern borders,
and laid siege to Fang.
5 In the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for
rain.
6 Hwa Shin of Sung fled from that State to Ch'in.
7 In winter, a body of
men from Choo invaded our southern borders.
Par. 1. This was duke Sëuen
(??). He had been carried as a prisoner to Tsin from the meeting at Keih-lëang
in the previous year, but must have been liberated and returned to Choo. He
was succeeded by his son Hwa (?), known as duke Taou (??). Kuh makes the name
?.
Par. 2. The marquis of Ch'in, it was seen, stole away from the meeting of the
northern States at Wei, in the 7th year; and from that time Ch'in had kept aloof
from the northern alliance, and been confederate with Ts'oo. It was this, no
doubt, which led to the present action of Sung against it. The Chuen says:—
'This spring, Chwang Chaou of Sung invaded Ch'in, and took prisoner its minister
of Instruc- tion Gang;—through his making too light of [the force
of] Sung.'
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Sun Kwae (son of Sun Lin-foo) of Wei was
hunting in Suy of Ts'aou, and, while giving his horses drink near Ch'ung-k'ëw,
broke the pitcher [of the well]. The people of Ch'ung-k'ëw shut their gate
against him, and reviled him, saying, "You drove out your ruler; your father
is a devil. How is it that, without taking these things to heart, you occupy
yourself with hunting?" In summer, Shih Mae of Wei and Sun Kwae in- vaded
Ts'aou, and took Ch'ung-k'ëw. The peo- ple of Ts'aou complained to Tsin.'
Par. 4. T'aou (Kung-yang has ?) is wrong- ly identified by Too with a T'aou-heu
(??), in the pres. dis. of Sze-shwuy, which was on the east of Loo. Its place
is to be found in a T'aou- Hëang (??), 40 le north-east of the district
city of Wăn-shang. Tso-she omits the ? be- fore ??. The Chuen says:—'The
people of Ts'e having been disappointed of their aim in regard to us, in autumn
the marquis invaded our northern border, and laid siege to T'aou, while Kaou
How besieged Tsang Heih in Fang. [In the meantime], an army advanced from the
pass of Yang to Leu-sung, to meet Heih [and bring him off]. Shuh-heih (Confucius'
father) com- mandant of Tsow, Tsang Ch'ow, and Tsang Këa, led forth 300
men-at-arms, made a night- attack on the army of Ts'e, escorted him [to Leu-sung],
and then returned themselves to the city. The army of Ts'e then left the place,
but they had taken Tsang Këen. The marquis of Ts'e sent Shuh-sha Wei to
comfort him, and tell him that he should not die. Këen bowed his head to
the ground, and said, "Thanks for the condescension of this message, but
your ruler's gift is not complete. How is it that he sent his castrated minister
(Wei was a eunuch) on a visit of courtesy to an officer?" On this he drove
a stake into his wound, and died.'
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'On the death of Hwa Yueh of Sung, [his brother]
Hwa Shin, despising the weakness of [Yueh's son], Kaou- p'e, employed some ruffians
to kill his steward Hwa Woo. There were six of them, and they did the deed with
a long spear near the Loo gate, behind the house of the master of the Left,-him
of Hoh. The master of the Left was afraid, and said to them, "The old man
has committed no crime;" but they replied that Kaou-p'e for some private
reasons wanted to take Woo off. [Shin] then kept Woo's wife in confinement,
and required her to give him her large peih. When the duke of Sung heard of
these things, he said, "Shin is not only tyran- nizing over the members
of his own House, but he is throwing the government of the State into great
confusion;—he must be driven out." The master of the Left, however,
said, "But Shin is also a minister. If the great ministers are [seen to
be thus] insubordinate, it will be a disgrace to the State. You had better cover
the matter up." Shin accordingly was let alone; but the master of the Left
made himself a short whip, and, whenever he passed Hwa Shin's gate, made his
horses gallop. In the 11th month, the people were pursuing a mad dog, which
ran into Shin's house. They followed it there, and Hwa Shin, in terror, left
the State and fled to Ch'in.'
Par. 7. Tso-she says this movement of Choo was in the interest of Ts'e.
[The Chuen adds here two narratives:—1st. 'In Sung, Hwang Kwoh-foo,
being grand-ad- ministrator, was building a tower for duke P'ing. As the work
interfered with the labours of harvest, Tsze-han requested that it might be
deferred till that was finished. The duke, however, refused the request, and
the builders sang:—
"The White of the Tsih gate Laid on us this task. The Black in the city's
midst Would comfort our hearts." Tsze-han, hearing of this, took a stick,
and went round among them, and chastised those who were not diligent, saying,
"We, the small people, all have our cottages where we can shut ourselves
up, and escape the burning sun, and the wet, the cold and the heat. Now our
ruler is building a single tower; if you do not quickly finish it, how can you
be regarded as doing work?" On this the singers stopped. When some one
asked Tsze- han the reason of his conduct, he said, "The State of Sung
is very small. To have them blessing one in it and cursing another, would lead
to calamity." 2d. 'When Gan HWan-tsze of Ts'e died, [his son] Gan Ying
had his unhemmed mourning clothes of coarse sack-cloth. His head-band and girdle
were still coarser; he carried a bamboo stick for a staff; and wore grass shoes.
He lived on congee, and occupied the mourning shed, sleeping on rushes, with
a pillow of grass. His old servant said to him, "These are not the observances
proper to a great officer;" but he replied, "Only a minister should
do as the great officers [now do]."'
XVIII. Eighteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] eighteenth year, in spring, [a repre-
sentative of] the White Tëih came to Loo.
2 In summer, the people of Tsin
seized Shih Mae, the messenger of Wei.
3 In autumn, an army of Ts'e invaded our
northern borders.
4 In winter, in the tenth month, the duke joined the marquis
of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou,
the viscounts of Keu, Choo, and T'ăng, the earls of Sëeh and
Ke, and the viscount of Little Choo, and laid siege with them to [the capital]
of Ts'e.
5 Foo-ts'oo, earl of Ts'aou, died in the army.
6 The Kung-tsze Woo of
Ts'oo led a force and invaded Ch'ing.
Par. 1. The White Teih,—see
on VII. viii. 6. This was the first time, acc. to Tso-she, that they sought
any intercourse with Loo; nor are they again mentioned in the classic. It is
not said they came to the court of Loo (?), because they knew nothing of the
ceremonies current among the States of China. Comp. the language in V. xxix.
5.
Par. 2. It would appear that Shih Mae and Sun Kwae, who led the attack on Ts'aou
in the past year (see on xvii. 3), had now been sent on some commission to Tsin;
hence the name ?. Acc. to Tso-she, they were both seized by Tsin, but only Sheh
Mae appears in the text, it being a rule of the Ch'un Ts'ëw not to meation
as- sistant commissioners at meetings, &c.:—see on xiv. 1. The
Chuen says:—'In summer, the peo- ple of Tsin seized Shih Mae, the
messenger of Wei, at Chang-tsze, and they seized Sun Kwae at Tun-lëw;—both
on account of [their invasion of] Ts'aou.'
Par. 3. For ?? Kuh-lëang has ??, These repeated attacks on the borders
of Loo were intended, no doubt, to make it forsake the party of Tsin, and embrace
that of Ts'e.
Par. 4. The phrase ?? is peculiar to this par. ?? occurs many times, but not
?? nor ??. The ? must show here the special interest which Loo had in the expedition.
The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the marquis of Ts'e having invaded our
north- ern border, Chung-hang Hëen-tsze prepared to invade Ts'e. [Just
then], he dreamt that he was maintaining a suit with duke Le (see on VIII. xviii.
2. Hëen-tsze had taken a principal part in the murder of duke Le), in which
the case was going against him, when the duke struck him with a spear on his
head, which fell down before him. He took his head up, put it on his shoulders,
and ran off, when he saw the wizard Kaou of Kăng-yang. A day or two
after, it happened that he did see this Kaou on the road, and told him his dream,
and the wizard, who had had the same dream, said to him, "Your death is
to happen about this time; but if you have business in the east, you will there
be successful [first]." Hëen-tsze accepted this in- terpretation.
'When the marquis was proceeding to invade Ts'e, and was about to cross the
Ho, Hëen-tsze bound two pairs of gems together with a thread of red silk,
and offered the following prayer, "Hwan of Ts'e, relying on his defiles
and trust- ing in his multitudes, has cast away the bonds of friendship, broken
his covenants, and treated cruelly [the people,—] the lords of the
Spirits. Your servant Pëw is about to lead the States to punish him, and
before Pëw and behind Pëw it is the business of me his officer to
go. If the enterprise be crowned with success, there will then be no disgrace
to you, O Spirits, and I, Yen, will not presume to recross this river. Do ye,
O Spirits, decide in this case." He then dropt the gems into the river,
and crossed it.
'In winter, in the 10th month, there was a meeting on the Loo side of the Tse,
when [the States] renewed their engagement at Keih- lëang, and undertook
together to invade Ts'e. The marquis of that State withstood them at P'ing-yin,
where there was a dyke with a gate, in front of which he dug a moat a le wide.
Shuh-sha Wei said to him, "If you cannot fight, our best plan will be to
[abandon this, and] guard our defiles;" but the marquis would not listen
to him. The soldiers of the States attacked the defences, and many of the men
of Ts'e were killed. Fan Sëuen-tsze told Seih Wăn-tsze (an officer
of Ts'e), saying, "I know you, and will not keep back the truth from you.
Loo and Keu have asked to enter your State from their own territories with a
thousand chariots, and liberty has been given to them to do so. If they enter,
your ruler is sure to lose his State. You had better consult for the emer- gency."
Tsze-këa (the above Seih Wăn-tsze) reported this to the marquis,
who was frighten- ed at the intelligence. When Gan Ying heard of this, he said,
"Our ruler before had no courage, and now he has got this news;—he
cannot long hold out."
'The marquis of Ts'e ascended mount Woo to look at the army of Tsin. The commanders
of it had made the marshals examine all the diffi- cult places in the hills
and marshes, and set up flags in them at some distance from one another, even
though there were no troops occupying them. They also sent forward their chariots
with flags, only the man on the left being real, and the one on the right a
figure. These were followed by carts, dragging branches after them. When the
marquis saw all this, he was awed by the multitude, and returned, with all his
in- signia taken down.
'On Ping-yin, the last day of the moon, the army of Ts'e withdrew during the
night. The music-master Kwang told the marquis of Tsin of it, saying, "The
crows are cawing joyfully. The army of Ts'e must have retreated." Hing
Pih told Chung-hang Pih of it, saying, "I hear the neighing of horses retreating.
The army of Ts'e must be withdrawing." Shuh-hëang an- nounced to the
marquis, saying, "There are crows on the wall. The army of Ts'e must have
retreated." On Ting-maou, the 1st day of the month, the army of Tsin entered
P'ing- yin, and went on in pursuit of the army of Ts'e. Suh-sha Wei placed several
large carriages together to stop up a defile, and wished to bring up the rear;
but Chih Ch'oh and Kwoh Tsuy said to him, 'For you to bring up the rear of the
army would be a disgrace to Ts'e. Please go on in front." Accordingly they
took his place in the rear; and Wei killed a number of horses in the narrowest
part of the way to shut it up [against them]. [Soon after], Chow Ch'oh of Tsin
came up, and shot Chih Ch'oh in the shoulder, two arrows lodging, one on each
side of his neck, crying out, "Stop, and you shall be kept a prisoner in
the army. If you do not stop, I will shoot you through your heart." The
other looked round, and said to him, "Make me an oath [to that effect]."
"I swear to you by the sun," replied Chow Ch'oh, and with this he
unstrung his bow, and bound his hands behind him him- self. His spearman Keu
Ping also laid aside his weapon, and bound Kwoh Tsuy. Both of them were bound
in the same way with their buff-coats on, and sat down at the foot of the drum
of the army of the centre. The men of Tsin wanted to pursue the fugitives who
were making for the capitals, while Loo and Wei asked leave to attack the [various]
defiles.
'On Ke-maou, Seun Yen and Sze Kae, with the army of the centre, reduced King-tsze.
On Yih-yëw, Wei Këeang and Lwan Ying, with the third army, reduced
She. Chaou Woo and Han K'e, with the first army, invested Leu, and could not
take it; but in the 12th month, on Mow-seuh, they arrived at Tsin-chow, and
cut down the [fields of] southernwood about the Yung gate [of the capital].
Fan Yang made an attack on that gate, and his charioteer, Chuy He, killed a
dog in it with a spear, while Măng Chwang-tsze hewed down the ch'un
trees about it, to make lutes for our duke. On Ke-hae they burned the Yung gate,
with the western and southern suburbs. Lëw Nan and Sze Joh led the armies
of the States, and burned down the bamboos and other trees about the Shin pond.
On Jin-yin they burned the eastern and northern suburbs, while Fan Yang attacked
the Yang gate, and Chih Ch'oh that on the east. There his outside horse on the
left turned wildly round, but Ch'oh with his switch [quiet- ly] numbered [the
nails at the top of] the leaves of the gate.'
'The marquis of Ts'e had the horses put to his chariot, intending to flee to
Yëw-T'ang, when his eldest son and Kwoh Yung laid hold of them, saying,
"The haste and vehemence of the enemy only show in what a hurry they are.
They will [soon] retire. What have you to fear? And moreover, as the lord of
the altars, you should not be lightly moved. If you are, the multitudes will
fall off from you. You must remain here, and await the result." The marquis
was notwithstanding going to drive on, when his eldest son drew his sword, and
cut the traces, on which he stopped. On Këah-shin, the allies made an incursion
eastwards to the south of the Wei and to the E.'
Par. 5. 'In the army;'—i.e., during the ex- pedition against Ts'e.
Kung and Kuh foolishly suppose that the notice indicates the author's pity;—it
is simply a record of the event.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'Tsze-k'ung (the Kung-tsze Këa) wanted
to remove all the great officers. Intending to revolt from Tsin, and that he
might raise an army of Ts'oo, and so remove them, he sent and informed Tsze-kăng
(the Kung-tsze Woo, chief minister of Ts'oo), who, however, declined to move
in the affair. The vis- count of Ts'oo heard of it, and sent E, the commandant
of Yang-t'un, with this message to Tsze-kăng, "The people say
that I, occupying my position as lord of the altars, and not going out to war,
will die without following the rules [of our former kings]. It is now 5 years
since I suc- ceeded to my father, and during that time our troops have not [once]
gone forth. People may well suppose that I am indulging myself, and forgetful
of the inheritance of my fathers. Do you take the case into consideration, and
consider what should be done." Tsze-kăng sighed, and said to
himself, "Does the king think that I am seeking my own ease? I acted as
I did for the benefit of the State." He then saw the messenger, bowed himself
to the ground and said, "The States are now in friendly harmony with Tsin,
but I will make trial of their feeling. If I find an attempt feasible, the king
can follow me. If I do not, I will with- draw with the army. In this way no
harm will be incurred, and the king will have no disgrace." 'Accordingly,
Tsze-kăng led out an army, and marshalled it at Făn. At
this time Tsze Këaou, Pih-yëw, and Tsze-chang were in attendance on
the earl of Ch'ing in the invasion of Ts'e, while Tsze-k'ung, Tsze-chen, and
Tsze-se, had charge of the State. These two other officers were aware of the
scheme of Tsze-k'ung, carefully completed their watch, and brought the people
within the outer defences, so that Tsze-k'ung did not dare to have any meeting
with the army of Ts'oo, which had now entered the State, and was halting at
Yu-ling. The master of the Left raised a wall at Shang-keih, after which he
crossed the Ying, and halted at Chen-jen. Wei Tsze-p'ing and the Kung-tsze Kih
led thence a body of light-armed troops, and made incur- sions on Pe, Hwah,
Seu-mei, Hëen-yu, and Yung-lëang, going round by the right of mount
Mei, and extending their raid to the north-east of Ch'ing, as far as Ch'ung-laou.
When they returned, Tsze-kăng made an attack on the Shun gate, passed
two nights at the foot of the wall, and then withdrew, crossing the river at
the foot of [the hill] Yu-ch'e. Heavy rains then overtook him, and many of the
soldiers suffered so from cold that the followers of the camp nearly all perished.'
'The army of Tsin having heard of this ex- pedition of Ts'oo, the music-master
Kwang said [to the marquis], "It will do no harm. I was singing a northern
air and a southern, and the latter was not strong, and gave the notes of many
deaths. Ts'oo will accomplish nothing." Tung-shuh [also] said to him, "The
course of Heaven lies now mainly in the north-west. The time is unfavourable
to a southern expedition. It will have no success." Shuh-hëang said,
"All depends on the virtue of the ruler."'
XIX. Nineteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] nineteenth year, in spring, in the king's
first month, the princes made a covenant in Chuh-ko.
2 The people of Tsin seized
and held the viscount of Choo.
3 The duke arrived from the invasion of Ts'e.
4 We took the lands of Choo as far as from the K'oh-water.
5 Ke-sun Suh went to
Tsin.
6 There was the burial of duke Ch'ing of Ts'aou.
7 In summer, Sun Lin-foo
of Wei led a force and invaded Ts'e.
8 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Sin-maou,
Hwan, marquis of Ts'e, died.
9 Sze Kae of Tsin led a force to make an invasion
into Ts'e, and had arrived at Kuh, when he heard of the death of the marquis,
on which he returned.
10 In the eighth month, on Ping-shin, Chung-sun Mëeh
died.
11 Ts'e put to death its great officer, Kaou How.
12 Ch'ing put to death
its great officer, the Kung-tsze Këa.
13 In winter there was the burial
of duke Ling of Ts'e.
14 We walled round our western suburbs.
15 Shuh-sun P'aou
had a meeting with Sze Kae of Tsin in Ko.
16 We walled Woo-shing.
Par. 1. Chuh-ko
(Kung-yang has ? for ?) was in Ts'e,—in the pres. dis. of Chang- ts'ing
(??), dep. Tse-nan. We see from the Chuen that it was also called Tuh-yang.
The princes in the text are those who had been engaged in the campaign against
Ts'e. The Chuen says:—'The princes returned from the country about
the E (see the Chuen on xviii. 4, at the end), and made a covenant in Tuh- yang,
to the effect that the great States should make no raids on the small.' The
news from Ch'ing of its being invaded by Ts'oo had ren- dered it necessary to
give up further operations against Ts'e.
Par. 2. 'They seized,' says Tso-she, 'duke Taou of Choo, because he had invaded
us (see xvii. 8).' His father had been seized for the same reason in the duke's
16th year; and we are astonished both at the persistent hostility of Choo and
Keu to Loo in defiance of Tsin, and at Loo's inability to defend itself.
Par. 3. The critics have much to say on its being stated here that the duke
came from the 'invasion,' and not from the siege of the capital of Ts'e; but
the truth seems simply to be that the siege was merely an incident of the inva-
sion.
Par. 4. The K'oh ran through Choo, and flowing along the south of Loo, fell
into the Sze (?),—in the pres. dis. of Yu-t'ae. Comp. VIII. ii. 7;
but the phrase,—'lands of Choo,' would indicate that they had never
belonged to Loo, though the Chuen seems to say so. It is a con- tinuation of
that on par. 2, and says:—'They then halted near the Sze, and defined
the boundary of our lands, taking those of Choo from the K'oh-water, and giving
them (??) back to us. The marquis of Tsin then returned before (his army) to
his capital, and the duke gave an entertainment to the six generals of Tsin
in the P'oo orchard, giving to each of them the robes of a minister of three
degrees; while to the controller of the army, the marshal, the superintendent
of entrenchments, the mas- ter of carriages, and the scoutmaster, he gave the
robes of an officer of one degree (see the Chuen after VIII ii. 4). On Seun
Yen he further conferred a bundle of silks, a peih, and 4 horses, followed by
the tripod which Loo had received from Show-mung of Wei.
'Seun Yen was now suffering from an ulcer, which grew upon his head; and after
crossing the Ho as far as Choo-yung, he was quite ill, and his eyes protruded.
The great officers who had returned before him all came back, and Sze Rae begged
an interview with him which he did not grant. He then begged to know who should
be his successor, and Yen said, "My son by the daughter of (Ch'ing."
In the 2d month, on Këah-yin, he died with his eyes protruding, and his
teeth firmly closed. Seuen-tsze (Sze Kae), washed [his face], and stroked it,
saying, "Shall I not serve Woo (Yen's son) as I have served you?"
but still he stared. Lwan Hwae- tsze (Ying) said, "Is it because he did
not complete his undertaking against Ts'e?" And he also stroked [his face],
saying, "If you are indeed dead, let the Ho witness if I do not carry on
your undertaking against Ts'e!" The eyes of the corpse then closed, and
the [customary] gem was put between the teeth. When Seuen- tsze left the apartment,
he said, "I am but a shallow creature (with reference to what he had said
to the corpse)."
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'Ke Woo-tsze went to Tsin, to give thanks
for the expedition [against Ts'e], when the marquis entertained him. Fan Seuen-tsze,
who was [now] principal minis- ter, sang the Shoo mëaou (She, II. viii.
ode III.). Ke Woo-tsze rose up, bowed twice with his head to the ground, and
said, "The small States de- pend on your great State as all the kinds of
grain depend on the fattening rains. If you will always dispense such a cherishing
influence, the whole kingdom will harmoniously unite under you, and not our
poor State only!" He then sang the Luh Yueh (She, II. iii. ode III.).'
Par. 7. Sun Lin-foo had a reason for attack- ing Ts'e, because K'an, whom he
had driven from Wei, had taken refuge there. It would appear, however, that
Tsin also took part in this expedition. The Chuen says:—'Lwan Fang
of Tsin led a force, and followed Sun Wăn- tsze in an incursion into
Ts'e.' Lwan Fang was sent on this expedition, it is supposed, through the influence
of Lwan Ying, to fulfil the oath which he had sworn to the corpse of Seun Yen.
[The Chuen appends here:—'Ke Woo-tsze had a bell, toned to the second
note of the chromatic scale, cast from the weapons which he had acquired in
Ts'e, and had the services performed by Loo engraved upon it. Tsang Woo-chung
said to him, "This is contrary to rule. What should be engraved [on such
articles] is—for the son of Heaven, his admirable virtue; for the
prince of a State, a record of his services estimated according to the season
in which they have been performed; for a great officer, his deeds worthy of
being mentioned. And such deeds are the lowest degree [of merit so commemorated].
If we speak of the time [of this expedition], it very much interfered with [the
husbandry of] the people;—what was there in it worthy of being engraved?
Moreover, when a great State at- tacks a small one, and takes the spoils to
make an article, the regular furniture [of the ancestral temple], it engraves
on it its successful achieve- ment to show them to posterity, at once to manifest
its own bright virtue, and to hold up to condemnation the offences of the other.
But how should anything be made of our getting the help of others to save ourselves
from death? A small State, we were fortunate against a great one; but to display
our spoils in this manner, so as to excite its rage, is the way to ruin.']
Par. 8. For ? Kung-yang has ?. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Ts'e
had married Yen-e, a daughter of Loo, but she bore him no son. Her niece, Tsung-shing,
however, bore him Kwang, who was declared his eldest son and successor. Among
his concubines were two daughters of Sung, Chung Tsze and Jung Tsze. The latter
was his favourite, and when Chung Tsze bore a son Ya, the child was given to
Jung Tsze, who begged that he might be made successor to his father. The marquis
agreed to this; but the child's mother objected, saying, "To abrogate in
his favour the regular order [of succession] will be mauspicious. It is hard,
moreover, to interfere with the other princes. Since Kwang was declared your
successor, he has been numbered among them; and now to displace him without
any cause is to take it on yourself to degrade a prince. Your lordship will
be sure to repent of incurring, in such a difficult matter, the charge of doing
what is inauspicious." The marquis replied that the thing rested entirely
with himself, and sent Kwang away to the east. At the same time he appointed
Kaou How grand-tutor to Ya, whom he declared to be his successor, with Suh-sha
Wei as assistant-tutor.
'When the marquis was ill, Ts'uy Ch'oo privately brought Kwang back to the
capital; and when the marquis became very ill, Ch'oo raised Kwang to be his
successor. Kwang then put Jung Tsze to death, and exposed her body in the court,—which
was contrary to rule. A wife should not be subjected to the [ordinary] punishments;
and if it be necessary to punish her, the thing should not be done in the court
or the market place.
'In summer, in the 5th month, on Jin-shin, the last day of the moon, duke Ling
of Ts'e died. Duke Chwang (Kwang) took his place, and seized Ya on the mound
of Kow-tow. As he held that the substitution of him in his own place had been
owing to Suh-sha Wei, Wei fled to Kaou-T'ang, and held it in revolt.'
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'Sze Kae of Tsin was making an incursion
into Ts'e, and had got as far as Kuh, when he heard of the death of the marquis
and returned;—which was accord- ing to rule.' Kuh,—see III.
vii. 4, et al.
[The Chuen says:—'In the 4th month, on Ting-we, the Kung-sun Ch'ae
of Ch'ing died, and the news of his death was sent to the great officers of
Tsin. Fan Seuen-tsze (Sze Kae) spoke to the marquis about how well Ch'ae had
behaved in the invasion of Ts'in, on which the marquis made a request to the
king, and ob- tained for him the posthumous gift of a carriage, which was used
at the performance of his [fun- eral] rites.']
Par. 10. Chung-sun Mëeh, or Măng Hëen- tsze, had long
sustained an important position in Loo. He was succeeded by his son Suh (?),
or Măng Chwang-tsze (??).
Par. 11. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, in the 8th month, Ts'uy Ch'oo
of Ts'e killed Kaou How in Shae-lan, and took to himself all his property. The
text, in ascribing his death to the State, intimates that he had followed his
ruler in his abandoned blindness to what was right.'
Par. 12. For ? Kung-yang has ?. The Chuen says.—'Tsze K'ung of Ch'ing,
in his gov- ernment of the State, acted on his own exclu- sive authority, to
the distress of the people. At the punishment of the troubles in the western
pa- lace (see on x.8), and in the attempt [of Ts'oo] on the Shun gate (in the
year before this), he had acted criminally; but he guarded himself with his
own men-at-arms, and with those of the families of Tsze-kih and Tsze-lëang.
On Këah- shin, Tsze-chen and Tsze-se attacked him at the head of the people,
put him to death, and di- vided his property between themselves. The text ascribes
his death to the State because of the exclusive authority which he had arrogated.
Tsze-jen and Tsze-k'ung were sons [of duke Muh] by [a daughter of Sung],—Sung
Tsze; and Sze Tsze-k'ung was his son by [a daughter of Ch'in], Kwei Kwei. Kwei
Kwei's rank was in- ferior to Sung Tsze's, but they were fond of each other.
Sze Tsze-k'ung was also on friendly terms with them. Tsze-jen died in the 4th
year of He (the 6th year of duke Sëang of Loo), and Sze Tsze-kung in Këen's
(duke Muh's) first year, (Sëang's 8th year); and the minister of Instruc-
tion K'ung looked after the households of Tsze- kih and Tsze-lëang. The
three families indeed were as one, and hence they came together to trouble.
Tsze-kih and Tsze-lëang fled to Ts'oo, where the former became director
of the Left. The people of Ch'ing made Tsze-chen manager of the State, with
Tsze-se as administrator of the government, and Tsze-ch'an a high minister.'
Par. 13. [The Chuen appends here:—K'ing Fung of Ts'e laid siege to
Kaou-T'ang, but could not reduce it. In winter, in the 11th month, the marquis
joined the siege; and seeing [Suh- sha] Wei on the top of the wall, he called
out to him. Wei came down, and the marquis asked him if he was well prepared
for defence. He replied that he was not, and the marquis bowed to him, when
he ascended the wall again. Hearing that the army [of the marquis] was coming
[to the siege, Wei] gave out food to the men of Kaou- t'ang; but [two officers
of Ts'e], Chih Ch'oh and Kung Laou, agreed to bring the soldiers by night up
the wall by means of cords (the text here is probably defective). Wei was made
pickle of in the army.']
Par. 14. This was done, says Tso, 'through fear of Ts'e.'
Par. 15. This Ko is different from the place in. Ts'e of the same name, and
was probably in Wei,—in the pres. dep. of Ta-ming. The Chuen says:—'Ts'e
and Tsin concluded a peace, and made a covenant in Ta-suy. In consequence, Muh-shuh
had a meeting with Fan Seuen-tsze in Ko. Having an interview with Shuh-hëang,
he sang the 4th stanza of the Tsae ch'e (She, I. iv. ode X.). Shuh-hëpang
said, "I dare not but receive your command."
Par. 16. Woo-shing was a city of Loo,—90 le to the south-west of
the pres. dis. city of Pe, dep. E-chow.
The Chuen says:—'On his return to Loo, Muh- shuh said, 'Ts'e is not
yet [reconciled to us]; we must not dismiss our apprehensions." Ac- cordingly
we fortified Woo-shing.'
[The Chuen adds here:—'On the death of Shih Kung-tsze (Shih Mae)
of Wei, [his son], Taou-tsze manifested no grief. K'ung Ch'ing- tsze said, "Here
is a case of the falling tree tearing up its roots. Taou-tsze will certainly
not long possess his ancestral temple."']
XX. Twentieth year.
1 In the [duke's] twentieth year, in spring, in the king's
first month, on Sin-hae, Chung-sun Suh had a meeting with an officer of Keu,
and made a covenant [with him] in Hëang.
2 In summer, in the sixth month,
on Kăng-shin, the duke had a meeting with the marquises of Tsin and
Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou,
the viscounts of Keu, Choo, and T'ăng, the earls of Sëeh and
Ke, and the viscount of Little Choo, when they made a covenant in Shen- yuen.
3 In autumn, the duke arrived from the meeting.
4 Chung-sun Suh led a force and
invaded Choo.
5 Ts'ae put to death its great officer, duke [Chwang's] son Sëeh.
His brother, Le, fled to Ts'oo.
6 Hwang, the younger brother of the marquis of
Ch'in, fled from that State to Ts'oo.
7 Shuh Laou went to Ts'e.
8 In winter, in
the tenth month, on Ping-shin, the sun was eclipsed.
9 Ke-sun Suh went to Sung.
Par. 1. Here, and afterwards, Kung-yang has ? for ?. As to the individual, see
on par. 10 of last year. Hëang,—see on I. ii. 2. The Chuen says:—"We
were [now] at peace with Keu, and Măng Chwang-tsze had a meeting
with an officer of Keu, and made a covenant in Hëang,—in consequence
of the covenant at Tuh- yang (see on xix. 1).'
Par. 2. Shen-yuen was a river, called also the ??, and gave its name to the
city in the text,—25 le north-west from the pres. K'ae Chow (??),
dep. Ta-ming. It belonged to Wei. This meeting and covenant were to cele- brate
the good understanding which now existed between Tsin and Ts'e (????).
Par. 4. This shows strikingly the little value of those covenants. Loo, moreover,
might have been satisfied with the lands of Choo which had been assigned to
it after the expedition against Ts'e.
The Chuen says:—'Troops from Choo had repeatedly attacked us, and
we had not been able to retaliate in consequence of the business of the States;
but this autumn, Măng Chwang- tsze did so, and invaded Choo.'
Parr. 5,6. For ? Kuh-lëang has ?. This Sëeh and Le were sons of duke
Chwang of Ts'ae, and brothers consequently of duke Wăn, whose father
had been present at the meeting of Tsëen-t'oo in the 28th year of duke
He. The Chuen says:—'The Kung-tsze Sëeh of Ts'ae wished to carry
that State over to Tsin, on which the people put him to death, and his full
brother Le fled to Ts'oo.'
Par. 6. Kung and Kuh have ? instead of ?. The Chuen says:—'K'ing
Hoo and K'ing Yin, being afraid of the pressure on them of the Kung-tsze Hwang,
accused him to Ts'oo, saying that he was confederate in the design of the minister
of war of Ts'ae (Sëeh of the last par.). The people of Ts'oo thought this
was sufficient ground for reprimanding Hwang, who therefore fled to that State,
[to clear himself]. At an earlier period, duke Wăn of Ts'ae had wished
to serve Tsin, saying, "My predecessor took part in the covenant of Tsëen-t'oo.
Tsin should not be abandoned; and moreover, its rulers and we are brethren."
Through fear of Ts'oo, however, he died without being able to carry his purpose
into effect (in the 17th year of duke Sëuen). After this, the people of
Ts'oo laid their re- quirements on Ts'ac without regard to any rule, and the
Kung-tsze Sëeh wished to carry out the design of the former ruler for the
benefit of the State; but, unable to effect his purpose, he died. The text in
p. 5, that "Ts'ae put to death its great officer, the Kung-tsze Sëeh,"
intimates that his wishes did not coincide with those of the people. And the
account in this, that "Hwang, the younger brother of the marquis of Ch'in,
left the State, and fled to Ts'oo," in- timates that his flight was from
no crime of his. When Hwang was about to flee, he cried out in the capital,
"Those K'ings, in violation of what is right, are seeking to monopolize
the govern- ment of Ch'in, tyrannizing over their ruler, and getting his relatives
out of the way. If within 5 years they are not exterminated, there can be no
Heaven.'"
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Ts'e-tsze (Shuh Laou) went [now] for the
1st time on a friendly mission to Ts'e;—which was proper.' It was
to be hoped that the animosity which had so long prevailed between Ts'e and
Loo would now give place to friendly sentiments.
Par. 8. This eclipse took place at noon, on the 25th August, B.C. 552.
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'In winter, Ke Woo-tsze went to Sung, to
return the friendly visit of Hëang Seuh (see xv. 1). Choo Sze- twan met
him to conduct him to an entertain- ment, where he sang the 7th and last stanzas
of the Chang-te, (She, II. i., ode IV.). The peo- ple of Sung gave him large
gifts; and when he returned, and gave in the report of his mission, the duke
entertained him. He then sang the last stanza of the Yu le (She, II. ii. ode
III.). The duke responded with the Nan shan yëw t'ae (She, II. ii. ode
VII.), at which Woo-tsze left his place, and said, "I am not worthy [of
such praise].'"
[The Chuen calls the reader here to a narra- tive about Wei:—'Ning
Hwuy-tsze of Wei was ill, and called to him his son, Taou-tsze, "I trespassed,"
said he to him, "against my raler (See on xiv. 4), and subsequent repentance
was of no avail. My name is in the tablets of the States, to the effect that
'Sun Lin-foo and Ning Chih drove out their ruler.' If the ruler re-enter, that
may hide my crime; and if you can so hide it, you are my son. If you cannot
do so, and I continue to exist as a Spirit, I will starve in that condition,
and will not come to partake of your sacrifices." Taou-tsze made him a
promise, and soon afterwards he died].'
XXI. Twenty-first year.
1 In his twenty-first year, in spring, in the king's
first month, the duke went to Tsin.
2 Shoo-k'e of Choo came a fugitive to Loo,
with [the cities of] Ts'eih and Leu-k'ëw.
3 In summer, the duke arrived
from Tsin.
4 In autumn, Lwan Ying of Tsin fled from that State to Ts'oo.
5 In
the ninth month, on Kăng-seuh, the first day of the moon, the sun
was eclipsed.
6 In winter, in the tenth month, on Kăng-shin, the first
day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
7 The earl of Ts'aou came to the court
of Loo.
8 The duke had a meeting with the marquises of Tsin and Ts'e, the duke
of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou, and the viscounts
of Keu and Choo, in Shang-jin.
Par. 1. The duke now went to Tsin, 'to make his
acknowledgments,' says Tso-she, 'for the expedition [against Ts'e], and for
his re- ceiving the lands of Choo (xviii. 4; xix. 4).' Wang K'ih-kwan bitterly
contrasts the duty thus, and on other occasions, paid by the prin- ces of Loo
to the leading State, and their gener- al neglect of the duty they owed to the
king.
Par. 2. Shoo-k'e was a great officer of Choo, possessed of the cities in the
text. Rebelling against his govt. and unable to maintain him- self against it,
he fled to Loo, surrendering to it the cities in question. Had he not so thrown
himself on Loo, the text would have been—????????. Comp. X. v. 4,
xxxi. 6. Of course it was wrong in Loo to receive, as it did, such a fugitive.
Both the cities were in the northern part of the pres. dis. of Tsow, dept. Yen-chow.
The Chuen says:— 'Shoo-k'e of Choo having come as a fugitive, and
surrendering to Loo his cities of Ts'eih and Leu-k'ew, Ke Woo-tsze gave him
to wife the [widowed] aunt and sister of the duke, and gave gifts to all his
followers. On this Loo became pestered with a multitude of robbers, and Woo-
tsze asked Tsang Woo-chung why he did not deal effectually with them. "They
cannot be so dealt with," was the reply. "I am not able to do it."
Woo-tsze urged, "We have our four boundaries well defined; how is it that
robbers cannot be put down? And you are the minis- ter of Crime. Your chief
business should be to remove all such criminals; how is it that you are unable
to do so?" Woo-chung said, "You call the robbers of other States,
and treat them with the greatest ceremony; how can I in such a case repress
our own robbers? You are the principal minister of our State, and you bring
into it robbers from abroad, and would have me put them away; how should I be
able to do so? Shoo-k'e stole from Choo its cities, and came here with them,
and you have given him to wife ladies of our ducal House, and have conferred
on him [those] cities. To all his followers you have given gifts. Now, since
to the great robber you have shown such ceremony, giving him our ruler's aunt
and sister, and those great cities; and to the robbers of the next degree you
have given runners, herdsmen, carriage-men and grooms, the least gifts being
robes, swords, and girdles;—you thus reward robbers. To reward them,
and at the same time put them away, should be a difficult thing, I think. I
have heard this, that when men in high positions cleanse their hearts, treating
others with an uniform consistency, and regulat- ing their good faith by such
laws that it is clearly demonstrated, then men can be properly ruled by them.
For the way which their su- periors take is that to which men [naturally] turn.
When they do that which their superiors do not do, there are pains and penalties
for them, which we may not presume not to in- flict. If the people, however,
do that which their superiors do as well, it is what is to be ex- pected, and
cannot be prevented. It is said in one of the Books of Hëa, (Shoo, II.
ii. 10). ', Think whether this thing can be laid on this man. If you would put
it away from this man, it depends on [putting] the thing [away from yourself].
When you name or speak of this thing, [let it be fit] for this man. Your sinceri-
ty must proceed from this, and be in this. Think, O emperor, of the work thus
to be achiev- ed." This tells how the result must come from one's own uniform
endeavour. Let one's sin- cerity be uniform and undivided, and then suc- cessful
results may be anticipated."
'Shoo-k'e was not a minister, [though he is here named]. But coming with territory,
of low rank as he was, it was necessary to record the thing as in the text,
from the importance belonging to the territory.'
[The Chuen gives here two narratives about the affairs of Ts'e and Ts'oo:—1st.
'The mar- quis of 'Ts'e appointed K'ing Tso a great officer, and proceeded to
further (see on xix. 8) meas- ures against the partizans of his brother Ya.
He seized the Kung-tsze Mae on the mound of Kow-tow. The Kung-tsze Ts'oo fled
to Loo, and Shuh-sun Seuen to Yen.'
2d. 'In summer, Tsze-kăng of Ts'oo died, and the viscount wished
to appoint Wei Tsze- p'ing to his office of chief minister. Wei con- sulted
Shin Shuh-yu. who said, "There are many favourites in the State, and the
ruler is young. The administration will be impractica- ble." On this he
declined the appointment, al- leging that he was ill. The season being warm,
he dug a hole in the ground, filled it with ice, and placed his bed over it;
and there he lay, with two coverings stuffed with silk, and in a robe of fur,
taking very little food. The viscount sent his physician to see him, who re-
ported that he was very thin, but that there was yet no [irregular] motion of
his pulse. Tsze-nan (the Kung-tsze Chuy-shoo) was then made chief minister.']
Par. 4. Here is the verification of Sze Yang's prediction about the downfall
of the Lwan fami- ly towards the conclusion of the Chuen on xiv. 3. The Chuen
here says:—'Lwan Hwan-tsze (Lwan Yen, ? ?) had married a daughter
of Fan Seuen-tsze (Fan or Sze Kae, ??), who bore him Hwae-tsze (the Ying of
the text). Fan Yang (Seuen-tsze's son), because of his banish- ment [to Ts'in],
had a grudge against the Lwan family; and though he and Lwan Ying were both
great officers of the ducal kindred, they could not bear each other (see the
Chuen on xiv. 3). After the death of Hwan-tsze, Lwan K'e (his wife, Sëuen-tsze's
daughter) had an intrigue with the old [steward of the family], Chow Pin, which
had almost led to the ruin of the House. Hwae-tsze was distressed about it;
and his mother, afraid of his taking severe me- asures, accused him to Seuen-tsze,
saying, "Ying is about to raise an insurrection on the ground that, since
the death of his father Hwan, the Fan family is monopolizing the government.
'My father,' he says, 'drove out Yang, but [Seuen-tsze], instead of being angry
[with his son], rewards him with [additional] favour. He has also given him
a similar office to mine, and throws the power into his hands. Since my fa-
ther's death, [the family] is more wealthy. By that death they have got the
monopoly of the government. I will die sooner than follow them.' Such are his
designs; and afraid of his injuring you, my father, I dare not but tell them
to you." Fan Yang confirmed what she said by his own testimony.
'Hwae-tsze was fond of showing his liberali- ty, and had thereby attached to
himself many officers,—so many, that Seuen-tsze was afraid of them;
and though he believed what was told him, [he hesitated to take action]. Hwae-tsze,
[moreover], was the [assistant..] commander of the 3d army. [At last], Sëuen-tsze
sent him to fortify Choo, and thereby took occasion to drive him from the State,
so that in the autumn he fled from it to Ts'oo. Sëuen-tsze then put to
death Ke E, Hwang Yuen, Këa Foo, Sze-k'ung Tsing, Ping Yu, Tung Shuh, Ping
Sze, Shin Shoo, Yang-sheh Hoo, and Shuh-p'e; and im- prisoned Pih-hwa, Shuh-hëpang,
and Tseih Yen. People said to Shuh-hëpang, "Was it from want of wisdom
that you let yourself be involved in this affair?" He replied, "Is
this imprison- ment not better than death? The ode says (She, II. vii. ode VIII.
5; but the quotation is doubtful),
'How easily, how happily, They complete their years!' Here is my wisdom."
Yoh Wang-foo had an interview with Shuh-hëpang, and said to him, "I
will intercede for you;" but the prisoner gave him no answer, nor did he
make him any ac- knowledgment when he went out. His friends all blamed Shuh-hëang
for this; but he said "[My liberation] must be effected by the great officer
K'e." When the steward of his house heard this, he said to him, "Whatever
Yoh Wang-foo tells him, our ruler is sure to do. He offered to ask for your
pardon, and you would not allow him to do so. It was more than the great officer
K'e could accomplish, and yet you say that your liberation must come from him;—what
is your meaning?" Shuh-hëang replied, "Yoh Wang-foo is but a
parasite of our ruler;—what could he do? The great officer K'e recommended
to office one not of his own family, though he was his enemy, nor did he fail
to recommend his relative to it, though he was his own son (sec the Chuen after
iii. 4);— shall I alone be forgotten by him? The ode says (She, III.
iii. ode II. 2),
'To an evident virtuous conduct All in the State render their obedient homage.'
Such a manifestly virtuous man is K'e."
'The marquis of Tsin asked about the guilt of Shuh-hëang from Yoh Wang-foo,
who replied, "He would not abandon his relatives, and pro- bably shares
in their guilt." At this time K'e He was old, [and living in retirement];
but when he heard what was going on, he came, posting from stage to stage, to
see Sëuen-tsze, and said to him, "The ode says (She, IV. i. [i.] ode
IV.),
'Your favours to me are unbounded, And my posterity shall preserve [our inheritance].'
The Shoo says (III. iv. 2), 'The sage, with their counsels and merit, ought
clearly to be establish- ed and preserved.' Now in Shuh-hëang we have one
whose counsels have seldom been in error, and whose kindly lessons have been
unwearied. He is a strength to our altars. His posterity for ten generations
should be pardoned [if they did wrong], for the encouragement of men of ability;
and now for one offence [of his brother] he is not to get off with his life.
It is an abandoning of our altars;—is there not a mistake in the matter?
When Kwăn was put to death. Yu was raised to office. E Yin kept T'ae-këah
in confinement, and acted as minister to him; but in the end [the sovereign]
had not a resentful look. Kwan and Ts'ae were put to death by the duke of Chow,
but he himself was the king's helper. Why are you now, on account of Hoo (Shuh-hëang's
brother), forgetting your duty to our altars? Do that which is good, and who
is there that will not feel stimulated? But what is the use of putting many
to death?" Sëuen-tsze was pleased, and they went in the same carriage
to speak with the marquis, so that Shuh-hëang was pardoned. K'e He then
went home without seeing Shuh-hëang, who, on his part, sent no word to
him of his being liberat- ed. but went to court.
'At an earlier period, Shuh-hëang's mother, being jealous of the beauty
of Shuh-hoo's mother, did not allow her to be with their husband. Her sons all
remonstrated with her, when she said. "Deep hills and great marshes produce
the dragon and the serpent. Because of her beauty, I am afraid she may bring
forth a dragon or a serpent that will bring calamity upon you. You are but a
feeble clan, and in the State there are many great nobles. If unfriendly persons
were setting them against you. would not your case be hard? On what [other]
ground should I grudge her our husband's favours?" She then sent the lady
to her husband's couch; and the result was the birth of Shuh-hoo. He was remarkable
for his beauty, courage, and strength, and became a favourite with Hwao-tsze,
and thus it was that the Yang-sheh clan became involved in [the present] difficulties.
'When Lwan Ying was passing by Chow, the people in its western borders plundered
him, on which he complained to a messenger [from the king], saying, "I.
Ying, a servant of the son of Heaven, belonging to another State, offended the
king's servant, who is its guardian. Trying to escape from the consequences
of my guilt, I have trespassed again in your borders. No- where can I hide;
nowhere can I fly; let me venture to set forth the question of my death. Formerly,
Your Majesty's servant, [my grand- father], Shoo, was able to contribute his
strength to the royal House, and the king bestowed favours on him. His son Yen
was not able to preserve and continue the services of Shoo; and now, O great
ruler, if you have not forgotten the zealous duty of Shoo, then there will be
a way of escape for me. If you have forgotten that, and think of the guilt of
Yen, I am but the fragment of a doomed man. I will go [to the capital] and die
under the hand of the officer Wei; I dare not go back. I have presumed to declare
every thing;—it is for you, O great ruler, to issue your command."
The king said, "To go on thus to wrong him as [Tsin] has done would be
acting worse than Tsin." He then made the minister of Instruction prohibit
all plundering of Lwan Ying, and require the people to return what they had
taken away. He also made the officer of escort conduct him through the Hwan-
yuen pass."
Parr. 5, 6. The former of these eclipses took place at noon, on August 13th,
B.C. 551. The record of the second is an error. There was on the day mentioned
no eclipse of the sun; there could be none. How the error, and the similar one
in the 24th year, originated, cannot be as- certained. The critics have vexed
themselves with the question in vain. See in the 'Explana- tions of the Classics
by scholars of the present dynasty,' ch. 58, pp. 4,5, and ch. 297, p. 6; and
what has been said in the section on eclipses in the prolegomena. Yang Sze-heun
(???) the glossarist of Kuh-lëang, of the T'ang dynas- ty (in the 7th cent.),
says:—'In this year, and the 24th year, we have the record of eclipses
in successive months. According to modern chro- nologists such a thing could
not be; but per- haps it did occur in ancient times!' See also the note by the
K'ang-he editors on the birth of Confucius, at the end of this year.
Par. 7. This earl—duke Woo (??)— succeeded to the State
of Ts'aou, on the death of his father as related xviii. 5. He now came, as Tso-she
says, to Loo, 'to have a first inter- view with the duke.
Par. 8. Where Shang-jin was is not known. The Chuen says:—'The meeting
at Shang-jin was to prevent Lwan [Ying] from being har- boured anywhere. The
marquises of Ts'e and Wei behaved disrespectfully at it, which made Shuh-hëang
say, "These two princess are sure not to escape an evil end. These meetings
and visits at courts are standard ceremonies; such ceremonies are the vehicles
of government; it is through government that men's persons are guarded. When
the ceremonies are dishonoured, government is lost; and when government is not
firmly established, disorder must ensue."
'Che K'e, Chung-hang He, Chow Ch'oh, and Hing Kwae, all fled [from Tsin] to
Ts'e, being partizans of the Lwan family. Yoh Wang-foo said to Fan Sëuen-tsze,
"Why not bring back Chow Ch'oh and Hing Kwae who are men of dar- ing courage?"
"They are braves of the Lwan family," replied Seuen-tsze. "What
should I gain?" Wang-foo said "Be to them what the Lwan was, and they
will also be your braves."
'Duke Chwang of Ts'e, at his audience [one day], pointed to Chih Ch'oh and
Kwoh Tsuy, and said, "These are my heroes." Chow Ch'oh said, "If
your lordship thinks them heroes, who may not presume to be reckoned a hero?
But unworthy as I am, after the service at P'ing- yin, (See on xviii.4), I crowed
before them both." Duke Chwang having instituted an order of bravery, Chih
Ch'oh and Kwoh Tsuy wished to belong to it. Chow Ch'oh said, "In the attack
on the eastern gate, my outside horse on the left turned wildly round in the
gate, and I know the number of the boards in it;—can I be allowed
for this to belong to the order?" The duke said, "You were acting
for the ruler of Tsin." "But I am newly become your servant,"
replied the other. "As to those two, they are like beasts, whose flesh
I will eat, and then sleep upon their skins.'"
[The K'ang-he editors give here the following note on the birth of Confucius:—'According
to the Chuen of Kung-yang. Confucius was born in the 11th month of Sëang's
21st year, on the day Kăng-tsze; and according to that of Kuh- lëang,
he was born on Kăng-tsze, in the 10th month of this year. The "Historical
Records," however, give his birth, as in the 22d year of Sëang. In
the preface to his " Collected Com- ments" on the Analects, Choo He,
using the " History of the K'ung family," thus defers to the authority
of the "Historical Records," while Sung Lëen (Ming dynasty),
in his "Dis- cussion of the month and year of Confucius' Birth and Death,"
vehemently maintains the authority of Kung and Kuh. He adduces, however, no
incontestible evidence of their correctness, merely saying that the " Historical
Records" contain many errors, and that the statement of Kung and Kuh, handed
down from one man to another, is to be relied upon, as having been supported
by proofs. Hëa Hung-ke says, "Confucius was born in the 22d year of
Sëang, and lived to the 16th year of Gae, so that he was then 73 years
old. The account in the 'Historical Records' is correct. The month as given
by Kung-yang is wrong;—how can we place implicit confidence in him?
Sung Lëen, following Kung and Kuh, makes the sage to have been 74 years
old, which seems a strange thing to hear of." This view of Hëa's is
the best. The prolegomena to the " General Mir- ror of History" observe,
moreover, that in the 21st year of Sëang the sun was twice eclipsed, which
does not appear a proper year for the sage to be born in;—and this
consideration is not without its reasonableness! Confucius was born in a Kăng-seuh
year, and died in a Jin- seuh;—such is the account that has long ob-
tained. Giving a paramount authority to Choo He, and comparing with him the
statements of Hëa and the prolegomena to the "General Mirror,"
we may assume that the "Historical Records" are not in error in this
matter.
'The year of the sage's birth ought be noticed in connection with the Ch'un
Ts'ëw, but there is no article in the Chuen of Tso-she on Sëang's
22d year, to which it could be annexed; we have therefore preserved here the
statements of Kung and Kuh, and discussed them in this note.' see the proleg.
to Vol. I., p. 59].
XXII. Twenty-second year.
1 In his twenty-second year, in spring, in the king's
first month, the duke arrived from the meeting.
2 It was summer, the fourth month.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Sin-yëw, Shuh Laou died.
4 In winter,
the duke had a meeting with the marquises of Tsin and Ts'e, the duke of Sung,
the marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou, the viscounts of Keu and
Choo, the earls of Sëeh and Ke, and the viscount of Little Choo, in Sha-suy.
5 The duke arrived from the meeting.
6 Ts'oo put to death its great officer Chuy-shoo.
Par. 1. [The Chuen introduces here:—'This spring, Tsang Woo-chung
was going to Tsin, and was passing by [the city of] Yu Shuh (=Shuh of Yu), when
it rained. Shuh was then in the city, and about to set to drinking. He said,
"What occasion is there for employ- ing a sage? I will do nothing but drink.
Travelling thus in the rain, what sageness can he be possessed of?" When
Muh-shuh (Shuh- sun P'aou) heard of this, he said, "[This Yu Shuh] is not
fit to be sent on any mission. Carrying himself so proudly to our messenger,
he is one of the vermin of the State." He then ordered that his contribution
to the State should be doubled].'
Par. 2. [We have here in the Chuen the fol- lowing narrative about the relations
of Tsin and Ch'ing:—'In summer, the people of Tsin sum- moned [the
earl of] Ch'ing to appear at their court, when the people of Ch'ing employed
the Shaou-ching, Kung-sun K'ëaou (Tsze-ch'an), to reply, which he did as
follows:—"In the 9th year of duke Taou, the last ruler of Tsin
(the 9th year of Sëang), our ruler succeeded to the State; and eight months
after, our late great officer, Tsze-sze (the Kung-tsze Fei, ?), followed him
to the presence of your ministers in your court. They did not behave courteously
to him, on which he was afraid and took his departure; and in the 6th month
of his second year we went to the court of Ts'oo. In conscquence of this, Tsin
made the campaign of He (See on ix. 5). But Ts'oo was still strong, and repeated
its courte- ous treatment of our State. We wished to follow your ministers,
but were afraid they would find great matter of offence in our con- duct. Tsin,
we thought, will say that we do not respond respectfully to courtesy; and on
this account we did not dare to separate from Ts'oo.
'In our ruler's 4th year, in the 3d month, our late great officer Këaou
(Kung-sun Ch'ae) attended him to Ts'oo, to see what course it would be proper
for us to adopt; and on this Tsin made the campaign of Sëaou-yu (See on
xi. 8). Then it said that our State was near to that of Tsin, and that they
were like plants which had the same fragrance;—why then should they
presume to be in unequal relations? At this time Ts'oo did not shew strength,
and our ruler brought forth all the productions of the State, and added to them
the vessels of his ancestral temple, that he might enter into a common covenant.
He then led his servants to follow your ministers, and was present in your court
at the end of the year. On his return, he punished Tsze-how and Shih Yu, who
were inclined towards Ts'oo.
'The year after [the meeting at] Keih-lëang (See xvi. 2), Tsze-Këaou
being old, Kung-sun Hëa attended our ruler to your court, when he had an
audience at the summer sacrifice, and assisted in holding the offerings of flesh.
When two years had intervened, hearing that your ruler was about to pacify the
States of the east, he again went to your court in the 4th month, to ascertain
the time for the enterprize. Be- tween his appearances at your court, there
has been no year in which he has not sent a mission of friendly inquiries, there
has been no service in which he has not taken his share. Through the orders
of your great State coming not at re- gular times our State has been wearied
and distressed; at any time some unlooked for re- quirement might come; every
day are we care- ful not to give offence;—how should we dare to forget
our duty ? If your great State will grant us stable rest morning and evening,
our ruler will be found in your court, without your having to condescend to
send him any order to appear. But if you do not have pity on our distress, and
fill your mouth with complaints against us, shall we not then be unable to en-
dure your commands? You will be clipping our territory, and we shall become
enemies to each other. This is what our State is afraid of; how dare we be unmindful
of your ruler's order? We thus lay the case before his ministers; let them consult
about it as its importance requires.']
Par. 3. See on xiv. 1. Shuh Laou was suc- ceeded in the position of great officer
by his son Kung (??), known as Tsze-shuh King- tsze (????).
[The Chuen returns here to the affairs of Lwan Ying of Tsin:—'In
autumn, Lwan Ying went from Ts'oo to Ts'e, on which occasion Gan P'ing-chung
said to the marquis of Ts'e, "At the meeting of Shang-jin, you received
the command of Tsin [not to harbour Lwan]; if you now receive him, where will
be the use of that meeting? It is by good faith that a small State server u
large one. If its good faith be lost, it cannot stand. Let your lordship con-
sider it." The marquis would not listen to him, and P'ing-chung withdrew,
and told Ch'in Wăn- tsze, saying, "Rulers should hold fast good
faith, and their subjects reverent obedience. It is the rule of Heaven that
high and low should all observe true-heartedness, good faith, honesty, and reverence.
Our ruler is throwing himself away;—he cannot continue long.'
We have then another narrative about an of- ficer of Ch'ing:—'In
the 9th month, the Kung-sun Hih-kwăng of Ch'ing called to him the
steward of his house, and his kinsmen who took part with him in his ancestral
temple, and told them to support [his son] Twan in his place, requiring them
to diminish the number of his officers and the style of his sacrifices. A single
sheep would be sufficient at the seasonal services, and a sheep and a pig at
the grand sacrifice once in 3 years. Retaining a sufficient number of towns
to supply these sacrifices, he gave all the rest back to the duke, saying, "I
have heard that when one is born in an age of disorder, the best thing for him
is to be able to be poor. When the people have nothing to require from him,
his family will endure longer than the families of others. Reverently and dutifully,"
[said he to his son], "serve your ruler, and the officers, [his ministers].
Your life will depend on your re- verence and caution, and not on your riches."
On Ke-sze, Pih-chang (Hih-kwăng) died. Tho superior man will say
that he was wise in the cautions which he gave. What the ode says (She, III.
iii. ode II. 5),
'Be careful of your duties as a prince; Be prepared for the dangers that may
arise,' was exemplified by Tsze-chang of Ch'ing.']
Par. 4. Kung and Kuh have here ?? after ??. Sha-suy,—see VIII. xvi.
8. The Chuen says:—'This meeting at Sha-suy was to take further measures
to prevent the harbour- ing of Lwan [Ying]. He was still in Ts'e, and Gan-tsze
said, "Calamity is about to develop it- self. Ts'e will attack Tsin. There
is ground for us to cherish apprehension."
Par. 6. See the Chuen after par. 4 of last year. The Chuen here says:—'Kwan
K'e of Ts'oo was a favourite of Tsze-nan the chief minister, and while his emolument
was yet but small, his teams of horses were numbered by tens. The people were
distressed about it, and the king determined to punish the minister. Tsze-nan's
son, K'e-tsih, was charioteer to the king, who would fall a weeping whenever
he saw him. K'e-tsih said to him, "You have thrice wept at the sight of
me;—let me ask whose crime makes you do this." The king said,
"You know the inefficiency of the chief minis- ter. The State is about
to punish him; and can you abide in your office after that?" "If I
were to abide after my father has been put to death," replied the charioteer,
"how could you employ me? But to commit the great crime of dis- closing
what you have said is what I will not do." After this the king put Tsze-nan
to death in the court, and caused the four limbs of Kwan K'e to be torn from
each other by cha- riots in four different directions. Tsze-nan's servants then
asked K'e-tsih to beg leave to re- move his father's body from the court. "It
is for you," he said to them, "[to teach me how] to observe the duties
that should obtain between a ruler and his minister." After three days,
he begged the body which the king granted to him; and when it was buried, his
followers asked him if he was going to leave the State. "I was a party,"
he said, "to the death of my father;— to what State should I
go?" "Well then," they asked again, "will you continue to
be a servant of the king?" He replied, "To have abandoned my father,
and yet to serve his enemy, is what I cannot bear to do." Immediately after,
he strangled himself.
'[The king] then again appointed Wei Tsze- p'ing to be chief minister. The
Kung-tsze E was made [grand-]marshal. and K'euh Këen was made the Moh-gaou.
The favourites of Wei- tsze were eight men, all of whom, though having no emoluments,
were possessed of many horses. One day [after his appointment], being at court,
he spoke to Sl.in Shuh-yu, who gave him no answer, and withdrew. Wei-tsze followed
him, and he threw himself among a crowd. When he was still followed, Yu returned
to his house, whither the other went to see him, when he had retired from the
court. "Thrice," said Wei- tsze, "you snubbed me in the court.
You have frightened me, and I have felt that I must come and see you. Please
tell me my errors; why should you be so indignant with me?" "I was
afraid," replied Shuh-yu, "lest I should not escape [the impending
fate]; how should I dare to tell you?" "What do you mean?" asked
the minister. The other said, "Lately, Kwan K'e was the favourite of Tsze-nan.
Tsze-nan was dealt with as a criminal, and Kwan K'e was torn in pieces by chariots.
Is there not reason for me to be afraid?" [Wei-tsze] then drove home himself,
but was not able to keep the road. When he arrived, he said to his favour- ites,
"I have seen my master Shin Shuh. It may be said of him that he can give
life to the dead, and flesh to the [bare] bones. With a master who knows me
as he does I am satisfied; but I had rather drop the acquaintance of one who
does not do so." He then dismissed the eight men, and afterwards the king
was satisfied with him.'
[The Chuen appends the narrative of a strange and melancholy event in Ch'ing:—'In
the 12th month, Yëw Pan of Ch'ing was proceeding to Tsin; and before he
crossed the boundaries of the State, he met with a man and the bride whom he
was conducting to his house. Yëw Pan took the lady from him by force, and
lodged her in a city [that he was passing]. On Ting-sze, her husband attacked
Tsze-ming (Yëw Pan), and killed him, and then went away with his [recovered]
wife. Tsze-chen set aside Lëang (Pan's son), and made T'ae-shuh (Pan's
younger brother) Head of the family, saying, "A minister of the State is
only second to the ruler, and a lord of the people. He must not be allowed to
act disorderly. I have taken it on me to set aside another who is like Tsze-ming."
He also sought for the man who had lost his wife, made him return to his place,
and would not allow the Yëw family to resent what he had done, saying to
them, "Do not make more manifest the wickedness [of Tsze-ming]."]
XXIII. Twenty-third year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-third year, in spring, in
the king's second month, on Kwei-yëw the first day of the moon, the sun
was eclipsed.
2 In the third month, on Ke-sze, Kae, earl of Ke, died.
3 In summer,
Pe-go of Choo came a fugitive to Loo.
4 There was the burial of duke Hëaou
of Ke.
5 Ch'in put to death its great officers, K'ing Hoo and K'ing Yin.
6 Hwang,
the younger brother of the marquis of Ch'in, returned from Ts'oo to Ch'in.
7 Lwan
Ying of Tsin again entered Tsin, and entered K'ëuh-yuh.
8 In autumn, the
marquis of Ts'e invaded Wei, and took the opportunity to invade Tsin.
9 In the
eighth month, Shuh-sun P'aou led a force to relieve Tsin, and halted at Yung-yu.
10 On Ke-maou Chung-sun Suh died.
11 In winter, in the tenth month, on Yih-hae,
Tsang-sun Heih fled to Choo.
12 The people of Tsin put to death Lwan Ying.
13 The
marquis of Ts'e fell upon Keu by surprise.
Par. 1. This eclipse was visible
at sunrise on the 30th December, B.C. 550.
Par. 2. Earl Kae is known as duke Hëaou. Tso-she says, 'This spring, duke
Hëaou of Ke died, and the widow of [duke] Taou of Tsin went into mourning
for him (She was his sister). Duke P'ing, however, did not discontinue his usual
music;—which was contrary to propriety. The rules of propriety require
that such music should be intermitted on [the death of the ruler of] a neighbouring
State.'
Par. 3. For ?? Kung and Kuh have ?? . We are to suppose that Pe-go was a partizan
of Shoo-k'e of xxi. 3, and came to Loo in the same way that the other had done.
Parr. 5, 6. For the circumstances in which the prince Hwang had fled to Ts'oo
see the Chuen on xx. 6. The Chuen here says:—'The marquis of Ch'in
went to [the court of] Ts'oo, when the Kung-tsze Hwang accused the two K'ing
to Ts'oo, the people of which summoned them to it. [Instead of going themselves],
they sent K'ing Loh, who was put to death. The K'ing clan upon this held the
capital of Ch'in in revolt. In summer, K'ëuh Këen (the Moh- gaou of
Ts'oo; see the Chuen on p. 6 of last year) went with the marquis of Ch'in, and
laid siege to it. The people were then repairing the wall, and one of the frame-planks
falling down, [the K'ing] put the builder to death. The workmen then agreed
together that they should kill their overseers, and proceeded to put to death
K'ing Hoo and K'ing Yin. The people of Ts'oo re-instated the Kung-tsze Hwang.
The superior man will pronounce that the K'ing acted unrighteously, and that
such a course cannot be indulged in [with safety]. As it is said in the Shoo
(V. ix. 23), 'The [favour] of Heaven is not constant.'
The death of the two K'ing serves to illus- trate the latitude with which the
statements of a State putting its officers to death may be interpreted. Confucius'
text in itself gives no inkling of the real nature of the transaction here.
Too Yu contends that the ? is a mere connective, and must have no stress laid
upon it. Acc. to a canon on the use of the con- junction, K'ing Hoo would be
the proper criminal, involving Yin in the consequences of his guilt. But acc.
to the Chuen here and xx. 6, they were equally criminal. Like all the other
similar canons, this breaks down here and in other places. Comp., e.g., VI.
ix. 7.
Par. 7. Lwan Ying, it will be remembered, had found shelter in Ts'e;—see
the Chuen in- troduced at par. 3 of last year.
The Chuen says:—'[The marquis of] Tsin being about to marry one of
his daughters to [the viscount of] Woo, the marquis of Ts'e or- dered Seih Kwei-foo
to escort the appointed ladies of his House to accompany her, taking the opportunity
to place Lwan Ying and his followers in enclosed carriages, and to convey them
to Këuh-yuh. Ying had an interview at night with [the commandant of that
city] Seu Woo, and told him [his plans]. "The thing," said Woo, "is
impracticable. Who can raise up him whom Heaven is overthrowing? You are sure
to perish [in this attempt]. I do not grudge death [in your cause], but I know
the enterprize will not succeed." Ying replied, "Granted, but if through
your help I go to my death, I will not regret it. I may not have Heaven on my
side, but you will be free from blame." Seu Woo agreed to his request,
and, having concealed him, invited the [principal] men of K'ëuh Yuh to
a banquet. When the music struck up, he said to them, "If now we had got
here the young Lwan, what would you do ?" "If we had our lord here,"
they replied, "we should think dying for him to be no death." With
this all sighed, and some wept. As the cup went round, he put the same question
again, and they all said, "Only give us our lord, and there will be no
swerving from our purpose." On this Ying came forward, and saluted them
all round.
'In the 4th month, Ying led on the men-at- arms from Këuh-yuh, and, depending
on the help of Wei Hëen-tsze, entered Këang in the day time. Before
this, Ying had been assistant- commander of the 3d army under Wei Chwang- tsze.
In consequence of this, Hëen-tsze (Son of Chwang-tsze) was secretly attached
to Ying, and the latter depended on his help. But the Chaou clan were hostile
to the Lwan, because of the misfortunes of [the lords of] Yuen and Ping (See
the Chuen on VIII. viii. 6). The clans of Han and Chaou [likewise] were now
on friendly terms. The Chung-hang clan were hostile to the Lwan, because of
what had occur- red in the invasion of Ts'in (see on xiv.3); and Che Ch'oh-tsze
being young, his family was guided by the Chung-hang. Ch'ing Ch'ing was a favourite
of the duke; and thus it was that only the Head of the Wei clan and the superin-
tendent of the duke's carriages favoured Lwan Ying.
'Yoh Wang-foo was sitting with Fan Seuen- tsze, when word was brought to them
that Ying had arrived. Seuen-tsze was afraid, but Hwan- tsze (Wang-foo) said
to him, "Quickly support the marquis into the strong palace, and no harm
will be sustained. The Lwan have many ene- mies; and the government is in your
hands. Lwan Ying has come from without, and you are in your place;—your
advantages are many. Since you have such advantages and the power, and hold
moreover the handle of the people, what have you to fear? And has Ying any friends
but the chief of the Wei clan, whom you may take by force? Disorder is to be
repressed by prompt action for the exigency;—do not you be remiss
[in taking it]."
'As they were in mourning at the duke's for their relative (the earl of Ke),
Wang-foo made Seuen-tsze put on mourning clothes and head- band all blackened,
and be pushed along in a lady's barrow by two females, and in this guise go
to the duke, with whom he then proceeded to the strong palace.
'[At the same time], Fan Yang went to meet Wei Shoo, whom he found with his
carriages all drawn up and yoked, about to go to meet Lwan Ying. Hurrying forward,
Yang said to him, "Lwan Ying with a body of rebels has en- tered the city.
My father and the great officers are all at the ruler's, and have sent me to
meet you. Allow me to take the third place in your carriage and to hold the
strap." With this, he sprang into the carriage, brandishing his sword in
his right hand, and with his left hand hold- ing the strap, while he ordered
them to gallop along. As they issued from the gate, the driver asked where he
should go to. "To the duke's," cried Yang. Seuen-tsze met Wei Shoo
at the steps, took him by the hand, and promised him K'ëuh-yuh.
'[Seuen-tsze] had a slave Fei P'aou, one of those entered in the red book (Book
of crimi- nals). The strongest of Lwan Ying's followers was Tuh Jung, of whom
all the people were afraid. Fei P'aou said to Seuen-tsze, "If you will
burn the red book, I will kill Tuh Jung." Seuen-tsze joyfully said to him,
"I swear by the sun, that if you kill Tuh Jung, I will beg our ruler to
burn it." Accordingly he sent P'aou forth, and shut the gate behind him.
Tuh Jung came to pursue him, and P'aou waited for him, concealed behind a low
wall. Then, when Jung had jumped over it, P'aou killed him with a blow from
behind.
'The followers of Fan were all behind the tower, and the Lwan swarmed up to
the duke's gate. "The arrows reach the ruler's house," said Seuen-tsze
to Yang; "do your utmost, though you die." Yang led on his men with
his sword drawn, and the Lwan withdrew. He was then pursuing them in his father's
chariot, as if he were the commander-in-chief, when he was met by Lwan Loh.
"Get out of my way," [cried Yang], "O Loh. Though I die, I will
dispute with you in heaven." Loh discharged an arrow at him, and missed;
and when he had got another on the string, his carriage was overturned by the
root of a cassia-tree, when some one drew him from underneath with the hook
of his spear, and cut off his arms, so that he died. Lwan Fang was wounded,
and Ying fled to K'ëuh-yuh, where the troops of Tsin laid siege to him.'
Of the two statements in the text, that 'Ying entered T'sin again, and entered
K'ëuh-yuh,' the second is to be understood of Ying's retreating to K'ëuh-yuh,
after his attempt upon the capi- tal of the State was defeated. Kung-yang is
in error, as the K'ang-he editors point out, in referring it to Ying's first
entrance into K'ëuh- yuh, and then advancing from it to the capital. The
use of ? is somewhat peculiar. Maou says:—' ? is used instead of ?
(rebelled), because in the first instance he entered and then rebelled,—he
had not rebelled before he entered; and in the second instance, he entered after
he had rebelled,—he did not enter, and then hold the city in rebellion!'
He compares xxx. 7 and VIII.xviii. 5.
Par. 8. The K'ang-he editors remark that the invasion of Tsin by Ts'e, following
here the account of Lwan Ying's attempt, makes it plain that Ying had been aided
and instigated by Ts'e; but it is from the Chuen and not from the text that
we learn this. Wei had attacked Ts'e at the command of Tsin in the 19th year,
and the marquis would now first wreak his vengeance on it. The invasion of Tsin
being so much the greater undertaking, the critics hesi- tate, needlessly, it
seems to me, to apply here the usual canon as to the significance of ?
The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the marquis of Ts'e invaded Wei. The
van of the army was commanded by Wang-sun Hwuy, with Kuh Yung as charioteer,
and Shaou Yang as spear- man. The next column was commanded by Keu Hăng,
with Ch'ing Ch'ih as charioteer, and Foo-che, [son] of Shin Sëen-yu, as
spearman. [In the centre], Ts'aou K'ae was charioteer to the marquis, and Gan
Foo-jung was spearman. The supporting force was commanded by Hing Kung, with
Shang Che-tăng as charioteer, and Loo P'oo-kwei as spearman. In the
left wing, Sëang P'e commanded, with Laou Ching as cha- rioteer and Lăng
Keu-soo as spearman; in the right, How Chaou, with Shang Tsze-keu as charioteer,
and Hwan T'ëaou as spearman. The army of the rear was commanded by Hëa
Che- yu-k'ow with Shang Tsze-yu as charioteer, and Ts'uy Joo as spearman, Chuh-yung
Che-yueh being in the same chariot.
'The intention being to go on from Wei to attack Tsin, Gan P'ing-chung said,
"The mar- quis means, in the confidence of his courage and strength, to
attack the president of covenants. It will be well for the State if he do not
succeed. If there be success without virtue, grief will [soon] come to him."
Ts'uy Ch'oo remonstrated with the marquis, saying, "Do not [invade Tsin].
I have heard that when a small State takes ad- vantage of the troubles of a
great one to do it further injury, it is sure to have to bear the blame. Let
your lordship consider it." But remonstrance was of no use.
'[After this] Ch'in Wăn-tsze saw Ts'ay Woo- tsze and said to him,
"What is to be done with reference to our ruler?" "I remonstrated
with him," was the reply, "and he would not listen to me. If we are
all brought to straits by his taking advantage of the [present] distress of
the president of covenants, what difficulty will there be in dealing with him
? Forbear saying anything for the present." Wăn-tsze retired,
and said to his people, "Shall Ts'uy-tsze die peacefully? He speaks of
the marquis's con- duct as very bad; and his own will go beyond it. He will
not have a peaceful death. When a man condemns his ruler in a righteous way,
he still does so to his own damage; how much more must he do so, when he has
wickedness in his mind!"
'The marquis accordingly invaded Tsin, and took Chaou-ko. He then divided his
forces into two bodies; entered the pass of Măng; ascended the hill
of T'ae-hang; formed an entrenched camp at Yung-t'ing; placed garrisons in Pe
and Shaou; raised a mound at Shaou-shwuy:—all in retaliation for the
affair at P'ing-yin (See on xviii. 3). He then withdrew, and was pursued by
Chaou Shing with the troops of Tung-yang, when Gan Le was taken prisoner.'
Par. 9. For ?? Kung and Kuh have ??. The place belonged to Tsin, and was 18
le southwest from the pres. dis. city of Seun (??), dep. Wei-hwuy, Ho-nan. Tso-she
says that the action of the commander was 'proper.' Why it should be 'proper'
to halt, it is difficult to understand, though it was no doubt proper in Loo
to send an expedition to the relief of Tsin. Kung-yang and Ying-tah think the
halting was to get orders from the marquis of Tsin; while the K'ang-he editors
condemn it as an evidence of weakness. But see the reference to the expedition
in the ??, II. iii. art. 7.
Parr. 10, 11. It will be found from the Chuen that there was a connection between
these two events:—'Ke Woo-tsze had no son by his wife proper. Of [his
other sons], Kung-mei was the eldest, but he loved Taou-tsze, and wished to
make him his successor. Consulting Shin Fung on the subject, he said to him,
"I love both Mei and Heih (Taou-tsze), but I wish to select the abler of
the two, and make him my successor." Shin Fung hurried away home, and intended
to leave the State with all his family. Another day he consulted him again,
and Fung replied, "If it must be so, I will get my carriage ready and leave
the State;" upon which he desisted from his purpose. Consulting Tsang Heih
about it, however, that minister said, "Invite me to drink with you, and
I will appoint him for you." Accordingly Ke gave a feast to all the great
of- ficers, with Tsang Heih as the principal guest. When he had sent the pledge
cup round, Tsang- sun ordered two mats to be placed in the north- ern part of
the hall. He then took a new cup, and washed it, called for Taou-tsze, and went
down the steps to meet him, while the great officers all rose up. When the general
cup was go- ing round, he also called for Kung-ts'oo (Kung- mei), and made him
take a place after Taou-tsze. Ke-sun lost colour [on seeing what was done].
'[After this], Woo-tsze appointed Kung-ts'oo to be the superintendent of his
stud, but he was indignant, and would not come forth. Min Tsze-ma visited the
young man, and said to him, "You ought not to behave so. Happiness and
misery have no gate by which they must enter; each man calls the one or the
other for himself. A son should be distressed lest he should not be filial,
and not about his proper place. Reverence and honour your father's com- mand;
what invariableness attaches [to the order of succession]? If you maintain your
filial reverence, you may become twice as rich as the Head of the Ke family;
but if you play a villainous and lawless part, your misery may be double that
of one of the lowest of the peo- ple." Kung-ts'oo took this advice, showing
a reverent obedience to his father early and late, and sedulously filled his
office. Ke-sun was delighted, and made himself be invited by him to a feast,
to which he went, carrying with him all the apparatus for it and leaving it
there. In this way Kung-ts'oo became rich, and [by-and- by] he went forth, and
became administrator of the Left to the duke.
'Măng-sun hated Tsang-sun, and Ke-sun liked him. Măng-sun's
charioteer, Ts'ow Fung-tëen liked [his master's son] Këeh, and said
to him, "If you will follow my advice, you will become your father's successor."
After he had urged this several times, Këeh agreed to it; and when Chwang-tsze
was ill, Fung-tëen said to Kung- ts'oo, "If you will secure the succession
of Këeh, I will be an enemy to Tsang-sun." Kung- ts'oo then said to
his father, "Yu-tsze Ch'ih (the elder brother of Këeh) ought indeed
to succeed to his father, but if we raise Këeh to the place, we shall truly
show ourselves stronger than Tsang-sun." Ke-sun gave him no reply; and
on Ke-maou, when Măng-sun died, Kung-ts'oo took Këeh, and placed
him at the side of the door (In the chief mourner's place). Ke-sun came to the
house, entered the apartment, and wept. When he was going out, he said, "Where
is Ch'ih ?" Kung-ts'oo replied, "Këeh is here." "But
Ch'ih is the eider," said Ke-sun. "What have we to do with the elder?"
was the reply. "We only require the abler. And his father so commanded."
Këeh was hereupon declared successor to Măng Chwang-tsze, and
Ch'ih fled to Choo.
'When Tsang-sun entered the apartment [of thé dead], he wept very sore,
with many tears. When he went out, his charioteer said to him, "Măng-sun
hated you, and yet you thus lament him. If Ke-sun were to die, how would you
bear it ?" Tsang-sun answered him, "The love of Ke-sun produced in
me a feverish eruption. The hatred of Măng-sun was like a medical
stone to me. The good eruption was not so beneficial as the painful stone, which
brought me to life again, while the eruption increased its venom more and more.
Now that Măng-sun is dead, my exile is not distant." The [new]
Head of the Măng family then shut his gate, and sent word to Ke-sun
that Tsang-sun was about to raise a disturbance, and would not allow him to
bury his father. Ke-sun did not believe it; but when Tsang-sun heard it, he
took precautionary measures. In winter, in the 10th month, Măng-sun
was about to prepare the grave, and borrowed labourers from Tsang-sun, who ordered
the superintendent of them to render his assistance; and when they were clearing
the road at the east gate, he went him- self with some men-at-arms to see them.
Măng sun sent also information of this to Ke-sun, who was angry,
and gave orders to attack Tsang. In consequence, on Yih-hae, Tsang Heih cut
down the barrier at the Luh gate, made his escape, and fled to Choo.
'[Heih's father], Tsang Seuen-shuh had mar- ried a lady of Choo, who bore to
him Këa and Wei, and then died. He then raised to her place her niece,
[who had come with her to the harem],—a daughter of the younger sister
of Muh-këang (The mother of duke Ch'ing). This lady bore Heih, who grew
up in the duke's palace; and being the object of the duchess Këang's love,
he was made successor to his father. When that took place, his [half-] brothers
Këa and Wei left the State and lived in Choo. Woo-chung [now] sent word
from Choo to Këa of what had befallen him, and sent him a large tortoise,
say- ing, "Through my want of ability, I have lost the change of our ancestral
temple, and I venture to tell you of my pitiable case. My offence, however,
is not of a character that should lead to the extinction of our sacrifices.
Do you present to the duke this large tortoise, and ask to be permitted to continue
them;— and it may be granted." Këa replied, "What has
happened is the misfortune of our family, and not through any fault of yours.
I have received your commands." He then bowed twice, and received the tortoise,
which he entrusted to [his brother] Wei to present with the request which had
been suggested. But Wei preferred the re- quest in his own behalf. Tsang-sun
went to Fang (the city of the Tsang clan), and sent a message from it to the
duke, saying, "It was not in my power to do any harm;—it was
my wisdom which failed me (Referring to his going with the men-at-arms to see
the workmen). I do not presume to make any request for myself. But if you allow
the maintenance of the sacri- fices to my ancestors, and do not forget the merits
of my two predecessors, shall I not leave this city?" Upon this Tsang Wei
was made Head of the family;—and Tsang Heih surrendered Fang, and
fled to Ts'e. Some of his people said to him, "Will they make a cove- nant
with reference to us?" "They have nothing to allege in doing so,"
said Heih. It was deter- mined, however, to do so, and Ke-sun called the historiographer
of the Exterior, and asked him how, in dealing with the case of a guilty minister,
the covenant should be headed. The historiogra- pher replied, "In the covenant
about the minister Tung-mun, it was said, 'Let no one act like Tung-mun Suy,
who disregarded the order of the duke, putting to death the rightful heir, and
rais- ing the son of a concubine in his place.' In the covenant about the minister
Shuh-sun, it was said, 'Let no one act like Shuh-sun K'ëaou-joo, who wished
to set aside the regular order of the State, and overthrow our ducal House.'
Ke- sun said, "The guilt of Tsang-sun is not equal to that of either of
these." Măng Tsëaou sug- gested that the covenant should
be grounded on his violence to the gate in breaking down the barrier. Ke-sun
adopted the suggestion, and the covenant ran— "Let no one act
like Tsang- sun Heih, who violated the rules of the State, and broke through
the gate, cutting down the barrier." When Tsang-sun heard these terms,
he said, "There is a man in the State. Who was it ? Was it not Măng
Tsëaou ?"'
Par. 12. The Chuen says:—'The people of Tsin reduced K'ëuh-yuh,
and took Lwan Ying, when they put to death all the members and the partizans
of the Lwan clan, Lwan Fang making his escape, and flying to Sung. In the text
there is no mention of Ying's being "a great officer of Tsin," because
he had come [against it] from another State.' Comp. the account of the death
of Lëang Seaou in xxx. 7.
Par. 13. The Chuen says:—'When the mar- quis of Ts'e returned from
Ts'in, without enter- ing [his capital], he fell on Keu by surprise, and attacked
the gate of Tseu-yu. A wound in the thigh obliged him to retire; but next day
he resolved to renew the fight, and fixed on Show- shoo as the place of engagement.
[In the mean- time] Ke Chih and Hwa Seuen passed during the night in their armour
through a defile near Tseu-yu, and reached the suburbs of the capital city.
Next day, before the marquis, they met with the viscount of Keu at P'oo-how-she,
who offered them large bribes to induce them not to fight to the death, and
begged them to make a covenant with him. Hwa Chow (Hwa Sëuen) replied,
"If, coveting your bribes, we should cast away our orders, your lordship
would hate us. If before mid-day we could forget the orders which we received
at dawn, wherewith should we serve any ruler?" On this the viscount himself
beat the drum, and urged on his men to attack them, when Ke Lëang (Ke Chih)
was taken prisoner. After this the people of Keu made submission.
'When the marquis of Ts'e was returning home, he met the wife of Ke Lëang
in the suburbs, and sent an officer to present to her his condolences. But she
declined them, saying, "If Chih committed any offence, why should you condescend
to send me any message? If he escaped committing any offence, there is the cottage
of his father. I cannot listen to any condolences in the fields." The marquis
then sent his condolences to her house.'
[We have here a narrative about Tsang-sun Heih in Ts'e:—. The marquis
of Ts'e was intend- ing to make a grant of lands to Tsang-sun Heih, when at
an audience which Heih had with him, he spoke with him about his invasion of
Tsin. Heih replied, "You say you accomplished much, and let it be so; but
your lordship was like a rat. Now a rat lies hid in the day-time, and moves
about at night. It does not have its holes in bed- chambers nor in ancestral
temples:—from its fear of men. Now your lordship heard of the troubles
in Tsin, and began your movements. If it had been quiet, you would have served
it. If you were not a rat in this, what were you ?"
'After this, the marquis did not give him any lands. Chung-ne said, "It
is hard to be wise. There was the wise Tsang Woo-chung, and yet he was not allowed
to remain in Loo. And there was reason for it. He did what was not accordant
with right, and did not act on the principle of reciprocity. One of the Books
of Hëa (Shoo II. ii. 10) says, 'When you think of anything, be found yourself
in that thing,' mean- ing that one's conduct should be accordant with right,
and his actions on the principle of reci- procity."']
XXIV. Twenty-fourth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-fourth year, in spring, Shuh-sun P'aou went to Tsin.
2 Chung-sun Keeh led a force and made an incursion into Ts'e.
3 In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Woo.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Keah-tsze, the first day of the moon, the sun was completely eclipsed.
5 Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e led a force and invaded Keu.
6 There were great floods.
7 In the eighth month, on Kwei-sze, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
8 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou, the viscounts of Keu, Choo, and Tăng, the earls of Seeh and Ke, and the viscount of Little Choo, in E-e.
9 In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo, the marquises of Ts'ae and Ch'in, and the baron of Heu, invaded Ch'ing.
10 The duke arrived from the meeting [at E-e].
11 Keen E-kew of Ch'in fled from that State to Ts'oo.
12 Shuh-sun P'aou went to the capital.
13 There was a great famine.
Par. 1. The object of this was probably, as Too says, to congratulate the marquis of Tsin on the quelling of the Lwan revolt. The Chuen says, 'When Muh-shuh (P'aou) went to Tsin, Fan Seuen-tsze met him, and asked the meaning of the saying of the ancients, "They died but suffered no decay," and, before he had replied, went on to say, "Anciently, the ancestor of the Seuen, anterior to the time of Yu (Shun), was the prince of T'aou and T'ang (Yaou; see on the Shoo, III. iii. 7). In the time of Hea, their ancestors were the Yu-lung (see the Chuen after X. xxix. 4). In the time of Shang, they were the [lords of] Ch'e-wei. In the beginning of Chow, they were the [lords of] T'ang and Too. When Tsin obtained the presidency of covenants, we became the [lords of] Fan.—Is this what is meant by the saying?" Muh-shuh said, "According to what I have heard, this is what is called 'hereditary dignity,' but it is not that 'not decaying.' There was a former great officer of Loo, called Tsang Wăn-chung, the excellence of whose words was acknowledged after his death. This may be what the saying intended. I have heard that the highest meaning of it is when there is established [an example of] virtue; the second, when there is established [an example of] successful service; and the third, when there is established [an example of wise] speech. When these examples are not forgotten with length of time, this is what is meant by the saying—"They do not decay." As to the preservation of the surname and the giving off clan branches, by which the ancestral temples are preserved, and the sacrifices continued without interruption from age to age, where is the State. in which we have not that ? The preservation of the greatest dignity cannot be called that freedom from decay.'
[There follows here the following narrative:— 'Fan Seuen-tsze was chief minister of Tsin, and the offerings required from the different States became [constantly] more heavy, so that the people of Ch'ing were distressed about it. In the 2d month [of this year], the earl of Ch'ing was going to Tsin, and Tsze-ch'an entrusted to Tsze-se a letter for Fan Seuen-tsze, in which he said, "The administration of the government of Tsin is in your hands. The neighbouring States all about do not hear of any display of admirable virtue, but they hear of the great offerings which are required from them;—and this perplexes me. I have heard that to a superior man presiding over a State there is no trouble about the want of gifts, but his difficulty is lest he should not be obtaining a good name.
'"Now, when the offerings of the different princes are largely accumulated in your duke's house, those princes will become alienated from him. And if you, my master, put your confidence in these things, the State of Tsin will become alienated from you. If the States become alienated from it, Tsin will go to ruin, and if Tsin become alienated from you, your family will go to ruin. In what a fatal course are you proceeding! Of what use would the gifts be then?
'A good name is the carriage in which virtue is conveyed about; and virtue is the [sure] foundation of a State. When there is a foundation, there is no crumbling to ruin;—is not this then of paramount importance? With virtue there is joyful satisfaction, a satisfaction that is permanent. The ode (She, II. ii. ode VII. 1) says,
'Objects of joyful complacency are these officers, The foundations of my State; —with reference to the effect of admirable virtue. [And another ode (She, III. i. ode I. 7) says],
'God is with you, Have no doubts in your heart;' —with reference to the effect of a good name Strive with all your heart to make your virtue illustrious, and a good name will then carry the fame of it abroad; and in this way the remote will come to you and the near will repose in you. Had you not better cause men to say of you that you nourish them, than to say that you take from them to nourish yourself ? The elephant has tusks to the destruction of its body;—because of their use as gifts." Seuentsze was pleased, and made the offerings [required from the States] lighter.
'On this visit, the earl of Ch'ing appeared at the court of Tsin, on account of the great offerings which were required, and to ask leave to invade Ch'in. He bowed with his head to the ground [before the marquis], and when Seuen-tsze wished to decline such an act of homage, Tsze-se, who was in attendance on the earl, said, "Through its reliance on the great State [of Ts'oo], Ch'in exercises an insolent oppression of our poor State. On this account our ruler asks leave to call it to accouut for the offence;—how dare he but bow his head to the earth ?"']
Par. 2. The appointment of Keeh to be successor to his father as a minister of Loo and head of the Chung-sun clan, is given in the Chuen on par. 10 of last year. He is known as Măng Heaou-pih (???). Tso-she observes that the incursion in the text was made in behalf of Tsin. Kung-yang gives his name as ?,?, and ?.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Woo with a naval squadron; but through the neglect of the rules of war, it returned without accomplishing anything.'
Parr. 4, 7. The former of these eclipses is correctly recorded. It took place, and was total, about 1 h. 15 m. p. m., on June 12th, B.C. 548. The record of the second is a mistake, for which we cannot account any more than for the similar mistake in xxi. 6.
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Ts'e being under apprehension because of his invasion of Tsin, wished to have an interview with the viscount of Ts'oo, who sent Wei K'ekeang to Ts'e on a friendly visit, and to be informed as to the time of meeting. The marquis was sacrificing at the altar of the land, and inspected his munitions of war, that the visitor might see them. This made Ch'in Wăn-tsze remark that there would soon be rebellion in Ts'e. "I have heard," said he, "that when weapons are not kept in their place, a prince will bring his own clans against himself."
'In autumn, having heard that Tsin was contemplating an expedition against him, the marquis sent Ch'in Woo-yu after Wei K'e Keang to Ts'oo, to put off the meeting, and to beg the assistance of an army. Ts'uy Ch'oo escorted him with a force, and took the opportunity to invade Keu, making an incursion to Keae-kin.'
It was stated in the Chuen on the last par. of last year that Keu and Ts'e had made peace. We have here another instance of the little value of truces between the States of those days.
Par. 6. See II. i. 5, et al. From the Chuen on next par. it appears that this flood extended beyond Loo.
Par. 8. E-e,—see on V. i. 3; and III. xxxii. 7. 'This meeting,' says Tso, 'was with the intention of attacking Ts'e; but in consequence of the floods, the purpose was not carried out,' Here, as always, instead of ??, Kung-yang has ??. Recent critics are severe on Tso, for throwing the failure of this meeting on 'the floods;' and what is said in the Chuen on the next par. gives some colour to their strictures.
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo invaded Ch'ing, in order to relieve Ts'e, and attacked the eastern gate of its capital. He then halted at the marsh of Keih, while the States returned [from E-e] to relieve Ch'ing. The marquis of Tsin ordered Chang Loh and Foo Leih to flout the army of Ts'oo, when they begged Ch'ing to supply them with a charioteer. The people of Ch'ing consulted the tortoise-shell about the matter, and it was indicated that the appointment of Yuen Shih-k'euen would be fortunate. Tsze-t'ae-shuh admonished him that he should not put himself on an equality with the officers of the great State; but he replied, "Whether they belong to a populous State or a small one, those above me are of the same degree." "Not so," said T'ae-shuh. "Small hillocks have no fir trees nor cypresses on them."
'The two officers sat in their tent, while Yuen Shih-k'euen waited outside. They took their food first, and then gave to him. They made him precede them in a wide war-chariot, while they followed in an easy one. It was not till they approached the army of Ts'oo that they entered his carriage, and then they squatted on a cross board at the back, playing a couple of lutes. When they came quite near, Yuen dashed on without telling them. They took their helmets from the bowcase and put them on; and when they entered the entrenchments, they descended from the carriage, seized each a man and dashed him to the ground, seized each another, and carried him off under his arm. The chariot had drawn off out of the entrenchments, without waiting for them; but they sprang into it, took their bows, and began shooting. When they had got off, they resumed their squatting, playing upon their lutes. "Kung-sun," said they [to their charioteer], "being in the same carriage, we are brothers; why did you act twice without consulting us?" "The first time," he replied, "I was thinking of nothing but entering [the camp]; just now I was afraid." What a hasty temper Kung-sun has!" responded they, laughing.
'The viscount of Ts'oo withdrew from the marsh of Keih and returned, when he sent Wei K'e-keang with a force to escort Ch'in Woo-yu [to Ts'e].
'The people of Woo, in consequence of the naval attack on them by Ts'oo (par. 3), invited the people of Shoo-kew to join them, and they agreed to revolt from Ts'oo. The viscount was then with his army in Hwang-p'oo, and sent Show, commandant of Shin, and Sze K'e-le to reprove them. The viscount of Shoo-kew met the two officers reverently, and assured them there was no such thing, requesting also to be allowed a covenant. When they returned with this report to the king, he [still] wanted to attack the place; but Wei-tsze said, "No. They say they are not revolting, and they ask us to impose a covenant on them. If you now go on to attack them, you are attacking the guiltless. Let us return for a time, and give the people rest, to wait for the issue. If the issue be that they show no disaffection, we have nothing more to ask of them. If after all they do revolt, they will have no excuse, and we can take successful action." Accordingly [the army of Ts'oo] returned.'
Par. 11. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ch'in were taking further measures against the partizans of the K'ing (See xxiii. 5); and K'een E-kew fled from it to Ts'oo.
Par. 12. The Chuen says:—'The people of Ts'e had [for the king] rebuilt the wall of Keah (The Keah-juh of the Chuen on VII. iii. 4). Muh-shuh went to Chow on a mission of friendly inquiries, and to congratulate the court on the rebuilding of the wall. The king admired his courteous deportment, and gave him a great carriage.'
The floods mentioned in par. 6 had extended to the capital, and the wall of the king's city had been thrown down. Ts'e had rebuilt it, wishing, in its differences with Tsin, to conciliate the king's favour. The critics observe that this was the first mission which Seang had sent to the court, though he had been 5 times to Tsin, since his accession, and been 13 times present at meetings of the States.
Par. 13. There was a ? twice in the time of duke Seuen;—see VII. x. 18, xv. 10. Here we have the record of a great ke.' Kuh-leang says here:—'When one of the [five] grains does not ripen, there is said to be a k'een ?, a deficiency); when two, a ke (?); when three, a kin (?); when four, a k'ang (?); when the whole five, a great ts'in (?), or a great ke. In a great ts'in the rules were that the king should not have two dishes at once, nor plaster his towers and terraces; that he should discontinue his archery feasts, and leave the road in the archery ground uncared for; that different offices should be maintained, but nothing done in them; and that the Spirits should be prayed to, but no sacrifices offered.'
According to the rules of government, duke Seang should have been prepared for such a season with the accumulations of eight years' superabundance; but it is assumed to have come on the State without any such provision for it.
[The Chuen gives here the following narrative:—'The marquis of Tsin had appointed a favourite, called Ch'ing Ch'ing, to be assistantcommander of the third army. When Kungsun Hwuy, the messenger of Ch'ing, was at Tsin on a friendly mission, Ch'ing Ch'ing, asked him, saying, "I venture to inquire what is the meaning of descending the steps [to meet a guest]?" Tsze-yu (Hwuy) was not able to reply; but on his return he told Jen-ming of the circumstance. Jen-ming said, "He is going to die, or he is going to become a fugitive. Men of high rank know to be apprehensive; being apprehensive, they think of showing humility; and so there are those steps. They are simply emblematic of condescending to others; what is there to be asked about them? To desire to descend, when one has ascended high, is the part of a wise man; Ch'ing Ch'ing is not capable of it. Is he to be banished for something ? Or if not, is he out of his mind with some perplexity, and feeling the sorrow of approaching death?"']
XXV. Twenty-fifth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-fifth year, in spring, Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e led a force and attacked our northern borders.
2 In summer, in the fifth month, on Yih-hae, Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e murdered his ruler Kwang.
3 The duke had a meeting with the marquis of Tsin, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou, the viscounts of Keu, Choo, and T'ăng, the earls of Seeh and Ke, and the viscount of Little Choo, in E-e.
4 In the sixth month, on Jin-tsze, Kung-sun Shay-che of Ch'ing led a force, and entered [the capital of] Ch'in.
5 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Ke-sze, the States made a covenant together in Ch'ung-k'ew.
6 The duke arrived from the meeting.
7 The marquis of Wei entered into E-e.
8 K'euh Keen of Ts'oo led a force, and extinguished Shoo-kew.
9 In winter, Kung-sun Hea of Ch'ing led a force, and invaded Ch'in.
10 In the twelfth month, Goh, viscount of Woo, invaded Ts'oo, and died in an attack on one of the gates of Ch'aou.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'This was in retaliation for the expedition of Măng Heaou-pih (See par. 2 of last year). The duke was distressed about it, and [was going to] send information to Tsin, when Măng Kung-ch'oh said to him, "Ts'uy-tsze has a greater object in his mind. He is not set on troubling us; he is sure to return back soon:—why need you be distressed? His coming this time is without injuring us, and he does not treat the people with severity. It is very different from other invasions." The army of Ts'e returned emptyhanded.'
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'The wife of the commandant of T'ang of Ts'e was an elder sister of Tung-kwoh Yen, who was a minister of Ts'uy Woo-tsze. When the commandant died, Yen drove Woo-tsze [to his house] to offer his condolences Woo-tsze then saw T'ang Keang (The wife of the commandant), and, admiring her beauty, wished Yen to give her to him for his wife. Yen said, "Husband and wife should be of different surnames. You are descended from [duke] Ting, and I from [duke] Hwan; the thing cannot be." Woo-tsze consulted the milfoil about it, and got the diagram K'wăn ( ;? ), which then became the diagram Ta-kwo ( ; ??); which the diviners all said was fortunate. He showed it to Ch'in Wăn-tsze, but he said, "The [symbol for] a man [in K'wăn] is displaced by that for wind [in Ta-kwo]. Wind overthrows things. The woman ought not to be married. And moreover. [upon K'wăn] it is said, 'Distressed by rocks; holding to brambles; he enters his palace and does not see his wife. It is evil (see the Yih, on the third line of K'wăn)' 'Distressed by rocks;'—in vain does one attempt to go forward. 'Holding by brambles;'—that in which trust is placed wounds. 'He enters his palace and does not see his wife; it is evil:'—there is nowhere to turn to." Ts'uy-tsze replied, "She is a widow; –what does all this matter? Her former husband bore the brunt of it." So he married her. Afterwards duke Chwang had an intrigue with her, and constantly went to Ts'uy's house. [On one occasion] he took Ts'uy's hat and gave it to another person; and when his attendants said that he should not do so, he remarked. "Although he be not Ts'uy-tsze, should he therefore be without a hat?"
'Ts'uy-tsze [was enraged] by these things; and because the duke took occasion [of its troubles] to invade Tsin, thinking that Tsin would be sure to retaliate, he wished to murder the duke in order to please that State. He did not, however, find an opportunity, till the duke had whipt one of his attendants, called Kea Keu, whom notwithstanding he kept near him. This man then watched the duke for Ts'uy-tsze.
'In summer, in the 5th month, on account of the affair at Tseu-yu (See on xxiii. 13) the viscount of Keu came to the court of Ts'e, and on Kea-seuh the duke entertained him in the north suburbs. Ts'uy-tsze gave out that he was ill, and did not go to see the affair. Next day the duke went to ask for him, and went after the lady Keang, who entered into a chamber, and passed out of it by a side door along with Ts'uytsze, while the duke patted a pillar and sang, [In the meantime], his attendant Kea Keu stopped all the duke's followers, entered [the house himself], and shut the door. Men-at-arms made their appearance, and the duke, ascending a tower, begged them to let him off. They would not do so, and he then begged to make a covenant; but neither would they agree to this. He begged [finally] to be allowed to kill himself in the ancestral temple; but they again declined, all saying, "Your lordship's servant Ch'oo is very ill, and cannot receive your commands. And this is near the duke's palace. We are watchmen, [and have to take] an adulterer. We can know nothing of two commands." The duke then attempted to get over a wall, when they shot and wounded him in the thigh; and as he fell backwards, they murdered him. Kea Keu, Chow Ch'oh, Ping Sze, Kung-sun Gaou, Fung Keu, Toh Foo, Seang E, and Leu Yin, all died at the same time.
'The priest T'o-foo had been sacrificing in Kaou-t'ang, and when he came to report the execution of his commission, he was killed at Ts'uy's house, before he could take off his cap. Shin Kwae should have been superintending the fishermen, but he retired [from that duty], and said to his steward, "You can make your escape with your family. I will die [here]." The steward replied, "If I made my escape, I should be acting contrary to your righteous course." So he went with him, and they both died. Ts'uy-tsze also put to death Tsung Meeh in P'ing-yin.
'Gan-tsze stood outside the gate of Ts'uy's house. His people said to him, "Will you die ?" "Was he my ruler only?" replied he. "Why should I die?" "Will you leave then?" "Is his death my crime? Why should I flee?" "Will you [now] go back to your house?" "Our ruler is dead. Where should I go back to? Is it the business of the ruler of the people to merely be above them ? 'he altars of the State should be his chief care. Is it the business of the minister of a ruler merely to be concerned about his support? The nourishment of the altars should be his object. Therefore when a ruler dies or goes into exile for the altars, the minister should die or go into exile with him. If he die or go into exile for his seeking his own ends, who, excepting his private associates, would presume to bear the consequences with him? Moreover, when another man murders his ruler, how can I die with him? how can I go into exile with him? of what use would it be for me to return home?" When the gate was opened, he went into the house, pillowed the corpse upon his thigh, and wept. He then rose, gave three leaps up, and went out. People advised Ts'uy-tsze to put him to death, but he said, "The people look up to him. Let him alone, and it will conciliate them."
'Loo P'oo-kwei fled to Tsin, and Wang Ho fled to Keu. After Shuh-sun Seuen-pih (Shuhsun K'eaou-joo; see VIII. xvi. 13) took up his residence in Ts'e, Shuh-sun Seuen introduced his daughter to duke Ling, with whom she became a favourite, and she bore him a son, [who now became] duke King. On Ting-ch'ow, Ts'uy Ch'oo raised him to the State, and became his chief minister, K'ing Fung being minister of the Left. They made a covenant with the people of the State in the temple of T'ae-kung, which began, "If we do not adhere to Ts'uy and K'ing," when Gan-tsze looking up to heaven, sighed and broke in with, "If I do not adhere to those who are faithful to the ruler and seek the good of the altars, may God witness it!" With this he smeared his lips with the blood.
'On Sin-sze, the [new] duke and the great officers made a covenant with the viscount of Keu.
'The grand historiographer wrote [in his tablets]—"Ts'uy Ch'oo murdered his ruler;"— for which Ts'uy-tsze put him to death. Two of his brothers did the same after him, and were also put to death. A third wrote the same, and was let alone. The historiographer in the south, hearing that the grand historiographer and his brothers had died in this way, took his tablets and set out [for the court]; but learning on his way that the record was made, he returned.
'Leu-k'ew Ying wrapped up his wife in a curtain, put her into a carriage, and then got into it with Shin Seen-yu, and quitted the capital. Seen-yu pushed the lady out of the carriage, saying [to Ying], "You could not correct the ruler in his blindness, nor save him in his peril, nor die with him in his death, and yet you know how to conceal your wife here:—who will receive you ?" Coming to a narrow pass, they thought of resting in it, but Ying said, "Ts'uy and K'ing will be pursuing us!" The other replied, "Here it will be one to one. Who can frighten us?" They rested accordingly, and [Shin] slept with his head upon the reins. [In the morning], he fed their horses and then ate, himself yoked their carriage, and issued from the pass. When they had done so, he said to Ying, "Now urge on the horses to their speed. The multitudes of Ts'uy and K'ing could not [here] be withstood." In this way they came flying to Loo.
'Ts'uy-tsze placed the coffin of duke Chwang in the northern suburbs, and on Ting-hae he buried it in the village of Sze-sun. There were [only] 4 plumes to the carriage; travellers were not warned out of the way; and there were [but] seven inferior carriages in the procession, without any men at arms.'
The K'ang-he editors speak strongly against the conduct of Gan Ying, as described in the above Chuen, and condemn his principle that, when a ruler dies in pursuing his own selfish ends, only his parasites can be expected to die with him. They would have a blind, unreasoning loyalty override every other consideration of duty.
Par. 3. E-e;—see the 8th par. of last year. The object of this meeting was to arrange for the invasion of Ts'e; but it was prevented in the manner described in the Chuen:—'The marquis of Tsin crossed the P'wan, and assembled the States at E-e, [intending] to invade Ts'e, in retaliation for the campaign of Chaou-ko (See on xxiii. 8). The people of Ts'e, however, wished to please Tsin by [the death of] duke Chwang, and sent Seih Ts'oo to beg for peace. K'ing Fung [also] went to the army [of Tsin], with rows of men and women, and bribed the marquis with vessels from the ancestral temple and instruments of music. The six commanders [of Tsin's armies], with the five [civil] officers and the thirty leaders, the great officers of the three armies, the superintendents of the different departments, and the multitude of officers, and those who had remained at home in charge of the State, all received gifts. The marquis granted peace, and sent Shuh-heang to inform the princes that he had done so. The duke [of Loo] sent Tsze-fuh Hwuy-pih to reply, "That your lordship thus pardons the guilty, in order to give rest to our small States, is your kindness. I have heard your command."
[The Chuen appends here:—'The marquis of Tsin sent Wei Shoo and Yuen Muh to meet the marquis of Wei (Who was a refugee in Ts'e; see xiv. 4), intending to make Wei give him E-e. Ts'uy-tsze, however, detained the marquis's family, as a means of asking for Woo-luh [from Wei].']
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'Before this, the marquis of Ch'in had joined the viscount of Ts'oo in invading Ch'ing (Par. 9 of last year), when the army of Ch'in had closed up the wells and cut down the trees along the ways by which they passed. The people of Ch'ing resented this conduct; and [now], in the 6th month, Tszechen and Tsze-ch'an invaded Ch'in with a force of 700 chariots, dug through the wall [of the capital] in the night time, and entered it. The marquis of Ch'in fled with his eldest son, Yensze, to the tombs. Meeting with the minister of War, Hwan-tsze [on the way], he asked him to take them in his carriage, but he replied that he was inspecting the wall. [By-and-by], they met with Kea Hwoh, who was in a carriage with his mother and wife, but he put them down, and gave the carriage to the marquis. "You may leave your mother," said the marquis; but Hwoh declined doing so, saying that it would not be auspicious. He and his wife then supported his mother, fled to the tombs, and made their escape.
'Tsze-chen ordered the army not to enter the palace, and took post himself with Tszech'an to keep the gate of it. The marquis made the minister of War, Hwan-tsze, present to them the vessels of the ancestral temple, while he himself, in mourning, and carrying the tablet from the altar of the land, caused a multitude of the men and women in separate ranks, and bound, to wait with him in the court [for their victors]. Tsze-chen then was introduced to him, carrying a cord in his hand, bowed to him twice with his head to the ground, and went forward, holding a cup of spirits, which he presented to him. Tsze-mei (Tsze-ch'an) entered, declared the number of his prisoners, and went out. [The two commanders] then made the [principal] priest sprinkle the altar of the earth, restored to the minister of Instruction [his lists of] the people, to the minister of War his seal, and to the minister of Works [his charts of] the ground; and returned to Ch'ing.'
K'aou K'ang well remarks, that of all the 'entrances' into cities or States mentioned in the Ch'un Ts'ew, there is none where the hostilities were conducted so courteously as by Tszechen and Tsze-ch'an.
Par. 5. Too Yu observes that there must be an error in the month here, for the day ?? must have been the 12th of the 7th month. The covenanting States must be those in par. 3. Ch'ung-k'ew was in Ts'e, most probably in the dis. of Leaou-shing (??), dep. Tung-ch'ang. Tso-she says the covenant was made with reference to the peace which had been granted to Ts'e.
[The Chuen appends here:—'Chaou Wăn-tsze was [now] chief minister [of Tsin], and gave orders to make the offerings required from the States lighter, and to behave to them with greater courtesy. Muh-shuh had an interview with him, when he said, "Hostile movements may henceforth be had recourse to somewhat less." Ts'uy and K'ing of Ts'e have come [but] recently into the government of that State, and will wish to cultivate good relations with the rest of the States. I (Woo-?—was Chaou's name) know the chief minister of Ts'oo. If I behave with respectful courtesy to him, and set him the example of polite communications, in order to give repose to the States, hostile measures may be obviated."]
Par. 7. This was duke Heen (??, ?), who had been driven from Wei in Seang's 14th year. E-e had been the capital of Hing, and on the extinction of that State by Wei, in the 25th year of duke He, it had of course belonged to it. The purpose of the marquis of Tsin, mentioned in the Chuen appended to par. 3, was now carried out. The Ch'un Ts'ew at this point recognizes "two marquises" of Wei, the one in par. 5 being P'eaou (?), who had been raised to the State on the expulsion of K'an.
Par. 8. Shoo-kew; —see on VII. viii. 7. It was the last of the Shoo States, which Ts'oo allowed to maintain a half sort of independence. The extinction of it here is the sequel of the narrative in the Chuen on par. 9 of last year.—'Wei Tsze-p'ing of Ts'oo having died, K'euh — Keen became chief minister [in his room], with K'euh Tang as the Moh-gaou. The people of Shoo-kew in the end revolted, and the chief minister of Ts'oo, Tszemuh [K'euh Keen], proceeded to attack it. When he got to Le-shing, a body of men from Woo came to its assistance. Tsze-muh made a hurried march with the army of the right, and got before the rest of it to the city; but Tszekeang, Seih Hwan, Tsze-tseeh, Tsze-ping, and Tsze-yu, withdrew with the army of the left. The men of Woo thus occupied a position between the two bodies for seven days. Tszekeang said [to Tsze-muh], "Ere long it will be raining, and we shall be reduced to such a straitness of ground, that we must be made prisoners. Our best plan is to fight soon. Allow us with our troops here to make a feint, while you have your army drawn up in order to wait for the result. If we are successful, you will advance. If we have to fly, you will still see what is best to be done. In this way we can escape; otherwise, we are sure to fall prisoners to Woo." Tsze-muh agreed to the plan, and the five men with their soldiers made an onset upon the troops of Woo, which fled. Going up a hill to look, however, and seeing that the [main] army of Ts'oo was not supporting their pursuers, they turned and drove those before them, till they approached their army. Then the fugitives were joined by the rest of the army that had been prepared for the occasion, and the troops of Woo received a great defeat. The siege of Shoo-kew was then prosecuted, the people dispersed, and in the 8th month, Ts'oo extinguished the State.'
Par. 9. For ? Kung-yang has ?. The Chuen says:—'Tsze-ch'an of Ch'ing [went] to Tsin to report the victory [over Ch'in], and wore for the occasion his military attire. An officer (??; see below) asked what had been the offence of Ch'in, when Tsze-ch'an replied, "In former times, Oh-foo of Yu was chief potter to Chow, and with his art did service to our first king [Woo], who, in consequence of the profit which he derived from him in the supply of vessels, and his being the descendant of the spiritual and intelligent [Shun], gave his own eldest daughter, T'ae-ke, in marriage to [his son], duke Hoo, and invested him with Ch'in, thus completing the number of the 'three honoured States.' Thus the princes of Ch'in originated with our Chow, and to the present time their dependence has been on it. In the troubles which occurred [after the death of] duke Hwan (see on II. v. 1, 6; vi. 4). the people of Ts'ae wanted to raise to the State a prince of Ch'in whose mother was a daughter of Ts'ae, when our ruler duke Chwang placed Woo-foo in the marquisate. The people of Ts'ae killed him, and then we and they appointed and maintained duke Le. The succeeding dukes, Chwang and Seuen, both owed their dignity to us. In the troubles occasioned by the Hea family (see VII. x. 8; i. 5), duke Ch'ing was obliged to flee, but he owed his entrance [again] into his State to us, as [your] ruler knows.
'"Now Ch'in has forgotten its great obligations to Chow, and makes no account of our great kindness to it, and has cast away [all consideration of] the affinity between us. Relying on the multitudes of Ts'oo, it has behaved with a cruel insolence to our State, with a determination which could not have been anticipated. On this account we made last year the announcement to you on the subject (See the Chuen after par. 1); and before we had received your explicit commands, [Ch'in and Ts'oo had invaded us, and] attacked our east gate. The troops of Ch'in stopped up the wells and cut down the trees along the roads by which they marched. We were greatly afraid in the consciousness that we were not strong, and were ashamed of the disgrace thus done to T'ae-ke. But Heaven moved our breasts and put it into our hearts; and Ch'in was made to acknowledge its offence, and surrender itself to us. And now we presume to report to you our success."
'The officer of Tsin [further] asked why they encroached upon a small State. Tsze-ch'an replied, "It was the command of the former kings, that, wherever there was guilt, it should in every case be punished. And moreover, the domain of the son of Heaven was fixed at 1000 le square, and that of the States at 100 le, and less according to a scale. But your great State now contains several times the amount of the king's domain. If you did not encroach upon small States, how have you reached this extent of territory?"
'The officer asked once more "Why do you appear in martial attire?" Tsze-ch'an replied, "Our former rulers, Woo and Chwang, were high ministers of the kings P'ing and Hwan. After the battle of Shing-puh (In He's 28th year), [your] duke Wăn issued his orders that princes should all resume their old offices, and [specially] charged our duke Wăn in martial attire to help the king; and therein he reported [to the court] the victory over Ts'oo. [I am now in that attire], because I do not dare to neglect the king's command." Sze Chwang-pih was not able to ask any more questions, and reported what had passed to Chaou Wăn-tsze, who said, "His speeches are reasonable. To go against them would be inauspicious;" and accordingly he received Tsze-ch'an.
'In winter, in the 10th month, Tsze-chen attended the earl of Ch'ing to Tsin to acknowledge its acceptance of his service against Ch'in. Tsze-se again invaded Ch'in, when the two States made peace.
'Chung-ne said, "An ancient book says, 'Words are to give adequate expression to one's ideas; and composition, to give adequate power to the words.' Without words, who would know one's thoughts; without elegant composition of the words, they will not go far. Tsin was the leading State, and but for Tszech'an's well-composed speeches would not have acknowledged Ch'ing's entrance into Ch'in as good service. Tsze-ch'an took great pains with his speeches." '
The notice in the text of the invasion of Ch'in, after what is told in par. 4. is strange, and Maou ventures to say that this was not properly an invasion, but an expedition to make a covenant of peace.
[The Chuen gives here the following narrative about affairs in Ts'oo:—'Wei Yen was made [grand] marshal of Ts'oo, and Tsze-muh (The chief minister) commissioned him to regulate the levies [of the State], and make a schedule of its weapons and buff-coats. On Keah-woo, Wei Yen set about describing the [different] lands; measuring the forests; defining the meres; marking out the higher lands and the downs; distinguishing the poor and salt tracts; enumerating the boundaries of flooded districts; raising small banks on the plains between dykes; assigning the wet low grounds for pasturage; dividing the wide rich plains into tsinys (see Mencius, III.i.ch. III.13); determining the levies according to the in-come of each; assigning the [contribution of] carriages and of horses; and of footmen; with the number of buff-coats and shields. When he had completed his task, he delivered the result to Tsze-muh. All this was proper.']
Par. 10. For ? Kung and Kuh have ?. Ch'aou,—see VI.xii.4. The Chuen says:—'Choofan (The viscount of Woo,) now invaded Ts'oo in return for its naval expedition (xxiv. 3), and attacked the gate of Ch'aou. New Shin of that place said, "The king of Woo is daring and reckless. If we open the gate, he will attack it himself, and I shall have an opportunity to shoot him dead. Let him once die, and our boundaries will have a little rest." His advice was taken. The viscount attacked the gate, and New Shin shot him from behind a low wall, so that he died.'
This is the first occurrence in the text of ? as a verb signifying to attack a gate (? ? ? ? ?. The character has often occurred in the Chuen in this sense.
[We have now four narratives in the Chuen : —1st. 'The viscount of Ts'oo wanted to reward Tsze-muh on account of his extinction of Shookew, but that minister refused the reward, saying, "It was all the merit of our late great officer Wei-tsze. The reward was given [accordingly] to Wei Yen.'
2d. 'Ch'ing Ch'ing of Tsin died, and Tszech'an then learned for the first time [what] Jen-ming [had said about him] (See the Chuen at the end of last year). He therefore now consulted him about the practice of government, and Jen-ming replied, "The people should be looked on as one's children; and when a bad man is seen, he should be taken off as a hawk pursues a sparrow." Tsze-ch'an, full of joy, repeated his words to Tsze-t'ae-shuh, saying, "Formerly I had seen only Meeh's (Jen-ming's name) face, but now I see his heart." T'aeshuh then asked Tsze-ch'an about government, and got the reply, "Government is like the work of husbandry. You must think of it day and night, thinking of what is to be done first, and how the end is to be accomplished. Then labour at it morning and evening; but in what you do, do not go beyond what you have thought over;—just as the husbandmen keep within their dividing banks. In this way you will commit few errors." '
3d. 'Duke Heen of Wei opened a communication from E-e with Ning He, who agreed to his proposals (See the Chuen at the end of the 20th year). When T'ae-shuh Wăn-tsze heard of it, he said, "Ah! as it is said in the ode (She, II. v. ode III. 8),
'My person is rejected; Of what use is it to think of subsequent things? Ning-tsze may be said not to think of the future. Is what he is contemplating to be done? It cannot be done. The superior man, when he does anything, thinks of what will be the end of it, and whether it can be repeated. It is said in the Shoo, (V. xvii. 6), 'Be careful of the beginning and reverent of the end; then in the end you will have no distress.' The ode (She, III.iii.ode VI. 4) says,
'Never idle, day nor night, In the service of the one man.' Ning-tsze is now dealing with his ruler not so carefully as if he were playing at chess. How is it possible for him to escape disaster? If a chess-player lifts his man without a definite object, he will not conquer his opponent; how much more must this be the case when one would put a ruler down without a definite object! He is sure not to escape ruin. Alas that by one movement a family whose Heads have been ministers for 9 generations should be extinguished!"
4th. 'In the year of the meeting at E-e, (This belongs to the 24th year), the people of Ts'e walled Keah (for the king). In the 5th month, Ts'in and Tsin made a peace, Han-k'e of Tsin going to Ts'in to make a covenant, and Pih-keu of Ts'in going to Tsin to make one. The peace thus concluded, however, was not firmly knit.']
XXVI. Twenty-sixth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-sixth year, in spring, in the king's second month, on Sin-maou, Ning He of Wei murdered his ruler P'eaou.
2 Sun Lin-foo of Wei entered Ts'eih, and held it in revolt.
3 On Keah-woo, K'an, marquis of Wei, returned to his dignity in that State.
4 In summer, the marquis of Tsin sent Seun Woo to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
5 The duke had a meeting with an officer of Tsin, Leang Seaou of Ch'ing, an officer of Sung, and an officer of Ts'aou, in Shen-yuen.
6 In autumn, the duke of Sung put to death his heir-son Tso.
7 The people of Tsin seized and held prisoner Ning He of Wei.
8 In the eighth month, on Jin-woo, Ning, baron of Heu, died in Ts'oo.
9 In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo, the marquis of Ts'ae, and the marquis of Ch'in, invaded Ch'ing.
10 There was the burial of duke Ling of Heu.
[The Chuen introduces here the narrative of an occurrence in Tsin, which probably took place in the 1st month of this year:—"This spring, K'een, a younger brother of the earl of Ts'in, went to Tsin, to cultivate the good relations [into which the States had recently entered] (See the 4th narrative at the end of last year). Shuh-heang gave orders to call the internuncius Tsze-yun, when another, Tsze-choo, said, "I ought to go in [this time]." Thrice he said so, but Shuh-heang gave him no answer, on which he became angry, and said, "His order and rank are the same as mine. Why do you [thus] degrade me in the court?" He then with his hand on his sword followed Shuh-heang, who said to him, "Ts'in and Tsin have been in unfriendly relations for a long time. If to-day's affair be successfully concluded, it will be a matter of relief for the State. Should it not be so, the bones of our soldiers will lie on the field. Tsze-yun gives the words of the two States without any private admixture of his own, while you are continually changing them. Those who serve our ruler treacherously, I have power to keep back." And with this he shook his robe and followed him, till some parties came and separated them. Duke P'ing said, "Tsin cannot be far from being well governed! That about which my ministers quarrel is great." The music-master Kwang said, "I am afraid the duke's House will be reduced low. The ministers do not contend together with their minds, but quarrel with their strength; they do not make virtue their object, but strive to be [thought] excellent. When such selfish desires are rampant, can it escape being reduced low?" ']
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'Duke Heen of Wei wanted to send ["his brother] Tsze-seen [to the capital] on the subject of his restoration, but Tsze-seen declined the mission; and when [their mother], King Sze, tried to force him to go, he replied, "The ruler will not keep his word. I am afraid I shall not escape the consequences." She said, "It may be so, but go on my account;" and he then agreed to go. Before this, the duke had opened a communication with Ning He, who said, "Tsze-seen must come here. If he do not do so, the attempt is sure to be defeated." It was on this account that the duke [now] sent Tsze-seen, who, not having succeeded in getting a [contrary] command from King Sze, [went and] told Ning He the duke's message, "If I return, the government shall be in your hands, and the sacrifices in mine." Ning informed Keu Pih-yuh [of the negotiation], and that officer said, "I would not listen to the matter of the ruler's expulsion (See the Chuen on xiv. 4); dare I listen to his entrance again?" and he immediately went away, and left the State by the nearest gate upon the borders.
'Ning then told Kuh, the administrator of the Right, who said, "Do not. You [Nings] will have been criminals in the case of two rulers. Who under heaven will bear you?" But Taou-tsze (He) replied, "I received a charge [to do this] from my father (See the Chuen at the end of the 20th year), and I cannot swerve from it." Kuh then said, "Let me go [first] to E-e and see the duke." He accordingly did so, had an interview, and told He on his return, "The ruler has been long in sorrow abroad, even for 12 years; but there is no sadness in his looks, nor generosity in his speech. He is the same man that he was. If you do not abandon the enterprize, the day of your death is not distant." Taou-tsze urged, "There is Tsze-seen." "And what will be the advantage of Tsze-seen?" replied Kuh. "At the most he will have to go into exile;—what can he do for us?" Taou-tsze replied, "Notwithstanding that, I cannot abandon the thing."
'[At this time], Sun Wăn-tsze was in Ts'eih; and [his son] Sun Kea was on a friendly mission to Ts'e, leaving [only] Sun Seang in charge [at the capital]. In the 2d month, on Kăng-yin, Ning He and Kuh, administrator of the Right, made an unsuccessful attack on [the house of] the Suns, but wounded Pih-kwoh (Seang). Ning-tsze left the city and lodged [with his family] in the suburbs (To be ready for flight), but Pih-kwoh died [of his wound]; and while they were lamenting during the night in his house, the people called for Ning He, when he and Kuh again attacked it, and took it. On Sin-maou, [He] put to death Tsze-shuh (P'eaou; the marquis de facto), and his eldest son Keoh.
'The words of the text, "Ning He murdered his ruler P'eaou," show how the crime belonged to Ning He.'
Par. 2. Lin-foo was already in Ts'eih, and did not need to enter it. The par. must be read as a whole, without any stop at ?, the emphasis being on the concluding ? ?. According to Tso, Lin-foo now also transferred his allegiance to Tsin. He says:—'Sun Lin-foo [now] went [over] to Tsin with Ts'eih. The words of the text, "entered into Ts'eih to revolt" are condemnatory of his crime. The emolument of a minister (In this case derived from the revenues of Ts'eih) really belongs to the ruler. When righteous relations obtain between them, the minister comes forward and discharges his duties. When such relations do not obtain, he should retire with his single person. If he assert a right to his emolument in order to meet his necessities, he deserves death.'
Par. 3. ? ?,—see II. xv. 5, et al. The Chuen here is a continuation of the two preceding:—'On Keah-woo, the marquis of Wei entered the capital. The words, "returned to his dignity," intimate that it was the State which restored him (?). Of the great officers who met him at the borders, he took the hands, and spoke with them. To those who met him [afterwards] on the road, he bowed, [saluting them with his hands]. To those [who were waiting] at the gate, he only nodded. When he arrived, he sent to reprove T'ae-shuh Wăn-tsze, saying, "While I have been [thus] long in sorrow outside, one and another officer let me hear, morning and evening, what was passing in Wei. It was only you who were not for me. The ancients had a saying, 'Do not be angry where you ought not to be angry.' I have reason to be angry [with you]." Wăn-tsze replied, "I know my offences. In my incompetency I was not able to carry a halter and tether, and follow you to play the part of a herd and a groom;—this is my first offence. There were you who had left the State, and there was he who was in it; I was not able to play a double part, and keep up a communication between the outside and inside of the State;—this is my second offence. With these two offences, I dare not forget my duty to die." He was then leaving the State by the nearest barrier-gate, when the duke sent and stopped him.
[The Chuen appends here two narratives:— 1st. 'The people of Wei made an incursion into the eastern borders of Ts'eih, when Sun Lin-foo complained of them to Tsin, which sent a garrison to Maou-she. Chih Ch'oh (He had fled from Ts'e to Wei) attacked the place, and killed 300 of the garrison. Sun Kwae pursued him, but did not dare to attack him, on which [his father] Wăn-tsze said to him, "You are not equal to that devil." In consequence of this [Kwae] resumed the pursuit, and defeated the enemy at Yu, Yung Ts'oo capturing Chih Ch'oh. [Sun tsze] again sent a complaint to Tsin.'
2d. 'The earl of Ch'ing was rewarding the good service done in entering the capital of Ch'in, and in the third month, on Keah-yin. he feasted Tsze-chen, and gave him a first [-class] carriage, and the robes of a minister of three degrees, along with 8 cities. He [also] gave Tsze-ch'an a second [-class] carriage, and the robes of a minister of two degrees, along with 6 towns. Tsze-ch'an declined the towns, saying, "The rule is that from the highest rank downwards the amount of gifts conferred should diminish by two each rank; and my place is only the 4th. The merit, moreover, belonged to Tsze-chen. I dare not assume that I ought to be rewarded. Allow me to decline the towns." The earl, however, pressed them upon him, and he accepted three. Kung-sun Hwuy said, "Tszech'an will yet administer the government [of Ch'ing]; while declining [the earls's favours], he did not fail in courtesy].
Par. 4. Seun Woo was a son of Seun Yen, and appears as the Chung-hang Muh-tsze (? ? ? ?). The Chuen says:—'The people of Tsin, in consequence of [the complaints of] Sun Lin-foo, called out the States, intending to punish Wei. This summer, Chunghang Muh-tsze came to Loo on a friendly mission, and called the duke [to the meeting].
[We have here the following narrative with reference to Ch'ing:—'The viscount of Ts'oo, and an officer of Ts'in, made an incursion into Woo, as far as Yu-low; but hearing that Woo was prepared for them, they returned, and proceeded to make an incursion into Ch'ing. In the 5th month they arrived at Shing-keun, the garrison of which was commanded by Hwang Keeh, who went out and fought with the army of Ts'oo. He was defeated, and taken prisoner, by Ch'uen-fung Seuh, with whom, however, king [Kung's] son Wei disputed the right of his possession. They referred their claims to Pih Chow-le, who said. "Let us ask the prisoner." Accordingly he set Hwang Keeh [before them], and said to him, "These disputants are both men of high degree; you must know which of them [is in the right]." Then holding up his hand, he said, "That gentleman is Wei, a son of our king [Kung], and the honourable brother of our ruler." Holding it down, he said, " This gentlemman is Ch'uen-fung Seuh, director of the district outside our wall of defence. Which of them took you?" The prisoner said, "It was when I met with the king's son that I became weak." Seuh was enraged at this, took his spear, and pursued Wei, but could not overtake him. The people of Ts'oo then took Hwang Keeh back with them. They had also made prisoner Yin Kin-foo, who had been associated with Hwang-keeh in guarding of the city, and him they presented to Ts'in.
'The people of Ch'ing received property from Yin's family, with which to ask that he might be restored to them; and Tsze-t'ae-shuh who had the superintendence of the government-manifestoes, agreed to make application for them [to Ts'in]. Tsze-ch'an said to him, "You will not get him. [Ts'in] received him as a trophy of Ts'oo, and if it should take property for him from Ch'ing, it would not deserve to be called a State. It will not do so. If you say, We acknowledge your lordship's diligent service for the State of Ch'ing. If it had not been for your lordship's kindness, the army of Ts'oo would still have been at the foot of the wall of our capital;—that will succeed.' " The other did not take his counsel, and a messenger proceeded to Ts'in, but there they would not give up [their prisoner]. Tsze-t'ae-shuh then changed the money into offerings of silk, took the counsel of Tsze-ch'an, and obtained [Kin-foo's release].'
Par. 5. Shen-yuen,-see xx. 2. The Chuen says:—'In the 6th month, the duke had a meeting with Chaou Woo of Tsin, Heang Seuh of Sung, Leang Seaou of Ch'ing, and an officer of Ts'aou, in Shen-yuen,—to [arrange for] the punishment of Wei. They defined the boundaries of the lands of Ts'eih, and took 60 [towns] belonging to E-she in the western borders of Wei, and gave them to the Sun. Chaou Woo is not mentioned in the text,—out of honour to the duke (?); nor is Heang Seuh,—because he arrived late. [The representative of Ch'ing] arrived before that of Sung, and so has a place before him in the list.
'At this meeting the marquis of Wei [also] made his appearance, [but he was not admitted to it]. The people of Tsin seized Ning He and Pih-kung E, and sent Joo Ts'e back with them to [Tsin], before doing anything else about them. The marquis of Wei then went to Tsin, where he was seized, and given in charge to Sze Joh as a prisoner. In autumn, in the 7th month, the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing went to Tsin in the interest of the marquis of Wei. The marquis entertained them at the same time, and sang the Kea loh (She, III. ii. ode V.). Kwoh King-tsze was in attendance on the marquis of Ts'e, and sang the Luh seaou (She, II. ii. ode IX.). Tsze-chen was in attendance on the earl of Ch'ing, and sang the Tsze-e (She, I. vii. ode I.). Shuh-heang instructed the marquis to acknowledge [the compliment paid by] the two princes, and then said, "My ruler ventures to thank the ruler of Ts'e for the rest which he secures to the ancestral tablets of our former princes. He ventures also to thank the ruler of Ch'ing for his unswerving adherence."
'Kwoh-tsze made Gan P'ing-chung say privately to Shuh-heang, "The ruler of Tsin displays his brilliant virtue to the States, compassionating their distresses, repairing their defects, correcting their errors, and relieving their troubles. In this way he is the lord of covenants; but how is it that he has now in the behalf of a subject seized the ruler?" Shuh-heang told this to Chaou Wăn-tsze, who reported it to the marquis. The marquis explained to him the offence of the marquis of Wei (The slaughter of the garrison of Maou-she; see the first narrative appended to par. 3), and made Shuh-heang inform the two princes of it. Kwoh-tsze on this sang the Pe che jow (A lost ode), and Tsze-chen sang the Tseang Chung-tsze he (She, I. vii. ode II.). After this the marquis granted the return of the marquis of Wei. Shuh-heang said, "Of the [descendants of the] seven sons of duke Muh of Ch'ing, the Han will be the last to perish. Tszechen is moderate and single-hearted."'
Par. 6. Kuh-leang has ? for ?. The Chuen says:—'Before this, Juy, minister of Instruction in Sung, had a daughter born to him, who was so red and hairy, that he made her be thrown away under a bank. A concubine belonging to the harem of Kung Ke (The duke of Sung's mother) found her, and took her to the palace, where she was named K'e (Castaway). As she grew up, she became beautiful; and one evening, when duke P'ing paid the customary visit to his mother, and was detained by her to supper, he saw the young lady, and looked at her intently. His mother in consequence introduced her to his bed. She became a favourite with him, and bore a son called Tso (?; not the Tso in the text), who was ugly but winning. [The duke's] eldest son, Tso, was beautiful, but quarrelsome. [Heang Seuh) of Hoh, the master of the Left, was afraid of him, and hated him. The head of the eunuchs, Hwuy-ts'eang E-le, was his master in the palace, but had no favour with him.
'This autumn, a visitor from Ts'oo, who was going on a friendly mission to Tsin, passed by [the capital of] Sung, and as the prince knew him, he asked leave to go out and give him an entertainment in the country. The duke commissioned him to go, when E-le asked leave to follow him. "Does he not hate you?" asked the duke. The eunuch replied, "When a small man like me serves a superior man like him, though hated, he does not presume to keep far from him, and though loved he does not presume to keep too near him. I will respectfully wait for his commands;—dare I have a double mind? There may be people to supply his outer wants, but there are none to supply his inner. Please allow me to go." The duke sent him after the prince. But when he arrived at the place, he took the blood of an animal as if for a covenant, placed a writing [on the vessel containing it], to attest what he meant to say, and then hurried away and told the duke that the prince was going to raise an insurrection, and had made a covenant with the visitor from Ts'oo. "He is my [eldest] son," said the duke; "what more does he want?" "He wishes your speedy [death]," was the reply. The duke sent to see [the place], and certainly there was [the pre-arranged evidence]. He then asked his wife, and the master of the Left, who both declared that they had heard of the thing. On this he imprisoned the prince, who said, "None but Tso can get me off." He called his brother, and sent him to intercede for him, saying, "If you do not come by midday, I shall know that I must die." The master of the Left heard of the arrangement, and kept up a [ceaseless] talk with the brother, till it was past time, and the prince strangled himself, after which his brother was declared successor to his father. By-andby the duke ascertained that the prince had not been guilty, and boiled E-le.
'[One day], the master of the Left saw a man exercising the horses of [the duke's] lady, and asked him [whose they were]. "They belong," said the man, "to the duchess." "Who is the duchess?" asked the other; "how is it that I do not know?" The groom went home and told the lady, who thereupon sent to the master a piece of jade, followed by some embroidered silk, and a horse. The messenger said, "The ruler's concubine K'e has sent me to present these things." The master of the Left made him say "The duchess" instead, then bowed twice with his head to the ground, and received the gifts.'
Par. 7. The seizure was made at the meeting in Shen-yuen; but Too Yu supposes that the announcement of it to the States was not made till after the return of the officers of Tsin from that place, and hence it is entered here as taking place in the autumn. From the account which we have of the death of He in Wei in the next year, we must suppose that Tsin released him when it released the marquis of that State, of the seizure of whom the text makes no mention.
[The Chuen appends here two narratives:— 1st. 'When the earl of Ch'ing returned from Tsin, he sent Tsze-se to that State on a mission of friendly inquiries, and to make the following speech:—"My ruler came and troubled your ministers, so that he is afraid he must have incurred the charge of offending you, and has sent me to apologize for his want of intelligence,' The superior man will say that he knew well how to serve a great State.'
2d. 'Before this, Woo Ts'an of Ts'oo and Tsze-chaou, the grand-master of Ts'ae, were friends, and Ts'an's son Woo Keu was [also] attached to [Tsze-chaou's son], Shing-tsze. Woo Keu married [? a daughter of] king [Kung's son, Mow, who was duke of Shin, and obliged to flee from the State. The people of Ts'oo said that he had been escorted away by Woo Keu, who then fled to Ch'ing, intending to continue his flight from thence to Tsin. Shingtsze was going at the time on a mission to Tsin, and met him in the suburbs of Ch'ing. They spread some king branches on the ground, ate together, and talked about [whether Keu could] return [to Ts'oo]. Shing-tsze said, "Go your way now. I will be sure to procure your return."
'When Heang Seuh of Sung was trying to reconcile Tsin and Ts'oo, Shing-tsze was sent to communicate with Tsin; and on his return, he went to Ts'oo. The chief minister, Tszemuh, talked with him, and asked about things in Tsin. He asked him also whether the great officers of Tsin or those of Ts'oo were the superior. "The high ministers of Tsin," replied Shing-tsze, "are not equal to those of Ts'oo, but the great officers are superior. Every one of them has the abilities of a minister. And like the wood of the ke and the tsze, like skins and leather, they go from Ts'oo. The materials are Ts'oo's, but the using of them is Tsin's." "And is Tsin alone," asked the minister, "without its clans [connected with its ruling House], and its families in the relation of affinity?" "It has these," the other replied, "but it makes much use of the materials supplied to it by Ts'oo. I (His name was Kwei-săng, ? ?) have heard this, that the skilful administration of a State is seen in rewarding without error and punishing without excess. If rewards be conferred beyond what is proper, there is a danger of some reaching bad men; and if punishments be inflicted in excess, there is a danger of some reaching good men. If unfortunately mistakes cannot be avoided, it is better to err in the matter of rewards than of punishments. It is better that a bad man get an advantage than that a good man be lost. If there be not good men, the State will follow them [to ruin]. The words of the ode (She, III. iii. ode X. 5),
'Men there are not, And the kingdom is sure to go to ruin,' are descriptive of the consequences of there being no good men. And so in one of the Books of Hea it is said, 'Rather than put to death an innocent person, you run the risk of irregularity;' indicating the fear that should be entertained of losing the good. In the sacrificial odes of Hea (She, IV. iii. V. 4) it is said,
'He erred not in rewarding or punishing; He dared not to be idle. So was his appointment established over the States, And his happiness was made grandly secure.' '"It was thus that T'ang obtained the blessing of Heaven. The ancient rulers of the people encouraged themselves in rewarding, and stood in awe of punishing, and their compassion for the people was untiring. They rewarded in spring and summer; they punished in autumn and winter. Thus it was that when they were going to reward, they increased the number of their dishes, and in doing so they gave abundantly [to their ministers]:—showing us by this how they rejoiced in rewarding. But when they were going to punish, they would not take a full meal, and at the same time silenced their music:— showing us by this how they shrank from punishing. Early they rose and went to sleep late; morning and evening they were occupied with the government:—showing us how anxious they were for [the welfare of the people. These three things are the great points of propriety [in a government]; and where there is such propriety, there will be no such thing as overthrow.
'"Now in Ts'oo there are many wrongful punishments, through which its great officers fly from it, and die everywhere in the other States, to which they become counsellors to the injury of Ts'oo; and this error cannot be cured:—this is what I mean by saying that [Ts'oo] cannot use its materials. In the insurrection raised by Tsze-e (See the Chuen after V. xiv. 7), the duke of Seih fled to Tsin, the people of which placed him in the rear of their chariots, and employed him to direct their counsels. In the campaign of Jaou-koh (See the Chuen on VIII. vi. 11), Tsin was going to retreat, when he said, 'The army of Ts'oo is excitable, and may be easily dispersed. If you beat many drums all at once, and attack it by night, it will be sure to retire.' The commanders of Tsin took his advice, and the army of Ts'oo dispersed in the night. [The army of] Tsin in consequence made an incursion into Ts'ae, surprised Shin, and took its ruler captive (See the Chuen on VIII. viii. 2), defeated the armies of Shin and Seih at Sang-suy, captured Shin Le, and returned to its own State. On this Ch'ing no [longer] ventured to turn its face to the south, and Ts'oo lost [its influence with] the States [of the north]:—all was the doing of the duke of Seih.
'"The uncle and brother of Yung-tsze slandered him, and your ruler and the great officers did not accept his explanations. On this he fled to Tsin, where they gave him [the city of] Ch'uh, and employed him to direct their counsels. In the campaign of P'ăng-shing (See VIII. xviii. 5), Ts'oo and Tsin met in the valley of Mei-keoh; and the army of Tsin was about to fly, when Yung-tsze sent orders through it, saying, 'Let the old and the young return home. Send back single sons and the sick. Where there are two soldiers of one family, let one of them return. Select your weapons, and examine your carriages. Feed your horses, and take a good meal. When the army has been marshalled, burn your resting places. To-morrow we shall fight.' [Immediately after], they sent off those who were to return, and let loose their Ts'oo prisoners. [In consequence], the army of Ts'oo disappeared in the night; Tsin obliged P'ăng-shing to surrender and restored it to Sung; and carried Yu Shih, back with its army to Tsin. That Ts'oo lost the E States of the east, and the death of Tsze-sin (See v. 6), were both the doing of Yung-tsze.
'"Tsze-fan had a contention with Tsze-ling about Hea Ke (See the 1st narrative in the Chuen after VIII. ii. 6), and injuriously defeated his intentions, so that Tsze-ling fled to Tsin, where they gave him [the city of] Hing, and employed him to direct their counsels. He made head for them against the Teih of the north, brought about a communication between Woo and Tsin, and made Woo revolt from Ts'oo. He taught its people how to use carriages, to shoot, to drive, to make headlong charges, and to make incursions. He placed his son Hoo Yung in Woo to direct its communications with other States. Woo then invaded Ch'aou, took Kea, subdued Keih, and took Chow-lae. Ts'oo was wearied with flying about at the instance of the various States, and still suffers the distress of it;—all through the doing of Tsze-ling.
'"In the insurrection of the Joh-gaou (See the Chuen at the end of VII. iv.) Fun-hwang, the son of Pih-fun fled to Tsin, where they gave him Meaou, and employed him to direct their counsels. In the campaign of Yen-ling (VIII. xvi, 6), Ts'oo came close up in battle array to the army of Tsin, which was about to flee. Then Fun-hwang of Meaou said, 'The best troops of Ts'oo are in their centre army, which contains only the royal clans. If we close up the wells, and level the cooking places, we can marshal our host to meet the enemy. Let Lwan and Fan change their ranks in order to deceive them, and then Chung-hang, with the two Keoh, will be sure to vanquish the two Muh. Collecting then on every side of them, and attacking the royal clans, we shall give them a great defeat.' The people of Tsin followed his counsel, and the army of Ts'oo was severely defeated. The king was wounded, and the army suffered as from a conflagration. Tsze-fan died in consequence of the defeat (See VIII. xvi. 7). Ch'ing revolted, Woo put itself in motion, and Ts'oo lost all the States;—through the doing of Meaou Fun-hwang." "This is all correct," said Tsze-muh. "And there is now something worse than this," rejoined Shingtsze, "Tseaou Keu (? Keu of Tseaou) married a daughter of Tsze-mow, duke of Shin; and when Tsze-mow was driven into exile for some offence, the great officers of your ruler said that Keu had sent him away. Keu became frightened and fled to Ch'ing, but kept looking with outstretched neck to the south, thinking that perhaps he might be forgiven. But you have not given him a thought, and now he is in Tsin. There they mean to give him a district, considering that he is equal to Shuh-heang. If he give them counsel to the injury of Ts'oo, will it not be a matter of sorrow?" Tsze-muh was afraid, and spoke on the subject to the king, who increased Keu's revenue and rank, and brought him back, Shing-tsze sending Tseaou Ming to meet him.']
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ling of Heu went to Ts'oo, and begged that it would invade Ch'ing, saying that he would not return [to Heu] till the army was in motion; and in the 8th month, he died in Ts'oo.' Heu's wish that Ch'ing should be invaded, dates from the invasion of Heu in xvi. 7.
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo said, "If I do not invade Ch'ing, on what ground can I seek [the submission of] the States?" [Accordingly], in winter, in the 10th month, he invaded that State. The people of Ch'ing wished to resist him, but Tsze-ch'an said, "Tsin and Ts'oo are about to become friends, and the States will be in harmony. The king of Ts'oo has blindly erred therefore in this attack on us. Our best plan is to let him have his way and return. Things will then be easily settled. As to those small men whose nature it is to be moved to deeds of daring, and to like times of confusion, thereby gratifying their nature and seeking for fame, [their schemes] will not be for the advantage of the State;—why should we follow them?" Tsze-chen was pleased, and did not resist the enemy. In the 12th month, on Yih-yew, [the troops of Ts'oo] entered Nan-le, and threw down the wall of it. They then crossed at [the ford of] Yoh-she, and attacked the gate Szeche-leang, when nine men were captured by letting the port-cullis down. They [finally] crossed the Fan, and returned to Ts'oo, after which [the viscount] buried duke Ling of Heu.'
Par. 10. [We have here three narratives:— 1st. 'The people of Wei presented a daughter of their house to [the marquis of] Tsin, on which he liberated the marquis of Wei. The superior man knows from this what a failure the government of duke P'ing was.'
2d. 'Han Seuen-tsze went on a friendly mission to Chow. The king sent to ask his business, when he said, "A [humble] officer of Tsin, I wish to present the dues of the season to the subordinates of the prime minister. I have no other business." When the king heard his reply, he said, 'This Han will flourish and be great in Tsin. In his speeches he does not fail to observe the old rules."'
3d. 'In the summer of the year that the people of Ts'e walled Keah (In the 24th year), Woo Yu of Ts'e fled to Tsin, making over to it [the city of] Lin-k'ew. [Afterwards], he surprised Yangkeoh of Wei, and took it, and then took by surprise our Kaou-yu. There was then a great rain, and he managed to enter by the drains, plundered the military store, mounted the wall, his men having armed themselves from the store, conquered and took the city. He also took a city from Sung. At this time Fan Seuen-tsze was dead, and the States were not able to deal [with this marauder]; but when the government came into the hands of Chaou Wăn-tsze, he was dealt with at last. Wăn-tsze said to the marquis, "Tsin is lord of covenants. If any of the States encroach on one another, we punish them, and make them restore the lands they have taken. Now all the cities of Woo Yu are of the kind for which punishment should in this way be inflicted. If we covet them, we are not fit to be lords of covenants. Let them be returned." The duke agreed and said, "Who is proper to be sent on such a mission?" Wăn-tsze said, 'Seu Leangtae can execute it without any military force." The duke sent him on the duty.']
XXVII. Twenty-seventh year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-seventh year, in spring, the marquis of Ts'e sent K'ing Fung to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
2 In summer, Shuh-sun P'aou had a meeting with Chaou Woo of Tsin, K'euh Keen of Ts'oo, Kung-sun Kweisăng of Ts'ae, Shih Goh of Wei, K'ung Hwan of Ch'in, Leang Seaou of Ch'ing, an officer of Heu, and an officer of Ts'aou, in Sung.
3 Wei put to death its great officer Ning He.
4 Chuen, younger brother of the marquis of Wei, left the State, and fled to Tsin.
5 In autumn, in the seventh month, on Sin-sze, P'aou and the great officers of the States made a covenant in Sung.
6 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Yih-hae, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
[There follows here the conclusion of the narrative at the end of last year:—'This spring, Seu Leang-tae called all who had lost cities to come, prepared secretly with chariots and men, to receive their lands; he also called Woo Yu to come, prepared in the same way to receive investiture. Yu appeared accordingly with all his people, and Seu made the princes assume an appearance as if they were going to invest him [with the cities]. He then took the opportunity to seize Yu, and make prisoners of all his followers, after which he took all the cities, and returned them to their owners. This event made the States all well-affected to Tsin].'
Par. 1. The object of this visit was to introduce, as it were, the new marquis of Ts'e to Loo. The Chuen says:—'K'ing Fung of Ts'e came to Loo on a friendly mission. His carriage was handsome, and Măng-sun said to Shuh-sun, "Is not K'ing Ke's carriage handsome?" Shuh-sun replied, "I have heard that when a man's robes are finer than befits him, he will come to an evil end. What is the use of the fine carriage?" Shuh-sun gave the envoy an entertainment, at which he did not behave himself respectfully. The host sang with reference to him the Seang shoo, (She, I. iv. ode VIII.), but K'ing Fung did not understand his meaning.'
Parr. 2,5. Here and afterwards, for ? ?, Kung has ? ?. By 'Sung' we are to understand here the capital of that State. The Chuen says:—'Heang Seuh of Sung was on good terms with Chaou Wăn-tsze [of Tsin], and also with Tsze-muh, the chief minister [of Ts'oo]. Wishing to stop the [constant] wars of the States, and thereby get a name, he went to Tsin, and told his object to Chaou-măng (Chaou Woo, or Wăn-tsze), who consulted with the great officers upon it. Han Seuen-tsze said, "War is destructive to the people, an insect that eats up the resources [of a State], and the greatest calamity of the small States. If any one try to put an end to it, though we may think it cannot be done, we must sanction his proposal. If we do not, Ts'oo will do so, and proceed to call the States together, so that we shall lose the presidency of covenants." They then agreed in Tsin [to Seuh's proposals]. He next went to Ts'oo, where they also did the same.
He went to Ts'e, and there they were raising difficulties; but Ch'in Wăn-tsze said, "Since Tsin and Ts'oo have agreed, how can we decline? And men will say that we refused to sanction the stoppage of wars, which will certainly make our people disaffected. Of what use will it be for us to decline?" So they agreed in Ts'e. He sent word [of his plan] to Tsin which also agreed. He then sent word to all the smaller States, and arranged for a meeting at [the capital of] Sung.
'In the 5th month, on Keah-shin, Chaou Woo of Tsin arrived at that city, and on Ping-woo, Leang Seaou of Ch'ing arrived. In the 6th month, on Ting-we, the 1st day of the moon, they feasted Chaou Wăn-tsze in Sung, with Shuh-heang as subordinate to him, when the marshal caused the dishes to be set forth with the meat in pieces upon them;—which was proper. Chung-ne made [? me introduce here] this ceremony, because it afforded opportunity for many speeches. On Maou-shin, Shuh-sun P'aou, K'ing Fung of Ts'e, Seu Woo of Ch'in, and Shih Goh of Wei arrived. On Keah-yin, Seun Ying of Tsin arrived, subsequent to the arrival of Chaou Woo. On Ping-shin, duke Ch'oh of Choo arrived. On Jin-seuh, the Kungtsze Hih-kwăng of Ts'oo arrived before [the prime minister], and settled the words [of the covenant] on the part of Tsin. On Tingmaou, Heang Seuh went to Ch'in, following Tsze-muh, to settle the words on the part of Ts'oo. Tsze-muh said to him that he had to request that the States which followed Tsin and Ts'oo respectively should be required—those of the one side to appear at the court of the other. On Kăng-woo, Heang Seuh returned to report this to Chaou-măng, who said, "Tsin, Ts'oo, Ts'e, and Ts'in are equals; Tsin can do nothing more with Ts'e than Ts'oo can do with Ts'in. If Ts'oo can make the ruler of Ts'in condescend to come to our capital, our ruler will earnestly request [the ruler of] Ts'e to go to Ts'oo." On Jin-shin, the master of the Left (Heang Seuh) went to report this answer to Tsze-muh, who despatched a courier to lay it before the king [of Ts'oo]. The king said, "Leave Ts'e and Ts'in out, and let the other States be required to appear at both our courts.
'In autumn, in the 7th month, on Maou-yin, the master of the Left arrived [from Ch'in]; and that night, Chaou-măng and Tsze-seih (The Kung-tsze Hih-kwang) made a covenant about the terms to be adopted. On Kăng-shin, Tszemuh arrived from Ch'in, and at the same time K'ung Hwan of Ch'in and Kung-sun Kwei-săng of Ts'ae. When the great officers of Ts'aou and Heu were also arrived, they made an encampment with fences, Tsin and Ts'oo each occupying one side of it. Pih Suh said to Chaou-măng, "The spirit of Ts'oo is very bad. I fear there will be trouble;" but Chaou-măng replied, "We are on the left, and can turn and go into the city. What can they do to us?"'
On Sin-sze they were about to covenant outside the western gate, when the men of Ts'oo wore their armour under their outer clothes. Pih Chow-le said [to Tsze-muh], "The multitude of the States are assembled here, and is it not undesirable [now] to show them our want of good faith? The States expect good faith from Ts'oo, and on that account they come to [indicate] their submission to it. If we do not keep faith, we are throwing away that by which we must effect the submission of the States." He then earnestly begged that the armour might be put off; but Tsze-muh said, "There has been no good faith between Tsin and Ts'oo for long. We have to do merely with getting the advantage. If we get our will, what is the use of having good faith?" The grand-administrator on this retired, and told [some people] that the chief minister would die in less than 3 years. "When he is seeking to get his will," he said "and casts away his faith, how can his will be got in that way? It is from the purpose in the mind that words come forth; it is by words that good faith is declared; and it is by good faith that the purpose in the mind is realized. The three are necessary in order to the stability of man. Having lost his good faith, how can he continue for three [years]?" Chaou-măng was troubled by the men of Ts'oo wearing their armour, and told Shuh-heang of it, who said to him, "What harm can it do? It will not do for even an ordinary man to violate his faith;—the end of it is sure to be his death. If they, at this meeting of the ministers of the States, commit a breach of faith, they will not be successful by it. He who is false to his word is sure to suffer for it. You need not be troubled about this. If they call men together by [assurances of] their good faith, and go on to accomplish their purpose by violating it, there will be none who will adhere to them. How can they injure us? And moreover, we have [the capital of] Sung to depend on, to guard against any injury. Thus we should be able to resist to the death, and with Sung doing the same, we should be twice as strong as Ts'oo;—what are you afraid of ? But it will not come to this. Having called the States together to put a stop to war, if they should commence hostilities to injure us, our advantage would be great. There is no ground for being troubled."
'Ke Woo-tsze sent to say to Shuh-sun, [as if] by the duke's command, that Loo should be considered in the same rank as Choo and T'ăng. But Ts'e had requested [that] Choo [should be considered as attached to it], and Sung had done the same in regard to T'ăng, so that neither of these States took part in the covenant. Shuhsun replied, "Choo and T'ăng are like the private possessions of other States. We are a State among them. Why should we be put on the same footing as those? Sung and Wei are [only] our peers." And accordingly he covenanted. On this account the text [of par. 5] does not give his clan-name, intimating that he had disobeyed orders.
'Tsin and Ts'oo disputed about the precedence [at the covenant]. On the side of Tsin they said, "Tsin certainly is the lord of covenants. No State has has ever taken precedence of it." On the side of Ts'oo they said, "You have allowed that Tsin and Ts'oo are peers. If Tsin always take the precedence, that is a declaration that Ts'oo is weaker than it. And moreover, Tsin and Ts'oo have presided in turns over the covenants of the States for long. How does such presidency belong exclusively to Tsin?" Shuh-heang said to Chaou-măng, "The States acknowledge Tsin because of the virtue [of its government], and not because it presides over their covenants. Let that virtue be your chief concern, and do not quarrel for the point of precedence. Moreover, at the covenants of the States, it is understood that the smaller States should superintend the instruments of the covenanting. If Ts'oo will act this smaller part for Tsin, is it not proper that it should do so?" Accordingly the precedence was given to Ts'oo. The text, however, mentions Tsin first, because of its good faith (?).
'On Jin-woo, the duke of Sung entertained the great officers of Tsin and Ts'oo at the same time, Chaou-măng being the [chief] guest. When Tsze-muh conversed with him, he was not able to reply to him [suitably], on which he made Shuh-heang sit by him and maintain the conversation, when Tsze-muh could not reply [suitably]. On Yih-yew, the duke of Sung and the great officers of the States covenanted outside the Mung gate. Tsze-muh asked Chaoumăng of what kind had been the virtue of Fan Woo-tsze (Sze Hwuy), and was answered 'The affairs of his family were all well-regulated; in conversing [with his ruler] about the State, he concealed nothing; his officers of prayers set forth the truth before the Spirits, and used no speeches he could be ashamed of." When Tszemuh returned to Ts'oo, he told this to the king, who said, "This was admirable! He was able to find favour both with Spirits and men. Right was it he should distinguish and aid five rulers of Tsin, and make them the lords of covenants." Tsze-muh also said to the king. "Well-deserved is the presidency of Tsin. With Shuh-heang to aid its ministers, Ts'oo has no man to match him. We cannot contend with it." Seun Yin of Tsin shortly went to Ts'oo to ratify the covenant.
'The earl of Ch'ing entertained Chaou-măng [returning from Sung] in Chuy-lung. Tsze-chen, Pih-yew, Tsze-se, Tsze-ch'an, Tsze-t'ae-shuh, and the two Tsze-shih, were all in attendance on the earl. Chaou-măng said to them, "You seven gentlemen are all here with the earl, a [great] distinction and favour to me. Let me ask you all to sing, which will complete your ruler's beneficence, and likewise will show me your several minds. Tsze-chen then sang the Ts'aou ch'ung (She, I. ii. ode III.), and Chaoumăng said, "Good for a lord of the people, but I am not sufficient to answer to it." Pih-yew sang the Shun che pun pun (She, I. iv. ode V.), and Chaou-măng said, "Words of the couch should not go across the threshold; how much less should they be heard in the open country! This is what I cannot listen to." Tse-se sang the 4th stanza of the Shoo meaou (She, II. iii. ode III.), and Chaou-măng said, "There is my ruler; how can I [accept this]?" Tsze-ch'an sang the Sih sang (She. II. viii. ode IV.); and Chaou-măng said, "Allow me to accept the last stanza of that ode." Tsze-t'ae-shuh sang the Yay yew man ts'aou (She. I. vii. ode XX.); and Chaou-măng said, "This is your kindness." Yin Twan (The 1st Tsze-shih) sang the Sih tsuh (She, I. x. ode I.); and Chaou-măng said, "Good! a lord who preserves his family! I have hope [of being such]." Kung-sun Twan (the 2d Tsze-shih) sang the Sang hoo (She, II. vii. ode I.); and Chaou-măng said,
'While the cup passes round, they show no pride; Where should blessing and revenue go but to them?' If one can verify those words, though he should wish to decline blessing and revenue, would it be possible for him to do so?"
When the entertainment was ended, Wăntsze (Chaou-măng) said to Shuh-heang, 'Pihyew will yet be put to death. We use poetry to express what is in our minds. He was calumniating his ruler in his mind; and though the earl would resent [the lines which indicated] that, he used them in honour of their guest. Can he continue long? He will be fortunate if exile precede his death." Snuh-heang said, "Yes; and he is extravagant. The saying about not lasting five harvests is applicable to him." Wăn-tsze added, "The rest of them will all continue for several generations; and the family of Tsze-chen will be the last to perish. Though his rank be high, he has not forgotten to be humble. Yin [Twan] is next to him. He can enjoy himself without wild indulgence. Using [his love of] pleasure to give rest to the people, and not exacting services from them to an excessive degree, is it not right he should long perpetuate his family?"
'[Heang Seuh], Sung's master of the Left, asked that he might be rewarded, saying, "Please grant me some towns for arresting the occasion of death." The duke gave him sixty towns, and he showed the grant to Tsze-han, who said to him, "It is by their arms that Tsin and Ts'oo keep the small States in awe. Standing in awe, the high and low in them are loving and harmonious; and through this love and harmony they can keep their States in quiet, and thereby serve the great States. In this is the way of preservation. If they were not kept in awe, they would become haughty. That haughtiness would produce disorder; that disorder would lead to their extinction. This is the way of ruin. Heaven has produced the five elements which supply men's requirements, and the people use them all. Not one of them can be dispensed with;—who can do away with the instruments of war? They have been long in requisition. It is by them that the lawless are kept in awe, and accomplished virtue is display ed. Sages have risen to their eminence by means of them; and men of confusion have been removed. The courses which lead to decline or to growth, to preservation or to ruin, of blindness on the one hand, of intelligence on the other, are all to be traced to these instruments; and you have been seeking to do away with them:—is not your scheme a delusion? No offence can be greater than to lead the States astray by such a delusion. You have escaped without a great punishment, and yet you have sought for reward;—with an extreme insatiableness." With this he cut [to pieces the document], and cast it away. The master of the Left on this declined the towns, [in consequence of which] members of his family wished to attack the minister of Works (Tsze-hăn]. Seuh. however, said to them, "I was on the way to ruin, when he preserved me. I could not have received a greater service;—and are you to attack him?"
'The superior man will say, "May we not consider [the lines (She, I. vii. ode VI. 2)],
"That officer In the country ever holds to the right," as applicable to Yoh He (Tsze-han)? and [those other lines, (She, IV. i. [i.] ode II.)],
"How shall he show his kindness? We will receive [his favour],' as applicable to Heang Seuh!"'
I have thrown the Chuen on these two paragraphs together, because they relate to the same transaction, the details of which extended over several months, and because we cannot reconcile the latter par and the narrative under it, without having recourse to the narrative under the second.
From the Chuen under par. 2, we learn that the representatives of 14 States (Including Sung), came to the capital of that State, as if to be present at the meeting; but the text mentions only 9 of them as taking part in it (Not including Sung); but we learn also from it that the States of Ts'e and Ts'in were exempted from it because of its peculiar nature and their own greatness. Then from the narrative under par. 5, we learn that the States of Choo and T'ăng were exempted because of their weakness, and through Ts'e and Sung taking the opportunity to have them publicly declared as being respectively under their jurisdiction. Ts'oo was willing, no doubt, to accede to the application of Ts'e and Sung, because the power of Tsin was thereby weakened.
With regard to the meeting and covenants themselves, they mark a revolution (? ?) in the kingdom. Heretofore, for more than a hundred years, one State had struggled to maintain a presidency over the others;—avow-, edly in the interest of the Chow king. Ts'e first exercised it, and then Tsin. Nearly all the time Ts'oo had disputed their right and power; and now Tsin was obliged to agree to a presidency divided between it and Ts'oo, while both of them acknowledged their inability to control the great States of Ts'in and Ts'e. Evidently, the scheme of a presidential State had become an impracticability. A process of disorganization must go on, till some one Power should become supreme. An invigoration of Chow was out of the question; and whether Tsin, Ts'oo, Ts'in or Ts'e was to found the dynasty of the future, the future only could show.
Again, as the power of the Chow king had waned before the growth of the princes of the great States, the power of those princes was waning in the same way before the growing influence of their ministers and great officers. It might be expected, as actually occurred, that the great States would nearly all be broken up, or the Houses which now ruled them give place to others.
As to Heang Seuh, with whom the scheme of a general pacification to be secured by this covenant occurred, he appears to have been a restless dreamer, vain and selfish withal. The scheme itself was, as another officer of Sung pronounced it, a delusion. The time had not come then in China to dispense with the arbitrament of arms, as, alas! it has not yet come in China, or anywhere else in the world.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Ning He of Wei assumed to himself the whole administration of the government, and the duke was vexed about it. Kung-sun Meen-yu asked leave to put He to death, but the duke said, "But for Ning-tsze, I should not have got to my present position, and I gave him my word. The issue [of any attempt], moreover, cannot be known, and I should only make a bad name [for myself]. Stop." The other replied, "I will kill him. Your lordship need know nothing about it." He then consulted with Kung-sun Woo-te and Kung-sun Shin, and made them attack the Ning. They were unsuccessful, and both died. The duke said, "Shin was guilty of no crime; and [now] both he and his father have died through me." In summer, Meen-yu again attacked the Ning, when he killed Ning He, and Kuh, the administrator of the Right, and exposed their bodies in the court. [At that time], Shih Goh was about to go to take part in the covenant at Sung. He had received his commission, and was coming out of the court. He threw a garment over [He's] body, pillowed it on his thigh and wept. It occurred to him that he would put it in a coffin, and then flee into exile, but he was afraid he should not escape. He said also to himself that he had received [the State's] commission, and so went on his way.'
Par. 4 For ( ?) Kung and Kuh have (?). Chuen was the Tsze-seen of the narrative under xxvi. 1. The Chuen says:—Tszen-seen said, "He who drove us out (Sun Lin-foo) has [merely] left the State, and he who received us back (Ning He) is dead. Without the clear [and right application of] rewards and punishments, how is it possible to deter [from evil] and to encourage [to good]? When the ruler has broken his faith, and there is no law in the State, is it not difficult [to carry on the government]? And it was really I who brought this about." With this he left the State to flee to Tsin. The duke sent to stop him, but in vain. When he had got to the Ho, a second messenger came to stop him, whom he detained till he had made an oath [that he would not return]. He then took up his residence in Muh-mun, where he would never sit with his face towards Wei. The commandant of that city advised him to take office [in Tsin], but he 'refused, saying, "If I took office, and failed in the business of it, I should be an offender; if I succeeded, I should [seem to] show that it was for the sake of office that I had left Wei:—to whom could I make my case clear? I must not stand in the court of any prince." And all his life he did not take office. The duke wore mourning for him all his life.
'The duke offered Meen-yu 60 towns, but he refused them, saying. "It is only a high minister who has the complete number of 100 towns. If I would take these 60, I should in my low position be having the revenue of a higher one. The thing would be disorderly and irregular. I dare not hear of it. And moreover it was Ning-tsze's many towns which caused his death. I am afraid lest death should quickly overtake me." The duke pressed them upon him, when he accepted the half, and became the Juniortutor. The duke wished to make him minister, but he declined the office, saying, "T'ae-shuh E does not waver in his fidelity, and can help you in [all] great affairs. Give the appointment to him." Wăn-tsze accordingly was made minister.'
Par. 5. [The Chuen appends here three narratives;—1st. 'Before Ts'uy Ch'oo of Ts'e became a widower, he had two sons, Ch'ing and Keang. After his marriage with Tung-kwoh Keang (See on xxv. 2), she bore to him Ming, and also brought into his family T'ang Wookew, her son by her former husband, who, with Tung-kwoh Yen, took the management of Ts'uy's family. In consequence of some disease which he had, Ts'uy Ch'ing was degraded from his position [as the eldest son], and Ming appointed in his place, after which he begged that he might be put in possession till his old age of Ts'uy. Ts'uy-tsze granted him that city, but Yen and Woo-kew would not give it to him, saying, "Ts'uy is the ancestral city, and must be in the hands of the lord of the ancestral temple." Ch'ing and Keang were enraged, and, having resolved to kill them, they told K'ing Fung, saying, "You know all about our father. He follows [now] only Woo-kew and Yen. None of our uncles or cousins of the clan can get him to listen to a word. The state of things, we are greatly afraid, will be injurious to him, and we presume to tell you of it." K'ing told them to retire for a time, while he considered the matter, which he laid before Loo-p'oo P'eeh. P'eeh said, "He showed himself the enemy of his ruler, and Heaven perhaps is now going to abandon him; but why should you feel any distress at disorder in his House? The thinner Ts'uy is, the thicker grows K'ing."
When the sons of Ts'uy came to K'ing Fung another day, he said to them, "It it be profitable for your father, you can remove the two men; and if you get into difficulties, I will assist you." In the 9th month, on Kăng-shin, Ts'uy Ch'ing and Ts'uy Keang killed Tung Kwoh Yen and T'ang Woo-kew, while they were at the court of Ts'uy-tsze. In a rage he issued from the gate, but his people were all scattered. He sought for men to get his carriage in readiness, but it could not be done. [At last] he got a groom to yoke a carriage for him, and with a eunuch to drive him, he went forth, saying to himself, "It will be fortunate for the Ts'uy family, if only I perish." He then drove to see K'ing Fung, who said, "The Ts'uy and the K'ing are one. Who dared to act thus? Allow me to punish them for you." He then sent Loo-p'oo P'eeh with a body of men-at-arms to attack the palace of Ts'uy. It was held, however, by men behind the parapets, who made a successful resistance, till the people were sent to assist the assaulters. P'eeh then extinguished the House of Ts'uy, killed Ch'ing and Keang, and carried off all in the house, the wife of Ts'uy-tsze having strangled herself. This done, he returned with a report to that officer, and then drove him back to his palace, where he found that he had nothing to come to, and strangled himself. Ts'uy Ming laid him at night in his father' grave;—and on Sin-sze he fled himself to Loo. K'ing Fung took the administration of the State.'
2d. 'Wei P'e of Ts'oo went to Tsin to confirm the covenant, when the marquis entertained him. As he was leaving the feast, he sang the Ke tsuy (She, III. ii. ode III.). Shuh-heang said, "Right is it that this Wei should perpetuate his family in Ts'oo. Charged with his ruler's commission, he is not unmindful to show his intelligence. Tsze-Tang will yet have the government of his State. Active and intelligent in serving his ruler, and thereby able to nourish the people, to whom should the government go but to him?"
3rd. 'When Shin Seen-yu came a fugitive to Loo, in consequence of the troubles occasioned by Ts'uy Ch'oo (See the Chuen on xxv. 2), he hired a house for himself and servants in the suburbs, and there mourned for duke Chwang. This winter, an officer from Ts'oo came to invite him to that State. He went there accordingly, and became director of the Left.']
Par. 6. This eclipse took place on the 7th Oct. B.C. 545, and was visible in Loo in the morning; but that was the 12th cycle day of the text. The Chuen is correct, therefore, in assigning the eclipse to the 11th month; but Tso-she is in error when he goes on to say, "This was really the 9th month, through the error of the officers of the calendar. They had now omitted two intercalations." For the grounds which have been attempted to be made out for this remark, see on the 1st par. of next year.
XXVIII. Twenty-eighth year.
1 In the [duke's] twenty-eighth year, in spring, there was no ice.
2 In summer, Shih Goh of Wei fled from that State to Tsin.
3 The viscount of Choo came to the court of Loo.
4 In autumn, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
5 Chung-sun Keeh went to Tsin.
6 In winter K'ing Fung of Ts'e came a fugitive to Loo.
7 In the eleventh month, the duke went to Ts'oo.
8 In the twelfth month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.
9 On Yih-we, Ch'aou, viscount of Ts'oo, died.
Par. 1. This would seem to be an extraordinary phænomenon, according to the general rule for such entries in the text; but if intercalations had been omitted, so that the calendar was at least two months in advance of the proper time, then the first month of the Chow year began at this time really in our October or perhaps September, when the absence of ice was quite natural. Hence to bring things right, and make the phænomenon extraordinary and ominous, Too Yu introduces in his scheme of the calendar two intercalary months, one immediately after the other at the end of the previous year! The Chuen here says:—'There being no ice this spring, Tsze Shin said, "This year there will be famine, it is to be feared, in Sung and Ch'ing. The year [-star] (Jupiter) [ought to be] in Sing-ke (Sagittarius-Capricorn), and it has licentiously advanced into Heuen-heaou (Capricorn-Aquarius). Hence this ominous character of the season, the yin not being able to overcome the yang. The Snake is mounted on the Dragon. which contains the stars of Sung and Ch'ing. Those States will have famine. The middle star in Heuen-heaou is Heu. But Heaou denotes consumption and waste. The land empty, and the people with their resources consumed:—what can this mean but famine?"'
[The Chuen appends here:—' In summer, the marquises of Ts'e, Ch'in, and Ts'ae, the earls of north Yen and Ke, the viscounts of Hoo and Shin, and the northern Teih, went to appear at the court of Tsin,—in accordance with the covenant of Sung. When the marquis of Ts'e was about to go, K'ing Fung said, "We took no part in the covenant. What have you to do with Tsin?" Ch'in Wăn-tsze said to him, "Business first and then gifts, is the rule. A small State, in serving a great one, before it has discharged the business [which is required], should first comply with its request [to go to it], in accordance with its wishes;—this [also] is the rule. Although we took no part in the covenant, dare we revolt from Tsin? Let us not forget the covenant of Ch'ung-k'ew (xxv.5). Do you advise the marquis to go."']
Par. 2. See the narrative under par. 3 of last year for the conduct of Shih Goh after the death of Ning He.
The Chuen here says:—'The people of Wei were punishing the partizans of the Ning, and Shih Goh fled in consequence to Tsin. In Wei they appointed his nephew, Foo, to take charge of the sacrifices of the Shih family;—which was according to rule.'
Par. 3. Tso-she says that this appearance of duke Taou of Choo at the court of Loo was 'the usual affair;' meaning that it was not in consequence of the covenant of Sung, but a discharge of the usual duty which Choo owed to that State.
Par. 4. "This," says Tso-she, "was because of drought."
[The Chuen appends here:—'When the marquis of Ts'ae was returning from Tsin (See the narrative after par. 1), he entered the capital of Ch'ing, where the earl entertained him, and he behaved disrespectfully. Tsze-ch'an said, "The marquis of Ts'ae will not escape an evil death. When he was passing this (On his way to Tsin), our ruler sent Tsze-chen to go and compliment him outside the east gate, and then he carried himself arrogantly. I thought that he might still change his way; but now, when being feasted thus on his return, he is so remiss, such, it appears, is his nature. Ruler over a small State, and in his service of a great one thus so remiss and arrogant as to show that such is his nature, shall he die a natural death? If he do not escape an evil end, it will be sure to come from his son. He has played the ruler in a lustful and unfatherly way (He had debauched his son's wife), and I have heard that such persons always meet with calamity at the hand of their sons.'
Par. 5. Tso-she says:—'Măng Heaou-pih [now] went to Tsin to inform that court, that, in accordance with the covenant of Sung, [the duke] was going to Ts'oo.'
[We have here two narratives:—1st "When the marquis of Ts'ae went to Tsin, the earl of Ch'ing sent Yew Keih to Ts'oo. When he had got to the Han, the people of Ts'oo sent him back, saying, "According to the covenant of Sung, your ruler ought to come in person; but here are you come. Our ruler says to you, 'Please return for the present. I will send a courier with all speed to ask Tsin, and then lay the matter before you."' Tsze-t'ae-shuh (Yew Keih) replied, "In the covenant of Sung, your lordship's commands were for the benefit of the small States, and you also ordered us to seek the repose and stability of our altars, and the protection and comfort of our people, and thus by the observance of all proper rules we might enjoy the blessing of Heaven. These were your lordship's orders, and in accordance with them was the hope of our small State. On this account my ruler sent me with skins and silks, in consideration of the difficulties of the year (A famine), on a [merely] friendly visit to your ministers. But now I have their commands, saying, 'What have you to do with governmental matters? You must send your ruler. Let him leave his charge in his own State, travel over the hills and cross the streams, encounter the hoar-frost and the dew' This [only] will satisfy your lordship. The hope of our small State is in you, and we dare not but listen to your commands, though they are not in the engagements of the covenant, and will reflect on your lordship's virtue, and be disadvantageous to your ministers. This our small State was afraid of; but since it is not so, what labour is there from which we will shrink?" Tsze-t'ae-shuh then returned and gave a report of his commission, saying to Tsze-chen, "The viscount of Ts'oo will [soon] die. Instead of cultivating his government and virtue, he is blindly eager to command the States, and so gratify his ambition. If he wished to continue long, would it be possible for him to do so? The thing is contained in the Chow Yih. When the diagram Fuh (?, ) becomes E (?, ), we have, in reference to it, the words, 'Deceived as to return;—evil,' which we may well apply to the viscount of Ts'oo. Wishing after all to obtain what he desired, and abandoning what was essential to that, there is no place to return to:— this is what is taught in those words, 'Deceived as to return.' Is it possible evil should not come? Let our ruler go. He will accompany the [viscount's] funeral, and come back,—thus satisfying the wish of Ts'oo. It will not be ten years before Ts'oo is not able to think about the States, and we shall then seek the repose of our people." P'e Tsaou said, "At this time the king of Chow and the viscount of Ts'oo will both die. The year-star has left its proper place, and is sojourning in its place for next year, to the injury of the tail of neaou. Both Chow and Ts'oo may well hate this."'
2d. 'In the 9th month, Yew Keih of Ch'ing went to Tsin, to inform that court, that the earl was going to the court of Ts'oo in compliance with the covenant of Sung. Tsze-ch'an attended the earl to Ts'oo, and [when they approached the capital of that State], he caused a booth to be erected [for the earl], without rearing any high structure. The servants of the mission said, "Anciently, when our great officers attended their rulers to any other State, they always reared a high structure; and from that time till now the practice has been followed. Is it not improper in you now to make this booth upon the grass?" Tsze-ch'an told them, "When a great State goes to a small one, it rears a high structure. When a small State goes to a great one, it should only construct a booth. I have heard this:—When a great State visits a small one, it should do five good things;—be indulgent to its offences, pardon its errors and failures, relieve its calamities, reward it for its virtuous laws, and teach it where it is deficient. There is thus no pressure on the small State. It cherishes [the great] State's virtue and submits to it, fondly as one goes home. On this account a high structure is reared, to display the merit [of the great State], and to make it known to posterity, that they may not be idle in the cultivation of virtue. When a small State goes to a great one, it has five bad things to do. It must explain its trespasses, beg [forgivencess] for its deficiencies, perform its governmental services, contribute its proper dues, and attend to its seasonal commands. And not [only so]:—it has to double its various offerings, to felicitate [the great State] on its happiness, and show its condolence with it in its misfortunes. Now all these things are the sad fate of a small State. Why should it rear a high structure to display its sad fate? It is enough for it to do that which tells its posterity not to display their sad fate."]
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—' K'ing Fung of Ts'e was fond of hunting and drinking. He gave over the government to [his son] K'ing Shay, and then removed with his harem and valuables to the house of Loo-p'oo P'eeh, with whom he drank, while they exchanged wives at the same time. For several days together, [the great officers] would have to go there, as he held his court in it. He gave orders that all the exiles who were held to be traitors should be restored on their application to him; and in this way he brought back Loo-p'oo Kwei, who became minister to Tsze-che (Fung's son Shay), and became such a favourite, that Shay gave him his own daughter to wife. Some of Shay's officers spoke to Kwei about this, saying, "Husband and wife should be of different surnames; how is it that you have not avoided taking a wife descended from the same ancestor as yourself?" He replied, "[Another representative of] that ancestor (Meaning Shay) would not avoid me; how should I alone have avoided the thing? I am as if you break off from the whole ode one stanza of it, and sing it. I have taken what I desired to get; how should I have recognized the [common] ancestry?"
'Kwei spoke [to Shay] about Wang Ho, and procured his return, who became a favourite as well as himself. Shay made them keep—one before and the other behind him, carrying spears as if guarding his bed.
'Every day two fowls were provided for the public meal at the palace, [under the superintendence of K'ing Fung]. The cook one day stealthily changed them for ducks, and the servants who knew it took away the flesh, and served [the bones up] with the broth. Tsze-ya and Tsze-we were enraged [at the stinginess and insult]; and when K'ing Fung reported that they were so to Loo-p'oo P'eeh, the latter said, "They are like beasts;—I will sleep upon their skins." He then made Seih Kwei-foo tell Gan P'ing-chung about the matter. P'ing-chung said, "My numbers are not sufficient to be employed [on such a service] (Against Tsze-ya and Tsze-we), nor have I wisdom to help in such a plan; but I will not dare to speak a word about it. But there should be a covenant." Tszekea (Seih Kwei-foo) replied "Your words are enough. What is the use of a covenant?" He then spoke to Pih-kwoh Tsze-keu whose answer was "Every one is able in some way to serve his ruler, but this is not in the range of my ability."
'Ch'in Wăn-tsze said to [his son] Hwan-tsze, "The overthrow [of the K'ing] is approaching. What shall we get [out of their property]?" "The hundred carriages of wood that are in the Chwang [street];" was the answer; and the father rejoined, "You can maintain a careful guard over yourself." Loo-p'oo Kwei and Wang Ho consulted the tortoise-shell about attacking the K'ing, and showed Tsze-che the indication which they had got, saying, "A man was consulting the tortoise-shell about attacking his enemy, and we venture to present to you the indication." Tsze-che observed, "He will be successful. I see the blood."
'In winter, in the 10th month, K'ing Fung went to Lae to hunt, Ch'in Woo-yu being in attendance upon him. On Ping-shin, [Chin's father] Wăn-tsze sent to call him home. He asked leave from Fung to return, saying that his mother was very ill. Fung consulted the' tortoise-shell, and showed him the indication, saying, "She is dead." [Woo-yu] took the shell in his hand. and wept. He was then sent back, and when K'ing Tsze heard of it, he said, "The calamity is about to commence;" and then urged Tsze-kea (Fung's designation) to return immediately. "The calamity" said he, "will be sure to happen at the autumnal sacrifice. An immediate return may still prevent it." It was in vain, and Fung manifested no regret or change of purpose, which made Tsze-seih (K'ing Tsze) say, "We must fly. We shall be fortunate if we reach Woo or Yueh." [In the meantime]. Ch'in Woo-yu [was on his way back], and whenever he crossed a stream, he scuttled the boat, and destroyed the bridge.
'Loo-p'oo Keang (K'ing Shay's daughter) said to her husband, "You have some business in hand; and if you do not tell me what it is, it will not succeed." Kwei then told her, when she said, "My father is self-willed. If some one do not ask him to stay at home, he will not come out. Let me go and ask him." "Very well," replied Kwei.
'In the 11th month, on Yih-hae, was the autumnal sacrifice in the temple of T'ae Kung, under the superintendence of K'ing Shay. Loop'oo Keang went and told him [of what was intended], and begged him to stay at home, but he would not listen to her, saying, "Who will dure [to make an attempt on me]?" and with this he went to the temple. Ma Ying was the personator of the dead, and K'ing Heeh had offered the first cup. L o p'oo Kwei and Wang Ho were in attendance with their spears, and the men at arms of the K'ing surrounded the palace. The grooms of the Ch'in and Paou families began to get up a play, and the horses of some of the K'ing got frightened, on which [many of] the men at arms threw off their buffcoats, and secured them. They then fell drinking, and [were drawn off to] see the players to [the street of] Yu-le, the followers of the Lwan, the Kaou, the Ch'in, and the Paou mixing themselves among them. [At this point], Tsze-we struck one of the leaves of the door with a mallet, when Kwei stabbed Tsze-che from behind, and Wang Ho struck him with his spear. The blow cut off his left arm, but still he got hold [with the other] of a pillar of the temple, and shook it so that the rafters quivered. Then he hurled a stand and a vase, killed a man [with each of them], and died himself. [The conspirators] then killed K'ing Shing (Heeh) aud Ma Ying. The duke was frightened, but Paou Kwoh said to him, "We are all acting in your interest." Ch'in Seu-woo took the duke away, when he threw off his robes, and went to the inner palace.
'K'ing Fung, on his way back from Lae, was met by parties who told him of the rising. On Ting-hae he attacked the western gate unsuccessfully, after which he turned to the northern, which he took, and entered, proceeding to attack the inner palace. Unsuccessful there, he withdrew, and arranged his forces in the Yoh [street]. There he challenged his enemies to ba'tle, but they would not meet him. He then came to Loo a fugitive, and presented a chariot to Ke Woo-tsze, so beautiful and polished that men could see themselves in it. When Chen Chwang shuh saw it, he said, "When the carriage is highly polished, its owner is sure to come to distress. It was right he should come to exile." Shuh-sun Muh-tsze gave Fung an entertainment, at which he scattered the sacrificial thank-offerings about. Muh-tsze was displeased, and made the musicians sing for him the Maou ch'e (a lost ode), but he did not perceive the meaning.
'By-and-by the people of Ts'e sent to reproach [Loo for sheltering him], on which he fled to Woo, where Kow-yu gave him [the city of] Choo-fang. There he collected the members of his clan and settled them, becoming richer than he had been before. Tsze-fuh Hwuypih said to Shuh-sun, "Heaven would seem to enrich bad men. K'ing Fung is rich again." Muh-tsze replied, "Riches may be called the reward of good men, and the ruin of bad men. Heaven will bring him to ruin. He will be destroyed utterly with all that are his.'
[Appended here, we have two narratives:—
1st. 'On Kwei-sze, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died. No word was yet sent of the event, and therefore no record was made of it. This was according to rule.' See below on the last par.
2d. 'In the disorder occasioned by Ts'uytsze, all duke [Chwang's] sons had disappeared. Ts'oo had gone to Loo; Shuh-sun Seuen to Yen, and Kea to the hill of Kow-tow. Now that K'ing Fung was driven into exile, they were all recalled, the furniture which they required supplied, and their cities restored to them. The duke conferred P'ei-teen on Gan-tsze, in whose circuit there were 60 towns; but he would not receive it. Tsze-we said to him, "Riches are what men desire; how is it that you alone do not desire them?" He replied, "The towns of the K'ing were enow to excite men's desires, and hence he is now in exile. My cities are not enow to do that; but if I were to receive P'eiteen, they would be so, and the day of my exile would not be distant. Abroad, I should not have one town to preside over. My not receiving P'ei-teen is not because I hate riches, but because I am afraid of losing my riches. Moreover, riches should be like pieces of cloth or silk, which are made up in lengths of a definite measurement, which cannot be altered. When the people have the means of sustentation abundant and conveniences of life, there must be the rectification of virtue (See the Shoo, II. ii. 7) to act as a limit or border to them. Let them not become abandoned and insolent, and you have what may be called a protecting border to their advantages. If those go beyond that, ruin will ensue. My not coveting to have more than I have is what is called the protecting limit." The duke gave Pih-kwoh Tso 60 towns, and he received them. He gave [many] to Tsze-ya, but he only accepted a few. He gave the same to Tsze-we, and he accepted them, but afterwards returned some. The duke considered the conduct [of these two] a proof of their fidelity, and showed them favour.
'He liberated Loo-p'oo P'eeh and [banished him] to the northern borders. He sought for the body of Ts'uy Ch'oo, intending to take the head off, but could not find it. When Shuh-sun Muh-tsze heard of this he said, "They are sure to find it. King Woo had ten capable ministers; and did not Ts'uy Ch'oo have as many servants? Less than ten would not have been enow to bury him." By-and-by one of Ts'uy's servants said, "Give me his peih which took the two arms to hold it, and I will give up his coffin." Thus they found [the body]. In the 12th month, on Yih-hae, the 1st day of the moon, the people of Ts'e removed duke Chwang from his grave, and put him in proper graveclothes into a new coffin in the grand chamber, and in the [old] coffin they exposed Ts'uy Ch'oo's body in the market place. The people could all still recognize it, and said, "This is Ts'uy-tsze.']
Parr. 7, 9. The Chuen says:—'In consequence of the covenant of Sung, the duke, and the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the earl of Ch'ing, and the baron of Heu, went to Ts'oo. When the duke passed by [the capital of] Ch'ing, the earl was not in it, [but had already gone]. Pihyew, however, came out on a complimentary visit to the banks of the Hwang, and was not respectful. Muh-shuh said, "If Pih-yew be not dealt with as an offender by Ch'ing, he will do that State great injury. Respectfulness is an essential thing for the people. If a man cast it away, how shall he keep [the family] he has received from his ancestors? It the people of Ch'ing do not punish him, they are sure to suffer through him. The duckweed and pondweed, gathered by the banks of shallows and marshes and about standing pools, placed in the ancestral temple, and superintended by the young and elegant ladies, [are accepted] because of the reverence [in the thing] (See the She, I. ii. ode IV.). When the duke had reached the Han, king K'ang of Ts'oo was dead, and he wished to return. Shuh-chung Ch'aou-pih said, "We are going for the sake of the State of Ts'oo, and not on account of one man." Tsze-fuh IIwuypih said, "The superior man is solicitous about what is remote; smaller men act from the impression of what is near. Who has leisure to attend to the future, without considering the [present] hunger and cold? Let us return for the present." Shuh-sun Muh-tsze said, "Shuhchung is to be entirely followed. Tsze-fuh's opinion is that of one commencing his learning." Yung Ching-pih [also] said, "He who considers the remote is the faithful counsellor." On this the duke went on.
'Heang-seuh said, "[Our journey was] on account of the one man, and not on account of Ts'oo. Who can think of Ts'oo, and not think of the [present] hunger and cold? Let us return for the present and rest our people. When they have settled the question of a new ruler, we can make the necessary preparations." On this the duke of Sung returned.'
Par. 8. The king really died on Kwei-sze, 21 days before Keah-yin;—acc. to the 1st narrative after p. 6. Tso-she says:—'An officer from the court came to announce the king's death. Being asked the day of it, he said it was Keahyin; and so it was recorded, to show the fault [of the late announcement] (?).'
If Keah-yin was in the 12th month, Yih-we when the viscount of Ts'oo died, separated from Keah-yin by 41 days could not be in it. This is held to prove that there was an intercalary month at the end of this year, to which Yih-we belonged.
[There is appended here:—'K'euh Keen of Ts'oo died, and Chaou Wăn-tsze wore mourning for him according to the rule for those who had covenanted together;—which was right.']
XXIX. Twenty-ninth year.
1 In his twenty-ninth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke was in Ts'oo.
2I n summer, in the fifth month, the duke arrived from Ts'oo.
3 On Kăng-woo, K'an, marquis of Wei, died.
4 A gate-keeper murdered Yu-chae, viscount of Woo.
5 Chung-sun Keeh joined Seun Ying of Tsin, Kaou Che of Ts'e, Hwa Ting of Sung, She-shuh E of Wei, Kung-sun Twan of Ch'ing, and officers of Ts'aou, Keu, T'ăng, Seeh, and little Choo, in walling [the capital of] Ke.
6 The marquis of Tsin sent Sze Yang to Loo on a friendly mission.
7 The viscount of Ke came and made a covenant.
8 The viscount of Woo sent Chah to Loo on a friendly mission.
9 In autumn, in the ninth month, there was the burial of duke Heen of Wei.
10 Kaou Che of Ts'e fled from that State to north Yen.
11 In winter, Chung-sun Keeh went to Tsin.
Par. 1. Tso-she says this notice is intended to explain how the duke did not welcome in the new year by repairing to the shrines in the ancestral temple on the first day of it. But there is probably more significance in it. Both duke Seang and duke Ch'ing had been absent from Loo at the time of the new year on visits to Tsin; but the classic contains no par. like this in reference to those years. To be obliged to go to Ts'oo was an indignity to the marquis of Loo; while there, he was obliged to submit to peculiar indignities; and during his absence Ke Woo-tsze had encroached upon his authority in the government of the State, so that he was even afraid to enter his capital on his return. All these things are hidden under the apparently innocent words of the text, in which many have traced the stylus of the sage himself The Chuen says:—'The people of Ts'oo required the duke to bring grave-clothes with his own hand [for king K'ang]. He was troubled about it, but Muh-shuh said to him, "Have all about the coffin sprinkled, and then take the grave-clothes there. They will be but so much cloth or silk set forth [at court]." Accordingly a sorcerer was employed, who first executed the sprinkling with a branch of a peach tree and some reeds. The people of Ts'oo did not prevent him, but they afterwards regretted it.' We have here two notices about the burials of the princes of Ts'e and Ts'oo:—
1st. 'In the 2d month, on Kwei-maou, the people of Ts'e buried duke Chwang in the northern suburbs.
2d. 'In summer, in the 4th month, at the burial of king K'ang of Ts'oo, the duke, with the marquis of Ch'in, the earl of Ch'ing, and the baron of Heu, all accompanied it to the outside of the western gate, and the great officers of the States went to the grave. Keahgaou (See at the end of the 1st year of duke Ch'aou) then took the vacant seat, and king [Kung's] son Wei became chief minister. Tszeyu, the internuncius of Ch'ing, said, "This may be called incongruous. [Wei] will take the [king's] place, and flourish in his room. Beneath the pine and the cypress the grass does not flourish].'
Par. 2. The duke arrived from Ts'oo, but it was with some hesitancy that he ventured to enter his own State again.
The Chuen says:—"When the duke on his return had got [to the barrier-wall of Ts'oo], KeWoo-tsze had taken Peen, [and appropriated it to himself]. He sent, however, Kung-yay to [meet the duke, and] inquire after his welfare, sending a messenger after him, who overtook him, with a sealed letter [for the duke], in which it was said, "The officer in charge of Peen was intending to revolt. I led my followers to punish him, and have got the place. I venture to inform you of it." Kung-yay discharged his commission and withdrew; and when [the duke] came to his resting place, he learned that Ke Woo-tsze had taken Peen. "He wished to get it," said the duke, "and pretends that it was revolting. This makes me feel that I am treated very distantly." He then asked Kung-yay whether it would be safe for him to enter [the State]. "The State," replied Kung-yay, "is your lordship's; who will dare to resist you?" On which the duke gave him the cap and robes [of a minister]. That officer firmly declined them, and only received them after he was hard pressed to do so. The duke wished not to enter the State, till Yung Ch'ingpih sang to him the Shih we (She, I. iii. ode XI.), after which he took his way back to the capital. He arrived from Ts'oo in the 5th month, and Kung-yay resigned the city which he held from Ke Woo-tsze, and never afterwards entered his house, saying that he would not be in the employment of such a deceiver of his ruler. If Ke-sun went to see him, he would speak of his business as in former days. If he did not go to see him, he never spoke of the affairs of the family. When he was ill, he assembled his servants, and said to them, "When I am dead, be sure and not put me in my coffin with my ministerial cap and robes. They were not a reward of virtue. And do not let the Ke bury me." '
Par. 3. [The Chuen appends here:—'At the burial of king Ling, the highest ministers of Ch'ing being [otherwise] occupied, Tsze-chen proposed that Yin Twan should go [to the capital]. Pih-yew objected on the ground that Twan was too young; but Tsze-chen said, "Is it not better that a young man should go than that no one at all should go? The ode (She, II. i. ode II. 2) says,
'The king's business was not to be slackly performed; I had no leisure to kneel or to sit.' East, west, south and north, who dares to dwell at ease? We steadily serve Tsin and Ts'oo, in order to protect the royal House. The king's business must not be undischarged, but there is no regular rule as to the person." Accordingly, he sent Yin Twan to Chow.']
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'The people of Woo, in an invasion of Yueh, took a prisoner, whom they made a door-keeper (I. e., after cutting off his feet), and then appointed him to the charge of the [viscount's] boat. The viscount, Yu-chae, was inspecting the boat [on one occasion], when the door-keeper murdered him with a knife."
There is no doubt as to the meaning of ? but how the murder should be the act of a 'door-keeper' seems to need some explanation. Both Kung-yang and Kuh-leang say that the person in question was ? ?, 'mutilated,' and Kuh-leang further says the mutilation consisted in his being a eunuch (?). But we need not suppose this. Persons mutilated in their feet were in those times often employed as gatekeepers; and officers were so punished, and then that occupation was given to them. This must be the meaning, I think, of the ? ? ? in Tsoshe, and we can understand how the man should revenge himself by the murder of the viscount.
[We have here the following narrative:— 'Tsze-chen of Ch'ing died, and [his son], Tszep'e, succeeded to his place. At this time the State was suffering from famine, and as the wheat crop was not yet ripe, the people were very badly off. Tsze-p'e then, [as if] by his father's command, presented each family with a chung of millet, thereby winning the attachment of the people; and in consequence of this the government of the State regularly continued in the hands of the Han family, its chiefs being the highest minister.
'When Tsze-han, minister of Works in Sung, heard what Tsze-p'e had done, he said, "As we are neighbours to [the State where such] good [is done], our people will expect the same from us." Sung was also suffering from famine, and he begged duke P'ing to lend [to the people] out of his public stores of grain, and made the great officers all lend in the same way. He himself kept no record of what he lent, [saying that he did it] for the great officers who had none. The consequence was that none in Sung suffered from want. Shuh-heang heard of it and said, "Many families will perish before the Han of Ch'ng, and the Yoh of Sung. They two are likely to have the chief sway in their States. The people will be attached to them. But in giving, and not considering it an act of virtue, the Yoh has the advantage. His descendants will rise and fall along with Sung." ']
Par. 5. For ? ? ?, Kung-yang has ? ? ?; and both he and Kuh-leang have ? ? after ? ?. The Chuen says:— 'The mother of duke P'ing of Tsin was a daughter of the House of Ke, in consequence of which he took the management of that State. In the 6th month, Che Taou-tsze (Seun Ying) assembled the great officers of the States to fortify its capital. Măng Hoaou-pih (Chung-sun Keeh) was among them; and from Ch'ing Tszet'ne-shuh and Pih-shih (Kung-sun Twan) went. The former of these visited T'ae-shuh Wăn-tsze (T'ae-shuh of Wei), and spoke with him [about the undertaking]. "Very great" said Wăn-tsze, "is this walling of K'e." Tsze-t'ae-shuh said, "How is it that Tsin has no thought about the wants of the States that are connected with the house of Chow, and sets itself to protect this branch of Hea? We can well know from it how Tsin has abandoned all us Ke (States of the ? of Chow surname). But if it bandon them, who will remain attached to it? I have heard that to abandon one's own, and seek to strangers, is a proof of estrangement from virtue. The ode (She, II. iv. ode VIII. 12) says,
'They assemble their neighbours, And their kinsfolk are full of their praise.' As Tsin does not play a neighbour's part, who will praise it?"
'Kaou Tsze-yung (Kaou Che) of Ts'e and the minister of Instruction of Sung (Hwa Ting), visited Che Pih (Seun Ying), when Joo Ts'e was master of the ceremonies. When the guests were gone, the marshal How (Joo Ts'e) said to Che Pih, "Neither of those gentlemen will escape an evil end. Tsze-yung is self-sufficient, and the minister of Instruction is extravagant. They are both men who will ruin their families." Che Pih said, "[As between them], how will it be?" The reply was, "Self-sufficiency brings its fate on more rapidly. Extravagance comes to ruin along with [the exhaustion of] its means; but other men deal ruin to self-sufficiency. In this case it will [soon] come." '
It was certainly ill-advised in the marquis of Tsin to call out the States to an undertaking like the walling of Ke. The partiality displayed in it did much to shake the supremacy which Tsin had maintained so long. Loo, and other States probably as well, were made to restore to Ke lands which they had taken from it.
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'The visit of Fan Heen-tsze (Sze Yang) was in acknowledgment of the walling of Ke The duke entertained him, when Chen Chwang-pih held the silks [presented to him], and three pairs of archers displayed their skill. The duke's own officers, however, were not sufficient to supply that number, and it was necessary to get some from one of the clans. That supplied Chen Hea and Chen Yuh-foo, who formed one pair. Of the duke's officers, Kung-woo Shaou-pih-chung and Yen Chwang-shuh formed a pair, and the other consisted of Tsăng Koo-foo and Tang Shuh.'
Par. 7. The marquis sent the marshal Joo Shuh-how to Loo to manage the matter about the lands of Ke, when we did not restore all [that we had taken]. Taou, the marquis's mother, was indignant, and said that Ts'e (Shuhhow) had taken bribes, and that if their former rulers could know it, they would not approve of his doing so. The marquis told this to Shuh-how, who replied, "The princes of Yu, Kwoh, Tseaou, Hwah, Hoh, Yang, Han, and Wei were Kes (?), and Tsin's greatness is owing to [its absorption of] them. If it had not encroached on the small States, where should it have found territory to take? Since the times of Woo and Heen, we have annexed many of them; and who can call us to account for the encroachments? Ke is a remnant of [the House of] Hea, and has assimilated to the wild tribes of the east. [The princes of] Loo are the descendants of the duke of Chow, and are in most friendly relations with Tsin; if we should confer all Ke on Loo, we should not be doing anything strange, so that there is nothing to make to do about [in the present matter]. In its relations with Tsin, Loo contributes its dues without fail; its valuable curiosities are always arriving; its princes, ministers, and great officers come, one after another, to our court. Our historiographers do not cease recording; our treasury is not left empty a month. Let such a state of things alone. Why should we make Loo thin in order to fatten Ke? If, moreover, our former rulers could know of the case, would they not be angry with the lady, rather than find occasion to reprove me?"
'Duke Wăn of Ke [now] came to Loo, and made a covenant (With reference to the restored lands). The text calls him viscount, in contempt for him (?).'
Par. 8. The Chah introduced here appears in an honourable way in the narrative appended to xiv. 1. The difficulties connected with his present mission will be touched on after the long narrative in the Chuen:—'The Kung-tsze Chah of Woo, having come to Loo on a complimentary mission, visited Shuh-sun Muh-tsze, and was pleased with him. He said to him, however, "You will not, I am afraid, die a natural death! You love good men, and yet are not able to select such [for office]. I have heard that it is the object of a superior man, high in office, to select [good men]. You are a minister of Loo, and a scion of its House. You are entrusted with a great part of its government, and yet you are not careful in the men you raise to office;—how will you bear the consequences? Calamity is sure to come upon you." He then begged that he might hear the music of Chow; and [the duke] made the musicians sing to him the [odes of the] Chow Nan and the Shaou Nan (She, I. i., ii.) [with all the accompaniments]. "Admirable!" he said; "here was the beginning and foundation [of king Wăn's transforming influence], yet still it was not complete. Notwithstanding, there is [the expression of] earnest endeavour, without any resentment."
'They sang to him the [odes of] P'ei, Yung, and Wei (She, I. iii. iv. v.) "Admirable!" he said. "How deep [was the influence]! Here are those who sorrow, and yet are not distressed." I hear [and I know]:—it was the virtue of K'ang-shuh and duke Woo, which made these odes what they are,—the odes of Wei."
'They sang to him the [odes of] Wang (She, I. vi.) "Admirable!" he said. "Here is thought without fear, as befitted Chow after its removal to the east!"
'They sang to him the [odes of] Ch'ing (I. vii.). He said, "Admirable! But the minutiæ in them are excessive, and the people could not endure them. It is this which will make Ch'ing the first to perish."
They sang to him the [odes of] Ts'e (I. viii.). He said, "Admirable! How loudly sound these odes of a great State! It was T'ae-kung who made such an object of distinction by the east sea. The destinies of this State are not to be measured."
'They sang to him the [odes of] Pin (I. xv.). He said, "Admirable! [Their sound] is grand. They are expressive of enjoyment without license,—as befitted the duke of Chow in the east!"
'They sang to him the [odes of] Ts'in (I. xi.). He said, "Here are what we call the sounds of the cultivated States! Ts'in was able to become one of these, and so is great, very great. Was it not because it occupies the old seat of Chow?"
'They sang to him the [odes of] Wei (I. ix.). He said, "Admirable! What harmony! There is grandeur and delicacy, like a dangerous defile yet easily traversed! To this let there be added the aids of virtue, and [Wei] should produce intelligent lords."
'They sang to him the [odes of] T'ang (I. x.). He said, "How expressive of thought and deep [anxiety]! Did not T'ang possess the people that came down from [the rule of the prince of] T'aou and T'ang? But for that how should there have been here an anxiety so far-reaching? But for the remaining influence of his excellent virtue, who could have produced anything like this?"
'They sang to him the [odes of] Ch'in (I. xii.). He said, "A State without [proper] lords!— how can it continue long?" On [the music of] Kwei and Ts'aou (I. xiii. xiv.), he made no remarks.
'They sang to him the [odes of the] Seaou Ya, (She, II.). He said, "Admirable! Here is thoughtfulness, but no disaffection; resentful feeling, but not the expression of it. Is there not indicated some decay in the virtue of Chow? But still there were the people that had come down from the early kings."
'They sang to him the [odes of the] Ta Ya (She, III.). He said, "How wide! How harmonious and pleasant! Amid all the winding [of the notes], the movement is straight-onward. Is there not here the virtue of king Wan?"
'They sang to him the Sacrificial Odes (She, IV.). He said, "This is perfect! Here are straight-forwardness without rudeness; winding but no bending; nearness without pressure; distance without estrangement; changes without license; repetitions without satiety; disconsolateness without deep sorrow; joy without wild indulgence; the use of resources without their ever failing; wide [virtue] without display; beneficence without waste; appropriation without covetousness; conservation without obstruction; and constant exercise without any dissipation. The five notes are harmonious; the [airs of the] eight winds are equally blended; the parts [of the different instruments] are defined; all is maintained in an orderly manner; the complete virtue [of Chow and Shang and of Loo] appears united here."
'When he saw the dancers with the ivory pipes, and those with the southern flageolets, he said, "Admirable! And still we must regret [that Wăn's sway was not universal]."
'When he saw the dancers of the Ta-woo (the dance of king Woo), he said, "Admirable! Chow was now complete! Here is the witness of it!"
'When he saw the dancers of the Shaou-hoo (The dance of T'ang of Yin), he said, "The magnanimity of the sage! and still there was something to be ashamed of [in T'ang];—his position was hard [even] for a sage."
'When he saw the dancers of the Ta-hea (the music of Yu), he said, "Admirable! Zealous labour without any assumption of merit!—who but Yu could have accomplished this?"
'When he saw the dancers of the Shaou-seaou (the music of Shun), he said, "Virtue was here complete. This is great. It is like the universal overshadowing of heaven, and the universal sustaining of the earth. The most complete virtue could add nothing to this. Let the exhibition stop. If there be any other music, I shall not presume to ask to hear it."
'Chah had come out to pay complimentary visits, to introduce the new ruler of Woo to the other princes; so he now went on to Ts'e, where he was pleased with Gan P'ing-chung, and said to him, "Quickly return [to the State] your towns and your share in the government. If you are without towns and charge, you will escape the troubles [that are coming]. The government of Ts'e will come into the hands of the right person; but until that happens, its troubles will not cease." Gan-tsze on this resigned his share in the government and his towns through Ch'in Hwan-tsze; and in this way he escaped the troubles of Lwan and Kaou.
'[From Ts'e] Chah went on to Ch'ing, where he visited Tsze-ch'an, as if they had been old acquaintances, presenting him with a sash of the plain, white silk [of Woo], and receiving from him a robe of the grass-cloth [of Ch'ing]. He said to Tsze-ch'an, "The [acting] chief minister of Ch'ing is extravagant, and troubles will [soon] arise. The government is sure to fall to you, and you must be careful to observe the rules of propriety in the conduct of it. If you are not so, the State will go to ruin."
'He went on to Wei, where he was pleased with Keu Yuen, Sze Kow, Sze Tsew, the Kungtsze King, Kung-shuh Fah, and the Kung-tsze Chaou, and said, "There are many superior men in Wei, and it will not yet have any sorrows."
'From Wei he went to Tsin, and [on the way] was going to pass the night in Ts'eih. Hearing the sound of bells in it, however, he said, "This is strange! I have heard that he who strives, and does so not virtuously, is sure to be executed. It is because he offended against his ruler that he is here. If to live in apprehension were not enough for him, why should he go on to have music? He lives here like a swallow which has built its nest in a tent. When his ruler is still in his coffin in the ancestral temple, is it a time to have music?" With this he left the place; but when [Sun] Wăn-tsze heard his words, he never afterwards listened to a lute all his life.
'Arrived at Tsin, he was pleased with Chaou Wăn-tsze, Han Seuen-tsze, and Wei Heen-tsze, and said, "The [rule of the] State of Tsin will be concentrated in the families of these three." He was pleased [also] with Shuh-heang; and when he was going away, he said to him, "You must do your best. Your ruler is extravagant, and there are many [deemed to be] good men [about the court]. The great officers are wealthy, and the government will come into their families. You love what is straightforward, and will take thought how to escape yourself from calamities [that are coming]."'
There is considerable difficulty in connexion with this mission of Ke-chah. Acc. to Tso-she, it was to open communications between the new ruler of Woo and the other princes. But the former ruler of Woo was murdered only in the 5th month; and that same month, Chah must have been'despatched;—a thing irreconcileable with the properties of China. Too Yu supposes that he was sent away by Yu-chae before his murder, and went on his mission, without hearing of it. But as the news of that event soon reached Loo, it could not but also reach him. This is one of those questions which cannot be satisfactorily solved, and which there is therefore little use in discussing.
In this history of Woo, (Historical Records, Bk XXXI.) Sze-ma Ts'een gives Yu-chae 17 years of rule, and a natural death, so that the Ch'un Tseew and his Work here contradict each other.
Par. 10. This is the first appearance of North Yen in the classic. It was a Ke State, held by the descendants of Shih, the duke of Shaou famous in the Shoo, as earls, or acc. to Sze-ma Ts'een, marquises. Its capital was ke (?), in the pres. dis. of Ta-hing, one of the districts in which Peking is. There is still a Ke-chow in the dep. of Shun-teen.
The Chuen says—'In autumn, in the 9th month, Kung-sun Ch'ae and Kung-sun Tsaou of Ts'e drove the great officer Kaou Che to north Yen. He went from the capital on Yih-we. The words of the text, that he left the State and fled, are condemnatory of him (?). He was fond of assuming the merit of anything that was done, and acting on his own authority; and hence trouble came upon him.'
Par. 11. This visit was, acc. to Tso-she, in return for that to Loo of Fan Shuh (Sze Yang) in the summer.
[We have here two narratives: -
1st. 'In consequence of the troubles about Kaou Che, [his son] kaou Shoo held [the city of] Loo in revolt. In the 10th month, on Kăngyin, Leu-kew Ying led a force, and invested Loo, when Shoo said that he would surrender it, if they agreed that the Kaou family should continue to have its representative. The people then appointed to that position Yen the great-grandson of King-chung (The Kaou He in the Chuen in III. ix. 6), out of their esteem for King-chung. In the 11th month, on Yih-maou, Kaou Shoo surrendered Loo, and fled to Tsin, where they walled Meen, and placed him in it.'
2d. 'Pih-yew of Ch'ing wished to send Kungsun Hih on a mission of Ts'oo, but he declined to go, saying, 'Ts'oo and Ch'ing are now offended with each other;—to send me there is to kill me." Pih-yew urged that such missions were hereditary in his family; but he replied, "When it is possible, we go; when there are difficulties, we do not;—what hereditary duty is there in the case?" Pih-yew wanted to force him to go, which enraged him—Tse-seih—so that he arranged to atack the family of Pih-yew; but the great oficers reconciled them. In the 12th month, on Ke-sze, the great officers made a convenant with the Pih-yew, when P'e Chin said, 'How long will this covenant be adhered to? The ode (She, II. v. ode IV. 3) says,
'The superior is continually making covenants, And the deisorder is thereby increased.' The present is the way to prolong disorder; our misery will not yet cease. It will take 3 years before we are relieved from it." Jenming said, "To whom will the govt. go?" and Chin replied, "It is the rule of Heaven that good men should take the place of bad. To whom should it go but to Tsze-ch'an? His elevation will not be out of order, but what is due to his position. His elevation as a good man will be approved by all. Heaven is destroying Pih-yew, and has taken away his reason. When Tsze-se is dead, Tsze-ch'an cannot escape being chief minister. Heaven has long been afficting Ch'ing, and will make Tsze-ch'an give it rest. Through him the State may still be settled; if it be not so, it will go to ruin."']
XXX. Thirtieth year.
1 In the [duke's] thirtieth year, in spring, in the king's first month, the viscount of Ts'oo sent Wei P'e to Loo on a mission of friendly inquiries.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, Pan, heir-son of Ts'ae, murdered his ruler Koo.
3 In the fifth month, on Keah-woo, there was a fire in [the palace of] Sung, [in which] the eldest daughter [of our duke Ch'ing], [who had been married to duke Kung] of Sung, died.
4 The king [by] Heaven's [grace] put to death his younger brother, Ning-foo.
5 The king's son Hea fled to Tsin.
6 In autumn, in the seventh month, Shuh Kung went to the burial of Kung Ke of Sung.
7 Leang Seaou of Ch'ing fled from that State to Heu. From Heu he entered [again] into [the capital of] Ch'ing, when the people of Ch'ing put him to death.
8 In winter, in the tenth month, there was the burial. of duke King of Ts'ae.
9 Officers of Tsin, Ts'e, Sung, Wei, Ch'ing, Ts'aou, Keu, Choo, T'ăng, Seeh, Ke, and Little Choo, had a meeting at Shen-yuen, in consequence of the calamity of fire in Sung.
Par. 1. For ? Kung-yang has ?. This visit from Ts'oo was to open communications between the court of Loo, and the new ruler of Ts'oo, whose accession is mentioned in the Chuen in the last par. of the 28th year. The Chuen here says:—'Muh-shuh asked the envoy how king [Kung's] son was going on in his government, and was answered, "We little men eat, and receive instructions as to the business to be done by us, always apprehensive lest we do not fulfil our duties aright, and do not escape being charged with some transgression; how can we have anything to do with taking knowledge of the government?" Muh-shuh pressed for a more definite reply, but did not obtain it, on which he said to the great officers, "The chief minister of Ts'oo is going to make a coup d'etat, and Tsze-Tang (Wei P'e) will take a part in it. He is aiding him, and conceals the matter."
[There are appended here three narratives:—
1st. "Tsze-ch'an attended the earl of Ch'ing on a visit to Tsin, when Shuh-heang asked him how [it was going to go] with the government of Ch'ing. He replied, "Whether I can see it, or cannot sea it, the thing will be determined this year. Sze(The Kung-sun Hih, Tsze-seih;— see the Chuen at the end of the last year) and Leang (Pih-yew) were quarrelling, and I do not know the issue. If the issue were come, and I see it, then [what you ask about] may be known." Shuh-heang said, "Have they not been reconciled?" "Pih-yew," answered Tsze Ch'an, "is extravagant and self-willed; and Tsze-seih likes to be above others. The one of them cannot be below the other. Although they were reconciled, they are still gathering evil against one another; and it will come to a head at no [distant] day." '
2d. 'In the 2d month, on Kwei-we, the [dowager-] marchioness Taou of Tsin entertained all the men who had been engaged in the walling of Ke. Belonging to the district of Keang was a childless old man who went and took his place at the feast. Some who were present doubted about his age, and would have him tell it. He said, "A small man like me does not know how to keep a record of the years. Since the year of my birth, which began on a Keahtsze, the 1st day of the moon (The Hea year, not the Chow), there have been 445 Keah-tsze, and to-day is the 20th day of the cycle now running (20 days=1/3 of 60)." The officers [of the feast] ran to the court to ask [the year of his birth]. The music-master Kwang said, "It was the year when Shuh-chung Hwuy-pih of Loo had a meeting with Keoh Ching-tsze in Shing-k'wang (See VI. xi. 2). In that year, the Teih invaded Loo, and Shuh-sun Chwang-shuh defeated them at Heen, taking their giants K'eaou-joo, Hwuy, and P'aou, after whom he named his sons. It is 73 years ago." The historiographer Chaou said, "The character hae( ?, anciently, in the seal character ) is composed of two at the head and sixes in the body of it. If you take the two and place it alongside the sixes of the body (), you get the number of the man's days." Sze Wăn-pih said, "Then they are 26,660."
'Chaou-măng asked the commandant of the district, and found that it belonged to his own jurisdiction, on which he called the [old] man, and apologized for the error [that had been committed]. "In my want of ability," said he, "and occupied with [all] the great business of our ruler, through the many subjects of anxiety in connection with the State of Tsin. I have not been able to employ you, [as you ought to be employed], but have made you be occupied with earth and plaster too long. It was my fault, and I apologize for my want of ability." He then made the man an officer, and wanted him to assist in the government. The man declined this on the ground of his age, when he gave him some lands, and made him keeper of the marquis's wardrobe. He also made him one of the [land-] masters for the district of Keang, and degraded the commissary [who had employed him].
'At this time the commissioner of Loo (Chungsun Keeh) was in Tsin, and he told this circumstance to the other great officers on his return. Ke Woo-tsze observed, "Tsin is not to be slighted. With Chaou-măng as [the chief of its] great officers, and Pih-hea (Sze Wăn-pih) as his assistant; with the historiographer Chaou, and the music-master Kwang, to refer to; and with Shuh-heang and Joo Ts'e, as tutor and guardian to its ruler, there are many superior men in its court. It is not to be slighted. Our proper course is to exert ourselves to serve it."
3d. 'In summer, in the 4th month, on Ke-hae, the earl of Ch'ing made a covenant with his great officers. The superior man can know from this that the troubles of Ch'ing were not yet at an end'].
Par. 2. See the remarks of Tsze-ch'an in the narrative appended to xxviii. 4. The Chuen here says:—'The marquis King of Ts'ae had taken a wife for his el lest son from Ts'oo, and debauched her. The son [now] murdered the marquis.' ? is also found ?.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Some one called out in the grand temple of Sung. "Ah! ah! come out, come out." A bird [also] sang at the altar of Poh, as if it were saying, "Ah! Ah!" On Keah-woo there occurred a great fire in Sung, when duke [Ch'ing's] eldest daughter who had been married to the ruler of Sung, died;—through her waiting for the instructress of the harem. The superior man may say that Kung Ke acted like a young lady, and not like a woman of years. A girl should wait for the instructress [in such a case]; a wife might act as was right in the case.'
The lady of Loo who died in this fire was the same whose marriage occurred in the 9th year of duke Ch'ing, so that she must now have been not less than 60, and might very well have made her escape from the flames without being exposed to the charge of immodesty. Tso-she's remark to the charge may well excite a smile. A superior woman might dispense with the help of the duenna in a case of fire. The critics are wroth with Tso-she for the modified reflection which he makes on the lady, who covered herself, they say, with imperishable glory (?? ? ? ? ?).
Par. 4. For ? ? Kung-yang has ? ?. The Chuen says:—'Before this, after king [Keen's] son Chen Ke's death, his son Kwoh was going to have an audience of [his brother] king [Ling] and sighed. K'een-k'e, son of the duke of Shen, who was the king's charioteer, was passing through the court, and heard the sign, with the words, "Ah! this shall be mine;" so he went in, and reported the thing to the king, saying, "You must put him to death. He shows no sorrow [for his father's death], and has great ambitions. His looks are fierce, and he lifts his feet high,—his thoughts elsewhere. If you do not kill him, he will do hurt." The king replied, "He is a boy; what does his knowledge extend to?"
'When king Ling died, Chen Kwoh wished to raise his brother Ning-foo to the throne, that prince knowing nothing of it; and on Mowtsze he laid biege to Wei, and drove out Ch'ing K'een, who fled to P'ing-che. In the 5th month, Yin Yen-to, Lew E, Shen Meeh, Kan Kwo, and Kung Ch'ing, put Ning-foo to death. Kwoh, Hea, and Leaou fled to Tsin. The text says that "The king put his younger brother to death," thereby condemning the king.'(!)
Par. 5. This Hea must have been another son of king Ling, and a brother of Ning-foo. His flight is mentioned in the preceding narrative. We have here simply ?, 'fled,' and not ? ?, 'went out and fled, because all the kingdom was Chow.
[We have here the following narrative:—'In the 6th month, Tsze-chan of Ch'ing went to Ch'in to superinted the business of a covenant. When he reported the execution of his commission, he said to the great officers, "Ch'in is a doomed State, with which we should have nothing to do. [Its government] is collecting rice and millet, and repairing the walls of its capital and suburbs, relying on these two things, without doing anything for the comfort of the people. The ruler is too weak to stand to anything; his brothers and cousins are extravagant; his eldest son is mean; the great officers are proud; the government s in the hands of many families:— in this condition, and so near to the great State [of Ts'oo] can it avoid perishing? It will perish within ten years."]
Par. 6. Kuh-leang omits the ? before? Shuh Kung was a son of Shuh Laou, mentioned xiv. 1, et al. The lady has the name of Kung, being so called from the posthumous title of her husband. The sad death which had overtaken her, and what was considered her heroic conduct in it, made Loo pay her this extraordinary honour.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Pih-yew of Ch'ing, in his fondness for drinking, made a chamber under ground, where he would drink all night, with bells beating around him. [On one occasion], when parties came to wait on him in the mooning, [his debauch] was not over; and when they asked where he was, the servants told them that he was in the valley, on which they all retired, and went their different ways. After this he repaired to the [earl's] court, and again insisted that Tsze-seih should go to Ts'oo (See the 2d narrative at the end of last year). Then on his return home, he fell to drinking.
'On Kăng-tsze, Tsze-seih, with the men-atarms of the Sze family, attacked and burned his house, when he fled (=was carried off by his servants) to Yung-leang, only becoming aware of what had happened, when he awoke. He then fled to Heu.
'The great officers collected to take counsel [as to what should be done]. Tsze-p'e said, "We read in the Book of Chung-hwuy (Shoo, IV. ii. 7), 'Take what they have from the disorderly, and deal summarily with those who are going to ruin. Overthrow the perishing, and strengthen what is being preserved:'—this will be profitable for the State. The founders of the Han, Sze, and Fung families were the sons of one mother. Pin-yew [belongs to a different mother, and] is so excessively extravagant that he could not escape [his fate]." People said that Tsze-ch'an would take the part of the right and help the strong. Tsze-ch'an, however, said, "How should I be made a partizan? It is hard to know who should die for the miseries and troubles of the State. Suppose I took my stand with these, the strong and upright, would troubles not arise? I must be allowed to occupy my proper place."
'On Sin-ch'ow, Tsze-ch'an shrouded those belonging to Pih-yew's household who had died, and placed them in their coffins for burial; and then, without having taken part in the counsels [of the other officers], proceeded to leave. Yin Twan and Tsze-p'e followed him, to stop him, but [the majority] said, "Why should you detain a man who will not act along with us?" Tszep'e replied, "He has behaved properly to the dead; how much more will he do so to the living!" With this he went himself and induced him to remain."
'On Jin-yin, Tsze-ch'an entered the capital, and, on Kwei-maou, Tsze-shih (Yin Twan); and both accepted a covenant with Tsze-seih. On Yih-sze, the earl and the great officers made a covenant in the grand temple, and they bound [also] the people of the State, outside the gate Szeche-leang. When Pih-yew heard that they had made a covenant in Ch'ing with reference to himself, he was enraged; and when he heard that Tsze-p'e's men-at-arms had not been present at the attack on him, he was glad, and said, "Tszep'e is for me." On Kwei-ch'ow, early in the morning, he entered the city by the drain at the Moo gate; by means of Keeh, the master of the horse, procured arms from the repository of Seang; and proceded to attack the old north gateSze Tae led the people to attack him; and both parties called out for Tsze-ch'an. "You are both," said Tsze-ch'an, "my brethren, and since things have come to this pass, I will follow him whom Heaven favours." Pih-yew then died in the Sheep-market. Tsze-ch'an covered him with a shroud, pillowed his body on his thigh, and wept over it. He then had it dressed and put into a coffin, which was deposited in the house of an officer of Pih-yew, who lived near to the market, burying it afterwards in Tow-shing.
'The head of the Sze family wanted to attack Tsze-ch'an, but Tsze-p'e was angry with him, and said, "Propriety is the bulwark of a State. No misfortune could be greater than to kill the observer of it." On this the other desisted from his purpose.
'At this time Yew Keih, who had been on a mission to Tsin, was returning; but when he heard of the troubles, he did not enter the capital. Entrusting to his assistant-commissioner the report of his mission, in the 8th month, on Keah-tsze, he fled to Tsin. Sze Tae pursued him as far as Swan-tsaou, and there Keih made a covenant with him,—Tsze-shang,—dropping two batons of jade into the Ho, in attestation of his sincerity. He then sent Kung-sun Heih into the city to make a covenant with the great officers, after which, on Ke-sze, he returned himself, and took his former position.
'The text simply says that "The people of Ch'ing put to death Leang Seaou," not designating him a great officer of the State, because he entered it from abroad.
'After the death of Tsze-keaou (Kung-sun Ch'ae; in the 19th year) when he was about to be buried, Kung-sun Hwuy and P'e Tsaou came together early in the morning to be present. As they passed the gate of Pih-yew's house, there were some weeds growing on the top of it; and Tsze-yu (Kung-sun Hwuy) said, "Are those weeds still there?" At this time the yearstar was in Heang-low; and when that reached the meridian, it was morning. P'e Tsaou pointed to that constellation, and said, "The year-star may still complete a revolution, but it will not arrive at this point where it now is. When Pih-yew died, the year-star was in the mouth of Tseu-tsze; and the year after, it again reached Heang-low.
'Puh Chen had followed Pih-yew, and died along with him. Yu Keeh left the State and fled to Tain, where he became commandant of Jin. At the meeting of Ke-tsih. Yoh Ch'ing of Ch'ing had fled to Ts'oo, and thence gone to Tsin. Yu Keeh sought his help, and they were friendly. He served Chaou Wăn-tsze, and spoke with him about invading Ch'ing; but that could not be done, in consequence of the covenant of Sung. Tsze-p'e made Kung-sun Ts'oo master of the horse.'
Par. 8. [The Chuen appends here:—'The Kung-tsze Wei of Ts'oo put to death the grandmarshal Wei Yen, and took to himself all his property. Shin Woo-yu said, "The king's son (Wei) is sure not to escape an evil death. Good men are the reliance of the State. As chief minister of the State, he ought to promote and support the good, but he oppresses them,—to the calamity of the State. The marshal moreover stands in as close proximity to the chief minister as his own side, and is the four limbs of the king. [Thus the king's son] has destroyed the reliance of the people, removed his own side, and injured the king's limbs:—there could be nothing worse or more inauspicious than this. How is it possible he should escape an evil death?" ']
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'In consequence of the fire in Sung, the great officers of the States assembled to consult about making contributions for the benefit of that State. In winter, Shuh-sun P'aou joined Chaou Woo of Tsin, Kung-sun Ch'ae of Ts'e, Heang Seuh of Sung, Pih-kung T'o of Wei, Han Hoo of Ch'ing, and a great officer of Little Choo, in a meeting at Shen-yuen; but the issue was that no contributions were made to Sung. On this account the names of the parties who met are not given.
'The superior man will say that good faith is a thing about which men should be most careful. The ministers who met at Shen-yuen are not recorded because they did not keep good faith, and their rank and names were all thrown on one side;—such is the declaration of the evil of the want of faith. The ode (She, III. i. ode I. 1) says,
"King Wăn ascends and descends In the presence of God." There is the declaration of [the value of] good faith. Another ode (One of those which are lost) says,
"Be wisely careful as to your conduct; Let nothing be done in hypocrisy." That is spoken of the want of good faith. The words of the text that such and such men met at Shen-yuen, and that it was on account of the calamity of Sung, is condemnatory of them [all]. The great officer of Loo is not mentioned,—to conceal [the shame of that State] (?).
[There is here a narrative about Tsze-ch'an in the government of Ch'ing;—'Tsze-p'e of Ch'ing wished to resign the government of that State to Tsze-ch'an, who declined it, saying, "The State is small, and is near to [a great one]; the clans are great, and many [members of them] are favourites [with our ruler]. The government cannot be efficiently conducted." Tsze-p'e replied, "I will lead them all to listen [to your orders], and who will dare to come into collision with you? With your ability presiding over its administration, the State will not be small. Though it be small, you can with it serve the great State, and the State will enjoy ease." On this Tsze-ch'an undertook the government. Wishing to employ the services of Pih-shih (Kung-sun Twan), he conferred on him a grant of towns. Tsze-t'ae-shuh said, "The State is the State of us all; why do you make such a grant to him alone?" Tsze-ch'an replied, "It is hard for a man not to desire such things; and when a man gets what he desires, he is excited to attend to his business, and labours to compass its success. I cannot compass that; it must be done by him. And why should you grudge the towns? Where will they go?" "But what will the neighbouring States think?" urged Tsze-t'ae-shuh. "When we do not oppose one another," was the reply, "but act in harmony, what will they have to blame? It is said in one of our own Books, 'In order to giving rest and settlement to the State, let the great families have precedence.' Let me now for the present content them, and wait for that result." After this Pih-shih became afraid, and returned the towns; but in the end, [Tszech'an] gave them to him. And now that Pihyew was dead, he sent the grand historiographer to Pih-shih with the commission of a minister. It was declined, and the historiographer withdrew, when Pih-shih requested that the offer might be repeated. On its being so, he again declined it; and this he did three times, when at last he accepted the tablet, and went to the court to give thanks for it. All this made Tsze-ch'an dislike the man, but he made him take the position next to himself.
'Tsze-ch'an made the central cities and border lands of the State be exactly defined, and enjoined on the high and inferior officers to wear [only] their distinctive robes. The fields were all marked out by their banks and ditches. The houses and tsing were divided into fives, responsible for one another. The great officers, who were faithful and temperate, were advanced to higher dignities, while the extravagant were punished and taken off. Fung Keuen, in prospect of a sacrifice, asked leave to go a-hunting, but Tsze-ch'an refused it, saying, "It is only the ruler who uses venison. The officers use in sacrifice only the domestic animals." Tszechang was angry, withdrew, and got his servants ready, intending to attack Tsze-ch'an, who thought of flying to Tsin. Tsze-p'e, however, stopped him, and drove out Fung Keuen, who fled to Tsin. Tsze-ch'an begged his lands and villages from the duke, got Keuen recalled in three years, and then restored them all to him, with the income which had accrued from them.
'When the government had been in Tszech'an's hands one year, all men sang of him,
"We must take our clothes and caps, and hide them all away; We must count our fields by fives, and own a mutual sway. We'll gladly join with him who this Tszech'an will slay." But in three years the song was,
"'Tis Tsze-ch'an who our children trains; Our fields to Tsze-ch'an owe their gains. Did Tsze-ch'an die, who'd take the reins?"'] Thirty first year. XXXI. 1In the [duke's] thirty-first year, it was spring, the king's first month. 2In summer, in the sixth month, on Sin-sze, the duke died in the Ts'oo palace. 3In autumn, in the ninth month, on Kwei-sze, the [duke's] son Yay died. 4On Ke-hae, Chung-sun Keeh died. 5In winter, in the tenth month, the viscount of T'ăng came to be present at the [duke's] interment. 6On Kwei-yew, we buried our ruler, duke Seang. 7In the eleventh month, the people of Keu murdered their ruler, Meih-chow. Par. 1. [We find here in the Chuen the two following narratives:—
1st. 'This spring, in the 1st month, when Muh-shuh returned from the meeting [at Shenyuen], he visited Măng Heaou-pih, and said to him,"Chaou-măng will [soon] die. His language was irrelevant, not becoming in a lord of the people. And moreover, though his years are not yet 50, he keeps repeating the same thing like a man of 80 or 90:—he cannot endure long. If he die, the government, I apprehend, will fall into the hands of Han-tsze. You had better speak to Ke-sun, so that he may establish a good understanding [with Han-tsze], who is a superior man. The ruler of Tsin will lose his [control of the] government. If we do not establish such an understanding, so that [Han-tsze] may be prepared to act in behalf of Loo, then when the government [of Tsin] comes to be with the great officers, and Han-tsze turns out to be weak, we shall find those officers very covetous, and their demands upon us will be insatiable. We shall find [also] that neither Ts'e nor Ts'oo is worth our adhering to it, and Loo will be in a perilous case." Heaou-pih observed, "Man's life is not long; who can keep from that irrelevancy? The morning may not be followed by the evening; of what use would it be to establish that good understanding?" Muh-shuh went out from the interview, and said to a friend, "Măng-sun will [soon] die. I told him of the irrelevancy of Chaou-măng, and his own language was still more irrelevant." He then spoke [himself] to Ke-sun about the affairs of Tsin, but [that minister] did not follow [his counsel].
'When Chaou Wăn-tsze died, the ducal House of Tsin was reduced to a low State. The government was ruled by the ambitious families. Han Seuen-tsze was chief minister, but could not deal with the cases of the States. Loo was unable to endure the requirements of Tsin, and slanderous charges against it multiplied, till [at last] there came the meeting of P'ing-k'ew (See below in the 13th year of duke Ch'aou).
2d. 'Tsze-we of Ts'e hated Lew-k'ew Ying; and, wishing to put him to death, he made him lead a force, and attack Yang-chow. We went to ask the reason of such an expedition; and in summer, in the 5th month, Tsze-we put Lewkew Ying to death, to satisfy our army. Kunglow Sha, Sing Tsaou, K'ung Hwuy, and Kea Yin, fled from Ts e to Keu. All the sons of the previous dukes were driven out.']
Par. 2. Duke Seang was thus still a young man when he died, being only in his 35th year. The history of his rule much belies his name of Seang, for the conduct of affairs during it was the reverse of sucessful.
On his visit to Ts'oo, the duke had admired its palaces, and erected one on his return after their pattern, giving to it the name of that State.
The Chuen says:—'When the duke built the Ts'oo palace, Muh-shuh said, "We read in the Great Declaration (Shoo, V. i. Pt. i. 11), 'What a man desires, Heaven is sure to gratify him in.' Our ruler's desire is for Ts'oo, and therefore he has made this palace. If he do not again go to Ts'oo, he is sure to die here. [Accordingly], in the Ts'oo palace he did die, on Sin-sze, in the 6th month.
'Shuh-chung Tae (TheShuh-chung Ch'aou-pih of the Chuen on vii. 4) stole [on this occasion] the large peih, giving it [first] to his charioteer, who put it in his breast, and afterwards getting it from him again. In consequence of this he was deemed an offender [by the people].'
Par. 3. Comp the ? ? ? in III. xxxii. 5. But the death of duke Chwang's son was a death of violence, and should have been so described, while the death of Yay in the text was from disease.
The Chuen says:—'[On the duke's death], Yay, his son by King Kwei, a lady of the houso of Hoo, was appointed his successor, and lived in the mansion of Ke-sun; but in autumn, in the 9th month, on Kwei-sze, having been pining away, he died. Ke-sun then declared the succession to be in the Kung-tsze Chow, the duke's son by Ts'e Kwei, the cousin of King Kwei, [who had accompanied her to the harem]. Muhshuh was dissatisfied with the choice, and said, "When the eldest son [by the wife] dies, his own younger brother should have the succession. And if he have no own brother, then the eldest of his father's other sons [by concubines]. When there are two of the same age, the worthier should be chosen; where they do not differ in regard to their righteousness, the tortoise-shell should be consulted:—this was the ancient way. [Yay] was not the heir as being the wife's son, and it was not necessary to appoint the son of his' mother's cousin. This man, moreover, has shown no grief in his mourner's place; in the midst of the sorrow he has looked pleased. He is what may be pronounced 'a man without rule', and it is seldom that such an one does not occasion trouble. If indeed he be appointed marquis, he is sure to give sorrow to the family of Ke." Ke Woo-tsze would not listen to his remonstrance, and the issue was that Chow was appointed. By the time of the burial, he had thrice changed his mourning, and the flaps of his coat looked quite old. At this time, he—duke Ch'aou—was 19 years old, and he still had a boy's heart, from which a superior man could know that he would not go on well to the end.'
Par.4. This was Măng Heaou-pih. He was succeeded by his son Hwoh ( ?), known as Măng He-tsze (? ? ?), as Head of the Chungsun clan, and minister.
Par. 5. This is the first instance we have of the lord of another State coming in person to Loo to the funeral of one of its marquises. It was an innovation on the rules which regulated the intercommunion of the States. Ch'in Fooleang (? ? ?; Sung dyn.) says:-' At the second burial of duke Hwuy, the marquis of Wei came and was present, but duke Yin did not see him (See the 2d narrative after I. i. 5); for, in the beginning of the Ch'un Ts'ew period, Loo still held fast the rules of propriety. On the death of duke King of Tsin, duke Ch'ing went to present his condolences (VIII. x. 6). By that time Loo had been brought low, and they detained him in Tsin, and made him attend the burial. None of the other princes were present, and the people of Loo felt the disgrace, for up to that time no prince of another State had been present at the funeral of the president of the States even. At the burial of king K'ang of Ts'oo, the duke [of Loo], with the marquis of Ch'in, the earl of Ch'ing, and the baron of Heu, had attended it to the outside of the west gate. Thus the princes of the kingdom had been present at the funeral of [a lord of] Ts'oo; and now the viscount of T'ăng came to the funeral of duke Seang. In the end of the Ch'unTs'ew period, it became a sort of allowable thing for one prince to be present at the funeral of another, but to hurry away to the ceremonies immediately following after death was still too great a breach of rule." The rule was, according to the old regulations, that on the death of any prince, the other States should immediately despatch an officer to express their condolences, and then despatch a great officer to attend the funeral. The Chuen says:—'Duke Ch'ing of T'ăng came to be present at the burial, but he behaved rudely, while at the same time he shed many tears. Tsze-fuh Hwuy-pih said, 'The ruler of T'ăng will [soon] die. Rude in his place [of mourning.] and yet showing an excessive grief, here is a premonition in the place of death:—must he not [soon] follow [our duke]?"
Par. 6. [We have here the following narrative:—'In the month of duke [Seang's] funeral, Tsze-ch'an attended the earl of Ch'ing on a visit to Tsin. The marquis, on the pretence of the death of our duke, did not immediately give the earl an interview, on which Tsze-ch'an made all the walls about their lodging-house be thrown down, and brought in their carriages and horses. Sze Wăn-pih went to complain of the proceeding, and said, "Through want of proper attention in our State to the government and the administration of the penal laws, robbers have become quite rife. For the sake, however, of the princes of the States and their retinues, who condescend to come to him, our ruler has made his officers put in good repair the reception-houses for guests, raising high their gates, and making strong the walls around, that they might be free from anxiety [on account of the robbers]. And now you have thrown these down, so that, though your followers may be able to guard you, how will it be in the case of other guests? Our State, as lord of covenants, has to keep the walls of those houses in good repair, with the tops of them safely covered to, be in readiness for its visitors; and if all were to throw them down, how should we be able to respond to the requirements on us? My ruler has sent me to ask what you have to say in the matter." Tsze-ch'an replied, "Through the smallness of our State, and its position between great States, whose demands upon it come we know not when, we do not dare to dwell at ease, but collect all the contributions due from us, and come to consult about the business of the times. It has happened now that your ministers are not at leisure, and we have not obtained an interview with the marquis, nor have we received any instructions, so that we might know when we should do so. We did not dare, [without a previous interview], to send in our offerings, nor did we dare to leave them exposed. If we should send them in [without that interview], they would be [but the regular] appurtenances of your ruler's treasuries:—without the display of them at it, we dare not send them in. If we should leave them exposed, then we were afraid that, through the sudden occurrence of [excessive] heat or rain, they might decay or be injured by insects, and our State be chargeable with a heavy offence.
"'I have heard that when duke Wăn was lord of covenants, his own palace was low and small, and he had no prospect-towers or terraces; —that he might make the reception-houses for the princes the more lofty and large. The chambers were as large as his own, and the repositories and stables belonging to them were kept in good order. The minister of Works saw at the proper seasons that the roads were made in good condition. The plasterers in the same way did their duty on the apartments. Then when the visiting princes arrived, the foresters supplied the torches for the courtyards; the watchmen made their rounds about the buildings; the followers of the guests were relieved of their duties by men supplied for the purpose; there were menials, herdsmen, and grooms, to see what might be required of them to do; and the officers belonging to the various departments had the articles which they had to prepare for the guests ready for supply. The duke did not detain his guests. and yet there was nothing neglected. He shared with them their sorrows and joys. He examined any business [they had to lay before him], teaching them where their knowledge was deficient, and compassionating them where in anything they fell short. Guests [then] came to Tsin as if they were going home; —what calamity or distress had they to think of? They did not have to fear robbers, or to be troubled about the heat or the damp.
"'But now the palace of T'ung-te extends over several le, and the princes have to occupy what seem the houses of menials. The gates will not admit their carriages, and they cannot be taken over the walls. Robbers move about openly, and there is no defence against the evil influences [of heat and damp]. No time is fixed for the guests to have an interview, and they have no means of knowing when they will be summoned to it. If we are further required not to throw down the walls, we shall have nowhere to deposit our offerings, and may lie open to the charge of a grave offence. Allow me to ask what charge you have to give us. Although your ruler has to mourn the death of [the duke of Loo], that is also an occasion of sorrow to our State. If we shall be permitted to present our offerings, and to depart after repairing the walls, it will be a kindness on the part of your ruler;—shall we presume to shrink from performing the labour diligently?"
'Wăn-pih reported the result of his commission, and Chaou Wăn-tsze said, "It is true. We are verily wanting in virtue. That we cause the princes to take up their residences within walls only fit for very inferior officers is our crime." Sze Wăn-pih was then sent to apologize for the want of attention. The marquis saw the earl, and showed him more than ordinary courtesy. He entertained him liberally, sent him away with proofs of his friendship, and built reception-houses for the princes. Shuh-heang said, "Thus indispensable is the gift of speech-making! Tsze-ch'an has that gift, and all the States are under obligations to him. On no account may speeches be dispensed with. The words of the ode (She, III. ii. ode X. 2),
'Let your words be in harmony with the right, And the people will agree with them. Let your words be gentle and kind, And the people will be settled,' show that the author knew this."
'Tsze-p'e of Ch'ing sent Yin Twan to Ts'oo, to report how [the earl] had gone to Tsin:— which was proper.']
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Duke Le-pe of Keu had two sons, K'eu-tsih and Chen-yu. He first declared that the succession would be in Chen-yu, and then disannulled that arrangement. He was tyrannical, and the people were distressed by their sufferings. In the 11th month, Chen-yu, with the help of the people, attacked and murdered him, and then took his place. K'eu-tsih fled to Ts'e, to which State his mother belonged, while Chen-yu was the son of a daughter of the, House of Woo. The text, in saying that the people of Keu murdered their ruler, Mae-choo-ts'oo, shows that he was a criminal(?)."
[There follow here five narratives:— 1st. 'The viscount of Woo sent K'euh Hooyung (The son of Woo-shin; see on VII. vii. 5) on a complimentary mission to Tsin, to keep the way [between the two States] open. Chaou Wăn-tsze asked him, "Has Ke-tsze of Yen and Chow-lae (Ke-chah) really become your ruler? At Ch'aou you lost Choo-fan (See xxv. 10); a door-keeper killed Tae-woo (See xxix.4):—it would seem as if Heaven had been opening [the way] for him. How is it?" The envoy replied, "He has not been appointed our ruler. That was the fate of the two kings, and not any opening [of the way] for Ke-tsze. If you speak of Heaven's opening the way, I should say it was for our present ruler, who has succeeded [to his brother]. He has great virtue, and takes [wise] measures.
Virtuous, he does not lose the [attachment of the] people. Taking [wise] measures, he does not err in [the conduct of] affairs. By this attachment of the people, and by his orderly conduct of affairs, Heaven has opened the way for him. The rulers of the State of Woo must be the descendants of this ruler,—yes, to the end. Ke-tsze is one who maintains his purity. Although he might have had the State, he refused to be ruler."'
2d. 'In the 12th month, Pih-kung Wăn-tsze attended duke Seang of Wei on a visit to Ts'oo, undertaken in compliance with the covenant of Sung; and as they passed by [the capital of] Ch'ing, Yin Twan went out to comfort them under the toils of the journey, using the ceremonies of a complimentary visit, but the speeches appropriate to such a comforting visit. Wăntsze entered the city, to pay a complimentary visit [in return]. Tsze-yu was the internuncius. P'ing Keen-tsze and Tsze-t'ae-shuh met the guest. When the business was over, and [Wăntsze] had gone out [again], he said to the marquis of Wei, "Ch'ing observes the proprieties. This will be a blessing to it for several generations, and save it, I apprehend, from any inflictions from the great States. The ode says (She, III. iii. ode III. 5),
'Who can hold anything hot? Must he not dip it [first] in water?' The rules of propriety are to government what that dipping is to the consequences of the heat. With the dipping to take away the heat, there is no distress." Tsze-ch'an, in the administration of his government, selected the able and employed them. P'ing Keen-tsze was able to give a decision in the greatest matters. Tsze-t'ae-shuh was handsome and accomplished. Kung-sun Hwuy told what was doing in the States round about, and could distinguish all about their great officers, their clans, surnames, order, positions, their rank whether noble or mean, their ability or the reverse; and he was also skilful in composing speeches. P'e Chin was a skilful counsellor;—skilful when he concocted his plans in the open country, but not when he did so in the city. When the State was going to have any business with other States, Tsze-ch'an asked Tsze-yu what was doing round about, and caused him to compose a long speech. He then took P'e Chin in his carriage into the open country, and made him consider whether the speech would suit the occasion or not. Next he told P'ing Keen-tsze, and made him give a decision in the case. When all this was done, he put the matter into the hands of Tsze-t'ae-shuh to carry it into effect, replying to the visitors [from the other States]. In this way it was seldom that any affair went wrong. This was what Pih-kung Wăn-tsze meant in saying that Ch'ing observed the proprieties.' Comp Ana. XIV. ix.
3d.' 'A man of Ch'ing rambled into a village school, and fell discoursing about the conduct of the government.
'[In consequence], Jen-ming proposed to Tszech'an to destroy [all] the village schools; but that minister said, "Why do so? If people retire morning and evening, and pass their judgment on the conduct of the government, as being good or bad, I will do what they approve of, and I will alter what they condemn;—they are my teachers. On what ground should we destroy [those schools]? I have heard that by loyal conduct and goodness enmity is diminished, but I have not heard that it can be prevented by acts of violence. It may indeed be hastily stayed for a while, but it continues like a stream that has been dammed up. If you make a great opening in the dam, there will be great injury done,—beyond our power to relieve. The best plan is to lead the water off by a small opening. [In this case] our best plan is to hear what is said, and use it as a medicine." Jenming said, "From this time forth I know that you are indeed equal to the administration of affairs. I acknowledge my want of ability. If you indeed do this, all Ch'ing will be benefited by it, and, not we two or three ministers only."
'When Chung-ne heard of these words, he said, "Looking at the matter from this, when men say that Tsze-ch'an was not benevolent, I do not believe it."
4th. 'Tsze-p'e wanted to make Yin Ho commandant of his city. Tsze-ch'an said, "He is young, and I do not know that he can be so employed." "He is honest and careful," replied Tsze-p'e. "I love him. He does not go against me. Let him go and learn, and he will by-andby know all the better how to rule." Tsze-ch'an objected, "When a man loves another, he seeks to benefit him; but when you, in your love for [this man], wish to confer a post on him, it is as if you would employ a man to cut before he is able to handle a knife;—the injury done to him must be great. 'If your love for a man only issues in your injuring him, who will venture to seek your love? You are the main support of the State of Ch'ing. If the main support be broken, the rafters will tumble down. I shall be crushed beneath them, and I must therefore speak out all my mind. If you have a piece of beautiful embroidered silk, you will not employ a [mere] learner to make it up. A great office and a great city are what men depend on for the protection of their persons; and you will employ a [mere] learner to undertake them!—are they not much more important than your beautiful embroidery? I have heard that a man must first learn, and then enter on the conduct of government; I have not heard that one is to learn in the exercise of that conduct. If you do indeed do this, you are sure to do injury. Take the case of hunting:—when a man is accustomed to shoot and to drive, his hunting will be successful. If he have never mounted a chariot nor shot nor driven, he will be utterly unsuccessful; and amid his fear lest he should be overturned, what leisure will he have to think of the game?" Tsze-p'e said, 'Good. I have shown myself unintelligent. I have heard that what the superior man makes it a point to know is the great and the remote, while the small man is concerned to know the small and the near. I am a small man. The garment which fits to my body I know and am careful about, but the great office and the great city, on which my body depends for protection, were far off and slighted by me. But for your words, I should not have known [my error]. On a former day I said that if you governed the State and I governed my family, and so preserved myself, it would do. Henceforth I know that I am insufficient even for this, and must be allowed even in the rule of my family to act as I shall be instructed by you." Tsze-ch'an said, "Men's minds are different just as their faces are. How should I presume to say that your face must be as mine? But if [I see] that which makes my mind, as we say, uneasy, I will tell you of it." Tsze-p'e, impressed with his faithfulness, entrusted to him the government, and thus it was that Tsze-ch'an was able to conduct the affairs of Ch'ing.'
5th. 'When the marquis of Wei was in Ts'oo, Pih-kung Wăn-tsze, perceiving the carriage and display of the chief minister Wei, said to the marquis, "The [pomp] of the chief minister is like that of the ruler; he must have his mind set on some other object. But though he may obtain his desire, he will not hold it to the end. The ode (She, III. iii. ode I. 1) says,
'All have their beginning, But there are few that can secure the end.' The difficulty is indeed with the end. The chief minister will not escape [an evil death]." The marquis said, "How do you know it?" Wăntsze replied, "The ode (She, III. iii. ode II. 2) says,
'Let him be reverently careful of his dignified manner, And he will be the pattern of the people.' But the chief minister has no dignified manner [such as becomes him], and the people have no pattern in him. Let him, in whom the people find no pattern, be placed above them, yet he cannot continue to the end." "Good!" said the duke. "What do you mean by a dignified manner?" The reply was, "Having majesty that inspires awe, is what we call dignity. Presenting a pattern which induces imitation is what we call manner. When a ruler has the dignified manner of a ruler, his ministers fear and love him, imitate and resemble him, so that he holds [firm] possession of his State, and his fame continues through long ages. When a minister has the dignified manner of a minister, his inferiors fear and love him, so that he can keep [sure] his office, preserve his clan, and rightly order his family. So it is with all classes downwards, and it is by this that high and low are made firm in their relations to one another. An ode of Wei (She, I. iii. ode 1.3) says,
'My dignified manner is mixed with ease, And cannot be made the subject of remark;' showing that ruler and minister, high and low, father and son, elder and younger brother, at home and abroad, in great things and small, all have a dignified manner [which is proper to them]. An ode of Chow (She, III. ii. ode III.4) says,
'Your friends assisting at the service Have done so in a dignified manner,' showing that it is the rule for friends, in their instruction of one another, to exhibit a dignified manner. One of the books of Chow says, 'The great States feared his strength, and the small States cherished his virtue,' showing the union of awe and love. An ode (She, III. i. ode VII. 7) says,
'Unconscious of effort, He accorded with the example of God;' showing the union of imitation and resemblance.
'Chow imprisoned king Wăn for 7 years, and then all the princes of the kingdom repaired to the place of his imprisonment, and on this Chow became afraid, and restored him [to his State]. This may be called an instance of how [king Wăn] was loved. When he invaded Ts'ung, on his second expedition, [the lord of that State] surrendered and acknowledged his duty as a subject. All the wild tribes [also] led on one another to submit to him. These may be pronounced instances of the awe which he inspired. All under heaven praised his meritorious services with songs and dances, which may be pronounced an instance of their taking him as a pattern. To the present day, the actions of king Wăn are acknowledged as laws, which may be pronounced an instance of his power to make men resemble himself. The secret was his dignified manner. Therefore when the superior man, occupying a high position, inspires awe; and by his beneficence produces love; and his advancing and retiring are according to rule; and all his intercourse with others affords a pattern; and his countenance and steps excite the gaze [of admiration]; and the affairs he conducts serve as laws; and his virtuous actions lead to imitation; and his voice and air diffuse joy; and his movements and doings are elegant; and his words have distinctness and brilliance: —when thus he brings himself near to those below him, he is said to have a dignified manner."']
BOOK X. DUKE CH'AOU.
I. First year.
1 In his first year, in spring, in the king's first month, the duke came to the [vacant] seat.
2 Shuh-sun P'aou had a meeting with Chaou Woo of Tsin, the Kung-tsze Wei of Ts'oo, Kwoh Joh of Ts'e, Heang Seuh of Sung, Ts'e Goh of Wei, the Kung-tsze Shaou of Ch'in, the Kung-sun Kwei-săng of Ts'ae, Han Hoo of Ch'ing, a minister of Heu, and a minister of Ts'aou, in Kwoh.
3 In the third month, we took Yun.
4 In summer, K'een, younger brother of the earl of Ts'in, fled from that State to Tsin.
5 In the sixth month, on Ting-sze, Hwa, viscount of Choo, died.
6 Seun Woo of Tsin led a force, and defeated the Teih at Ta-loo.
7 In autumn, K'eu-tsih of Keu entered into that State from Ts'e.
8 Chen-yu of Keu fled from that State to Woo.
9 Shuh Kung led a force, and laid out the boundaries of the lands of Yun.
10 There was the burial of duke Taou of Choo.
11 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Ke-yew, Keun, viscount of Ts'oo, died.
12 The Kung-tsze P'e of Ts'oo fled from that State to Tsin.
Title of the Book.—??, 'Duke Ch'aou.' We have seen, in the Chuen on par. 3 of last year, that duke Ch'ou's name was Chow (?), and that he was a son of duke Seang by a concubine, called Ts'e Kwei (??), of the State of Hoo (?). He was 19 years old at his accession, and still possessed a boy's heart, more fond of sport than beseemed his position. He was marquis of Loo from B.C. 540 to 509. His honorary title denotes 'In demeanour respectful and intelligent (??????).'
Ch'aou's 1st year synchronized with the 4th of king King (??); the 17th of P'ing (? ?) of Tsin; the 7th of King (?) of Ts'e; the 3d of Seang (?) of Wei; the 2d of Ling (?) of Ts'ae; the 25th of Keen (?) of Ch'ing; the 14th of Woo (?) of Ts'aou; the 28th of Gae (?) of Ch'in; the 9th of Wăn (?) of Ke; the 35th of P'ing of Sung; the 36th of King of Ts'in; the 4th of Keah-gaou (??) of Ts'oo, and the 3d of E-mei (??) of Woo.
Par. 2. For ?? Kung-yang has ??; for ??, ??; for ??, ??. For ? Kung has ?, and Kuh ?. Kwoh was in Ch'ing. It had been the capital of the State of east Kwoh, which had been extinguished by Ch'ing before the commencement of the Ch'un Ts'ew period;—in the dis. of Fan-shwuy (? ?), dep. K'ae-fung. The object of the meeting in Kwoh was to renew the covenant of Sung, which was repeated here, though not with all the formalities; and many critics see the 'pruning style' and mysterious meaning of the sage in making mention of the meeting only. The details in the Chuen illustrate the remarks appended to IX. xxvii. 2, 5, on the decadence of Tsin, the growing power of Ts'oo, and the encroachments of the great officers on the prerogatives of the princes of the States.
The Chuen says:—'In spring, the Kung-tsze Wei of Ts'oo went on a complimentary visit to Ch'ing, and at the same time to marry a daughter of Kung-sun Twan; Woo Keu being the assistant commissioner. They proposed lodging inside the capital, but the people of Ch'ing were adverse to this, and sent the internuncius Tszeyu to speak with them on the subject; on which they occupied a reception-house outside. When the business of the visit was over, [Wei] proposed [entering the city], with all his company, to meet his bride. The thing troubled Tszech'an, who sent Tsze-yu to decline the proposal, saying, "In consequence of the smallness of our poor city, which is not sufficient to contain your followers, we beg to [level a piece of ground outside, and] rear a high structure where we can receive your commands." The chief minister ordered the grand-administrator, Pih Chowle, to reply, "Your ruler condescended to confer his kindness on our great officer Wei, saying that he would send the lady Fung (Fung was the surname of Kung-sun Twan) to take soothing possession of his family. Wei then set forth his offerings on the stands in the temples of [the kings] Chwang and Kung (His grand-father and father), and is come here. If the lady be given to him in the open country, it will be throwing your ruler's gift among the grass and weeds; and our great officer will not have his rank among the other ministers [of our State]. And not only this:—the proceeding will also make Wei to have deceived his former rulers, and he will not be able to retain his place as an ancient of our [present] ruler. He will not [dare to] return [to Ts'oo]. Let your great officers consider it." Tsze-yu said, "Our small State [means] no offence; its offence has been in the confidence [it has reposed in you]. Meaning to confide in your great State's desire to secure its respose and quiet, and you, on the contrary, having hid in your breasts an evil mind to scheme against it, it will have erred in its confidence, and must announce the thing to the States, moving the indignation of them all, so that they will resist your ruler's orders, and your progress will be stopped:—this is what we are afraid of. If it were not for this, our State is but a sort of keeper of a reception-house for you; would it presume to grudge you the use of the temple of the Fung family?"
'Woo Keu, knowing that they were prepared [in Ch'ing against any hostile attempt], begged that they might enter the city, with their quivers slung upside down;—which was granted. In the 1st month, on Yih-we, [Wei] entered the city, received his bride, and went out again.
'He then went on to meet [the representatives of the States] in Kwoh, the object being to renew the covenant of Sung. K'e Woo said to Chaou Wăn-tsze, "At the covenant of Sung, the men of Ts'oo got their will, as against Tsin. The want of faith of the present chief-minister [of Ts'oo] is what all the States have heard of. If you do not take precautions, things will turn out as in Sung. The good faith of Tsze-muh was celebrated among the States, and still he deceived Tsin, and got the advantage over it; how much more may we expect deceit from one notorious for his want of faith! If Ts'oo a second time get its will as against Tsin, it will be a disgrace to Tsin. You have guided the government of Tsin, maintaining it as lord of covenants now for 7 years. Twice have you assembled the princes of the States, and three times their great officers. You brought to submission Ts'e and the Teih; you tranquillized the States of the east; you pacified the confusion of Ts'in; you walled Shun-yu (The capital of Ke); yet our troops have not been exhausted; the State has not been wearied; the people have uttered no slanders nor revilings; the other States have felt no resentment; Heaven has inflicted no great calamities:—all this has been due to you. You have got a good name, and what I am afraid of is, lest you should bring shame on it in the end. Sir, you must not neglect to take precautions." Wăn-tsze said, "Thank you for the lesson you have given me. But at the covenant of Sung, the heart of Tszemuh was set on injuring others, while my heart was set on the well-being of others; and it was thereby that Ts'oo got the advantage of Tsin. And now I still cherish the same heart, and Ts'oo is still assuming and arrogating. No harm will result from it. Good faith shall be held by me as a fundamental thing, and I will act in accordance with it. The case will be like that of the husbandman who clears away the weeds and digs up the earth about his plants; although there may be seasons of famine or scarcity, he will, as a rule, have abundant harvests. Moreover, I have heard that he who can maintain his good faith is sure not to be below others:—I cannot fully attain to this. The ode (She, III. iii. ode II. 8) says,
'Not going beyond the right, inflicting no injury, Seldom is it that such an one does not become a pattern to others;' showing the power of good faith. He who can be a pattern to others, is not beneath them. My inability to attain this is my difficulty; I am not troubled about Ts'oo."
'Wei, the chief minister of Ts'oo begged that they might simply use a victim, and, having read the words of the former covenant, place the writing over its [blood]. This was agreed to on the part of Tsin; and on the 3d month, on Keah-shin, they covenanted. Wei was in [ruler's] robes, with guards displayed [before him]. Shuhsun Muh-tsze said, "The Kung-tsze of Ts'oo is beautiful, how ruler-like!"
Tsze-p'e of Ch'ing said, "Yes, with those two spearmen before him!"
'Tsze-kea of Ts'ae said, "They are before the P'oo palace; may he not have them [here] also?" 'Pih Chow-le of Ts'oo said, "In taking leave for this journey, he borrowed them from our ruler."
'Hwuy, the internuncius of Ch'ing, said "He borrowed them, but will not return them!"
'Pih Chow-le replied, "You may find a subject for your sorrow in the rebellious, incoherent ambition of Tsze-seih." Tsze-yu rejoined, "While the designate of the peih (See the Chuen on XIII. 3) remains, do you find no subject for sorrow in the borrowing these things, and not returning them?"
'Kwoh-tsze of Ts'e said, "I commiserate the two of you."
The Kung-tsze Shaou of Ch'in said, "But for their anxious sorrow, what would they accomplish? They will have occasion for joy."
'Ts'e-tsze of Wei said, "If they know it [before-hand], although they may be sorrowful, what harm will there be?"
'The master of the Left of Sung—he of Hoh— said, "A great State commands, and a small State obeys. I know nothing but to obey."
'Yoh Wang-foo of Tsin said, ["The sentiment of] the last stanza of the Seaou min (She, II. v. ode I.) is good; I will follow it."
'When they retired from the meeting, Tszeyu said to Tsze-p'e, "Shuh-sun was sharp, and yet mild. The master of the Left of Sung was sententious, and agreeable to propriety. Yoh Wang-foo was loving and reverent. You and Tsze-kea held [the Mean]. You are all men who will preserve your families for generations. But the great officers of Ts'e, Wei, and Ch'in, will not escape [an evil death]. Kwoh-tsze was sorry for them; Tsze-shaou found in sorrow ground for joy; and Ts'e-tsze said that though they were sorrowful, there would be no harm. Now to be sorry before the thing happens, to find joy in what is occasion for sorrow, and to see no harm in being sorry;—all this is the way to bring sorrow. Sorrow will come to them. The Great Declaration says, 'What the people desire, Heaven is sure to grant.' Those three officers prognosticated sorrow;—is it possible but that sorrow should come to them? This is an illustration of the saying, 'From words you know things.'"
Par. 3. Yun,—see on IX. xii. 1, 2. The Chuen says:—'Ke Woo-tsze invaded Keu and took Yun. The people of Keu sent word [of the outrage] to the meeting, and Ts'oo represented to Tsin, "Before we have retired from this renewal of the covenant, Loo has invaded Keu, thus treating contumeliously our common stipulations. Allow us to execute its envoy." Yoh Hwan-tsze (Wang-foo) was in attendance on Chaou Wăn-tsze; and wishing to ask a bribe from Shuh-sun, he interceded for him, and sent a messenger to ask from him a sash. Shuh-sun refused it, on which Leang K'e-hing said, "Why should you grudge giving your property to protect yourself?" Shuh-sun replied, "The meeting of the States is for the defence of our altars. If I by such a method secure my own escape, yet Loo will be attacked. I shall have brought calamity on it, instead of being a defence to it. Men build walls to prevent the approach of evil. When there are cracks in a wall, or it falls to ruin, on whom will the blame be laid? If I, set for the defence [of Loo], should yet do it evil, I should be more to blame [than the wall]. Though I can resent the conduct of Kesun [in this matter], what offence has Loo committed? That the Shuh should go abroad [on missions], and the Ke remain at home, is an established custom [of our State]:—with whom should I feel dissatisfied? But as to a gift to Wang-foo, if I do not give him something, he will not cease [importuning me]." With this he called the messenger, tore up a piece of silk for a lower garment, and gave it to him, saying, "The sash-silk is all done."
'When Chaou-măng heard of all this, he said, "In misfortune, not forgetting his State, he is loyal; in prospect of difficulties, not [wishing] to overstep his office, he is faithful. Forgetting the risk of death in his interest for the State, he is incorrupt. Holding to these three things in his counsels, he is righteous. Ought a man with these four qualities to be executed?" He therefore made a request to [the minister of] Ts'oo, saying, "Although Loo be chargeable with an offence, its minister here has not [sought to] avoid difficult services, and [now] in awe of your majesty he [is prepared] to submit reverently to your orders. It will be well for you to spare him as an encouragement to all about you. If your officers, in the State, do not seek to avoid laborious services, and when they go abroad, do not try to evade difficulties [that they may meet with]. to what calamities will you in that case be exposed? What calamities arise from is officers' not performing laborious services, and not maintaining their characters on occasions of difficulty. If they are able for these two things, there will be no calamities. If you do not quiet [the apprehensions of] those who are able, who will follow you? Shuh-sun P'aou may be pronounced such an able man, and I beg you to spare him, in order to quiet the minds of others who are so [also]. If you, having assembled [the ministers of] the States, will pardon the guilty [Loo], and reward its worthy officer, which of the States will not rejoice? They will look to Ts'oo, and turn to it, and see it, though far off, as if it were near. The States that lie on their borders [between Tsin and Ts'oo] follow now the one and now the other, without any regularity. The good kings and presiding princes drew out for them their boundaries, set up for them their officers, raised in them their flags of distinction, and issued among them enactments and ordinances. Transgressors among them they punished, and yet they could not secure a oneness [of obedience]. Thus it was that Yu had its San-meaou; Hea its Kwan and Hoo; Shang its Seen and P'ei; and Chow its Seu and Yen. After there ceased to be good kings, the States struggled for the precedence, and one and another have presided in turns over the general covenants. Under such a condition can absolute oneness be looked for? The State which can sympathize with others in great [calamities], and overlook small matters, is fit to be lord of covenants; why should it occupy itself [with the small matters]? What State has not questions about encroachments on its borders? What presiding State could attend to them all? If Woo or Puh were to commit a trespass, would the ministers of Ts'oo pay any regard to our covenants? There is no reason why Ts'oo should not decline to take notice of this matter about the borders of Keu, and why the States should be troubled about it. Keu and Loo have quarrelled about Yun for long. If there be no great harm done to the altars [of Keu], you need not resist [the present aggression]. Do you remove this occasion of trouble, and deal kindly with this good man, and all will be strong to encourage [one another, in the appreciation of 'Ts'oo]. Do you consider the matter." He [thus] earnestly urged his request, and the minister of Ts'oo granted it, so that Shuh-sun was spared.
'The chief minister feasted Chaou-măng, and sang the first stanza of the Ta ming (She, III. i. ode II.). Chaou-măng sang the second stanza of the Seaou yuen (She, II. v. ode II.). When the feast was over;, Chaou-măng said to Shuhheang, "The chief minister looks upon himself as king. How will it be?" Shuh-heang replied, "The king is weak, and the minister is strong. His ambition will be gratified, but notwithstanding he will not die a natural death." "Why so?" "When strength overcomes weakness, and is satisfied in doing so, the strength is not righteous. Of strength which is unrighteous the doom will come quick. The ode (She, II. iv. ode VIII. 8) says,
'The majestic honoured capital of Chow Is extinguished by Paou Sze:—' that was a case of strength which was not righteous. When the chief minister becomes king, he will be sure to ask [from Tsin] the presidency of the States; and Tsin is somewhat weakened. The States will go [to Ts'oo]; and when he has got them, his oppressiveness will be greatly increased. The people will not be able to bear it, and how shall he obtain a natural death? Taking [his position] by strength, overcoming by unrighteousness, he must look on these things as the proper course. Pursuing that course in dissoluteness and oppression, he cannot continue long."
[We have four narratives appended here:—
1st. "In summer, in the 4th month, Chaoumăng, Shuh-sun P'aou, and the great officer of Ts'ou, entered the capital of Ch'ing, where the carl gave them all an entertainment. Tsze-p'e conveyed to Chaou-măng the notice of the time; and when the ceremony [of doing so] was over, Chaou-măng sang the Hoo yen (She, II. viii. ode VII.). Tsze-p'e went on to give the notice to Muh-shuh, and told this to him, when Muh-shuh said, "Chaou-măng wishes that there should only be one cup and the response to it. You should order it so." "How dare I?" said Tsze-p'e. "When it is what a man wishes, why should you not dare to do a thing?" was the reply. When the time came, the vessels for the ceremony of five cups were all provided under a tent. Chaou-măng declined [such a celebration], and told Tsze-ch'an apart how he had begged of the chief minister [that it might be otherwise]. On this only one cup was presented, Chaou-măng being the [principal] guest; and when that ceremony was over, they proceeded to the feast. Muh-shuh sang the Ts'eohch'aou (She, I ii. ode I.). when Chaou-măng said, "I am not worthy of that." The other then sang the Ts'ae fan. (I. ii. ode II.), and added, "Our small States are like that southernwood. If your great State will gather it sparingly and use it, we will in everything obey your commands." Tsze-p'e sang the last stanza of the Yay yew sze keun (I. ii. ode XII.). Chaou-măng sang the Chang-te (II. i. ode IV.), and said, "Let us who are brothers seek to rest in harmony, and that dog may be kept from barking at us." Muh-shuh, Tsze-p'e, and the great officer of Ts'aou, rose up at this, and bowed their acknowledgments. Each of them raised a cup made of a rhinoceros' horn, and said, "We small States depend on you, and know that we shall escape punishment." They then drank and were joyous. When Chaou măng went out, he said, "I shall not have a repetition of this [enjoyment]."
2d. 'The king by Heaven's grace sent duke Ting of Lew to the Ying to compliment Chaoumăng on the accomplishment of the toils of his journey; and [he accompanied him] to his lodging-house near a bend of the Loh. "How admirable," said the viscount of Lew, "was the merit of Yu! His intelligent virtue reached far. But for Yu, we should have been fishes. That you and I manage the business of the princes in our caps and robes is all owing to Yu. Why should you not display a merit as far-reaching as that of Yu, and extend a great protection to the people?" Chaou-măng replied, "I am old, and constantly afraid of incurring guilt; how should I be able to send my regards far into the future? We can but think about our food, in the morning laying no plans for the evening, and are incapable of any long forethought." When the viscount returned [to the court], he told the king of this conversation, saying, "The common saying, 'An old man is just becoming wise, when senility comes upon him,' might be spoken of Chaou-măng. He is the chief minister of Tsin, and presides over the States, and yet he likens himself to a common servant, who in the morning has no plans for the evening, casting from him [the care of] both Spirits and men. The Spirits must be angry with him, and the people revolt from him:—how can he continue long? Chaoumăng will not see another year. The Spirits, angry with him, will not accept his sacrifices; the people, revolting from him, will not repair to execute his affairs. His sacrifices and affairs both unattended to, what should he do with more years?"
3d. 'When Shuh-sun returned [to Loo], Tsăng Yaou drove Ke-sun to congratulate him on the accomplishment of his journey. The morning passed and mid-day came, without his "coming forth. Tsăng Yaou said to Tsăng Fow, "[Kept here] from morning to mid-day, we know our offence. But the government of Loo goes on through the mutual forbearance [of the ministers]. Abroad he could bear [with our master], and [now] in the State he does not do so;—what is the meaning of this?" Fow (Shuh-sun's steward) said, "He has been several months abroad;—what does it harm you to be here one morning? Does the trader who desires his profit dislike the clamour [of the market-place]?" Fow then said to his master that he might come forth, and Shuh-sun pointing to one of the pillars [of his house], said, "Though I should dislike this, could it be removed?" With this he went out and saw Ke-sun.'
4th. 'Seu-woo Fan of Clring had a beautiful sister, who was betrothed to Kung-sun Ts-oo (Designated Tsze-nan). Kung-sun Hili (Tsze-seih), however, also sent a messenger who violently insisted on leaving a goose at the house (A ceremony of espousal). Fan was afraid, and reported the matter to Tsze-ch'an, who said, "This is not your sorrow [only]; it shows the want of government in the State. Give her to which of them you please." Fan then begged of the two gentlemen that they would allow him to leave the choice between them to the lady; and they agreed to it.
'Tsze-seih then. splendidly arrayed, entered the house, set forth his offerings, and went out. Tsze-nan entered in his military dress, shot an arrow to the left and another to the right, sprang into his chariot, and went out. The lady saw them from a chamber, and said, "Tsze-seih is indeed handsome, but Tsze-nan is my husband. For the husband to be the husband, and the wife to be the wife, is what is called the natural course." So she went to Tsze-nan's. Tsze-seih was enraged, and by-and-by went with his bow-case and in his buff-coat to see Tsze-nan, intending to kill him and take away his wife. Tsze-nan knew his purpose, seized a spear, and pursued him. Coming up to him at a cross road, he struck him with the weapon. Tsze-seih went home wounded, and informed the great officers, saying, "I went in friendship to see him, not knowing that he had any hostile purpose; and so I received the wound."
'The great officers all consulted about the case. Tsze-ch'an said, "There is a measure of right on both sides; but as the younger, and lower in rank, and chargeable with an offence, we must hold Ts'oo to be the criminal." Accordingly he [caused] Tsze-nan to be seized, and enumerated his offences, saying, "There are the five great rules of the State, all of which you have violated:—awe of the ruler's majesty; obedience to the rules of the government; honour to the nobler in rank; the service of elders; and the kindly cherishing of relatives. These five things are necessary to the maintenance of the State. Now you, while the ruler was in the city, presumed to use your weapon; —you had no awe of his majesty. You violated the laws of the State;—not obedient to the rules of government. Tsze-seih is a great officer of the 1st degree, and you would not acknowledge your inferiority;—you have not honoured the nobler in rank. Younger than he, you showed no awe of him;—not serving your elder. You lifted your weapon against your cousin;—not kindly cherishing your relative. The ruler says that he cannot bear to put you to death, and will deal gently with you in sending you to a distance. Make an effort and take your departure quickly, so as not to incur a second offence."
'In the 5th month, on Kăng-shin, Ch'ing banished Yew (Tsze-nan's clan-name) Ts'oo, to Woo. When he was about to send him away, Tsze-ch'an consulted with T'ae-shuh (Yew Keih) on the subject. T'ae-shuh said, "I cannot protect myself; how should I be able to protect the members of my clan? The affair belongs to the government of the State, and is not any private hardship. If you have planned for the benefit of the State, carry out your decision. Why should you have any hesitancy? The duke of Chow put to death Kwan-shuh, and banished Ts'ae-shuh, not because he did not love them, but because it was necessary for the royal House. If I were to be found in any crime, you would send me away; what difficulty need you have in the case of any other Yew?"]
Par. 4. The Chuen says :—' How-tsze of Ts'in had been a favourite with [his father, duke] Hwan, and was like another ruler by the side of [his brother, duke] King. Their mother said to him, "If you do not go away, I am afraid you will be found fault with." On Kweimaon, therefore, K'een went to Tsin, with his chariots amounting to a thousand. The words of the text, "K'een, younger brother of the carl of Ts'in fled from that State to Tsin," are condemnatory of the earl.
'How-tsze gave an entertainment to the marquis of Tsin, when he made a bridge of boats over the Ho. His chariots were placed at stages, 10 le distant from one another, [all the way] from Yung to Keang, returning [to Ts'in] to fetch the offerings for the different pledgings [at the entertainment], thereby completing the business in eight journeys back to it.
'The marshal How asked him whether those were all his chariots, and if he had no more, to which he replied, "These may be pronounced many; if they had been fewer, how should I have got to see you?" Joo Shuh-ts'e (The marshal) told this to the marquis, and added, "The prince of Ts'in is sure to return to that State. I have heard that when a superior man is able to know his errors, he is sure to take good measures in regard to them; and good measures receive the assistance of Heaven."
'How-tsze visited Chaou-măng, who asked him when he would return [to Ts'in], and he replied, "I was afraid of being found fault with by my ruler, and therefore I am here. I will wait for the accession of his successor." The other then asked him about the character of the ruler of Ts'in, and he replied that he was without principle. "So that [the State] will perish?" asked Chaou-măng. "How should that be?" replied he. "For one rule without principle a State will not come to an end. The State stands related to Heaven and Earth;—they stand together. Unless licentiousness has prevailed for several incumbencies, it will not come to ruin." Chaou-măng said, "Does Heaven [act in the matter]?" "Yes." "And for how long?" "I have heard," was the reply, "that when [a ruler] is without principle, and yet the yearly harvest is good, Heaven is assisting him; it is seldom it does not do so for 5 years." Chaou-măng, observing the shadows, said, "The morning may not extend to the evening, nor the evening to the morning. Who can wait for five years?" When How-tsze went out [from the interview], he said to his friends, "Chaou-măng will [soon] die. When the president of the people trifles about years, and desires [length of] days, he cannot endure long."
The Kang-he editors say that the three Chuen agree in regarding the words of the text as condemnatory of the earl of Ts'in, because he had not done his duty in the training of his younger brother; but they also quote the criticism of Kea Heuen-ung (???; end of Sung dyn.), who finds a condemnation of K'een in it as well;—and of this view they approve. But both the views are imported into the text, we may believe. Certainly the latter is. A more serious difficulty presents itself to my mind in connexion with the text. Admitting the narrative in the Chuen, though parts in it are not easy to believe or understand, the going of K'een to Tsin was of a very different character from all the departures from one State and flights to another which we have yet met with. A faithful and accurate chronicler would have varied his language to mark that difference.
[We have appended here:—'Because of the troubles connected with the affair of Yew Ts'oo in Ch'ing, in the 6th month, the earl and his great officers made a covenant in the house of Kung-sun Twan. Han Woo, Kung-sun K'enou, Kung-sun Twan, Yin Twan, Yew Keih, and Sze Tae, privately covenanted together outside the Kwei gate, which was in fact [the covenant of] Heun-suy. Kung-sun Hih violently insisted on taking part in the covenant, and made the grand historiographer write his name, and enter the phrase—"the seven officers." Tsze-ch'an did not attempt to punish him.']
Par. 6. For ?? Kung and Kuh have ??; and Kuh observes that the place or tract was called by the former name among the Teih, and by the latter among the States of the kingdom. The name of T'ae-vuen remains in the dis. and dep. so called, in Shan-se.
The Chuen says:—'Chung-hang Muh-tsze defeated the Woo-chung and other tribes of the Teih in T'ae-yuen, through collecting the men attached to the chariots and making them footsoldiers. When they were about to fight, Wei Shoo said, "They are all foot-men, while our force consists of chariots. We must meet them, moreover, in a narrow pass. Let us substitute ten men for each chariot, and we shall overcome them. Even though straitened in the pass, we shall do so. Let us all turn ourselves into footmen. I will begin." Accordingly, he put aside his chariots, and formed the men into ranks, five chariots furnishing three ranks of five men each. A favourite officer of Seun Woo (The Chung-haug Muh-tese) was not willing to take his place among the soldiers, and Shoo beheaded him, and made the execution known through the army. Five dispositions were then made at a distance from one another:—leang, in front; woo, behind; chuen. on the right horn; ts'an, on the left; and p'in, in the van. This was done to deceive the Teih, who laughed at the arrangement. [The troops of Tsin] then fell on the enemy before they could form in order, and inflicted on them a great defeat.'
Parr. 7, 8. See on IX. xxxi. 7. The Chuen here says:—'When Chen-yu succeeded to the rule of Keu, he deprived all the sons of previous rulers of their offices. In consequence of this, they called K'eu-tsih from Ts'e; and in autumn, the Kung-tsze Ts'oo of Ts'e instated him in Keu, while Chen-yu fled to Woo.' Kung and Kuh leave out the ? after ?.
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'Shuh Kung led a force, and laid out the boundaries of the lands of Yun;—taking advantage of the disorder in Keu. At this time, Woo Low, Mow Hoo, and the Kung-tsze Meeh-ming, fled to Ts'e, offering to that State the cities of Ta-mang and Chang-e-mei. The superior man will say that Chen's not maintaining himself in Keu was owing to his throwing men from him. Can men be thrown away? The ode (She, IV. i. [i.] ode IV.) says,
"Nothing gives strength more than [the use of right] men." The sentiment is good."
Par. 10. This is the first time that we meet, in the Ch'un Ts'ew, with the burial of a prince of Choo; and the same thing is recorded also, for the 1st time under duke Ch'aou, in reference to rulers of T'ăng, Seeh, and Ts-in. The entries mark the decay of Loo, now seeking by such an attention to ingratiate itself with small States like Choo, T'ăng, and Seeh, and with a distant State like Ts'in.
[We have here the two following narratives :—
1st. 'The marquis of Tsin being ill, the earl of Ch'ing sent Kung-sun K'eaou to Tsin on a complimentary visit, and to inquire about the marquis's illness. Shuh-heang then asked K'eaou, saying, "The diviners say that our ruler's illness is inflicted on him by [the Spirits] Shih-ch'in and T'ae-t'ae, but the historiographers do not know who these are. I venture to ask you." Tsze-ch'an said, "Anciently, [the emperor Kaou-sin had two sons, of whom the elder was called Oh-pih, and the younger Shih-ch'in. They dwelt in K'wang-lin, but could not agree, and daily carried their shields and spears against each other. The sovereign emperor (Yaou) did not approve of this, and removed Oh-pih to Shang-k'ew, to preside over the star Ta-ho (See the Chuen on IX. ix. 1). The ancestors of Shang followed him [in Shangk'ew], and hence Ta-ho is the star of Shang. [Yaou also] removed Shih-ch'in to Ta-hea, to preside over the star Sin (? in Orion]. The descendants of T'ang (Yaou) followed him, and in Ta-hea served the dynasties of Hea and Shang. The prince at the end of their line was T'ang Shuh-yu. When Yih Keang. the wife of king Woo, was pregnant with T'ae-shuh, she dreamt that God said to her, "I have named your son Yu, and will give T'ang to him,—T'ang which belongs to the star Sin, where I will multiply his descendants." When the child was born, there appeared on his hand the character Yu [by which he was named accordingly]. And when king Ch'ing extinguished [the old House of] T'ang, he invested T'ae-shuh with the principality; and hence Sin is the star of Tsin. From this we may perceive that Shih-ch'in is the Spirit of Sin.
'"[Again], anciently, among the descendants of the emperor Kin-t'een was Mei, chief of the officers of the waters, who had two sons, Yunkih and T'ae-t'ae. T'ae-t'ae inherited his father's office, cleared the channels of the Fun and T'aou, and embanked the great marsh, so as to make the great plain habitable. The emperor (Chuen-heuh) commended his labours, and invested him with the principality of Funch'uen. [The States of] Ch'in, Sze, Juh, and Hwang maintained sacrifices to him. But now Tsin, when it took on itself the sacrifices to the Fun, extinguished them. From this we may perceive that T'ae-t'ae is the Spirit of the Fun.
'"But these two Spirits cannot affect your ruler's person. The Spirits of the hills and streams are sacrificed to in times of flood, drought, and pestilence. The Spirits of the sun, moon, and stars are sacrificed to on the unseasonable occurrence of snow, hoarfrost, wind, or rain. Your ruler's person must be suffering from something connected with his movements out of the palace and in it, his meat and drink, his griefs and pleasures; what can these Spirits of the mountains and stars have to do with it?
'"I have heard that the superior man [divides the day] into 4 periods:—the morning, to hear the affairs of the government; noon, to make full inquiries about them; the evening, to consider well and complete the orders [he has resolved to issue]; and the night, for rest. By this arrangement [of his time], he attempers and dissipates the humours [of the body], so that they are not allowed to get shut up, stopped, and congested, so as to injure and reduce it. Should that take place, his mind loses its intelligence, and all his measures are pursued in a dark and confused way. But has not [your ruler] been making these four different periods of his time into one? This may have produced the illness.
'"I have heard again that the ladies of the harem should not be of the same surname as the master of it. If they be, their offspring will not thrive. When their first admiration for each other [as relatives] is exhausted, they occasion one another disease. On this account the superior man hates such unions, and one of our Books says, 'In buying a concubine, if you do not know her surname, consult the tortoise-shell for it.' The ancients gave careful attention to the two points which I have mentioned. That husband and wife should be of different surnames is one of the greatest points of propriety; but now your ruler has in his harem four Kes:—may it not be from this [that his illness has arisen]? If it have come from the two things [I have mentioned], nothing can be done for it. If he had seldom to do with the four Kes, he might get along; if that be not the case, disease was the necessary result."
'Shuh-heang said, "Good. I had not heard of this. But both the things are so." When he went out, the internuncius Hwuy escorted him. and Shuh-heang asked him about the affairs of Ch'ing, and especially about Tsze-seih. "He will not remain long," was the reply. "Unobservant of propriety, and fond of insulting others; trusting in his riches and despising his superiors,—he cannot continue long."
'When the marquis heard of what Tsze-ch'an had said, he remarked that he was a superior man of vast information, and gave him large gifts.'
2d. 'The marquis of Tsin asked the help of a physician from Ts'in, and the earl sent one Ho to see him, who said, "The disease cannot be cured,—according to the saying that when women are approached, the chamber disease becomes like insanity. It is not caused by Spirits nor by food; it is that delusion which has destroyed the mind. Your good minister will [also] die; it is not the will of Heaven to preserve him." The marquis said, "May women [then] not be approached?" The physician replied, "Intercourse with them must be regulated. The ancient kings indicated by their music how all other things should be regulated. Hence there are the five regular intervals. Or slow or quick, from beginning to end, they blend in one another. Each note rests in the exact intermediate place; and when the five are thus determined, no further exercise on the instruments is permitted. Thus the superior man does not listen to music where the hands work on with licentious notes, pleasing the ears but injurious to the mind. where the rules of equable harmony are forgotten. So it is with all things. When they come to this, they should stop; if they do not do so, it produces disease. The superior man repairs to his lutes, to illustrate his observance of rules, and not to delight his mind [merely].
'[In the same way] there are six heavenly influences, which descend and produce the five tastes, go forth in the five colours, and are verified in the five notes; but when they are in excess, they produce the six diseases. Those 6 influences are denominated the yin, the yang, wind, rain, obscurity, and brightness. In their separation, they form the four seasons; in their order, they form the five [elementary] terms. When any of them is in excess, there ensues calamity. An excess of the yin leads to diseases of cold; of the yang, to diseases of heat; of wind, to diseases of the extremities; of rain, to diseases of the belly; of obscurity, to diseases of delusion; of brightness, to diseases of the mind. [The desire of] woman is to the yang, and [she is used in the] season of obscurity. If this be done to excess, disease is produced of internal heat and utter delusion. Was it possible for your lordship, paying no regard to moderation or to time, not to come to this?"
'When [the physician] went out, he told what he had said to Chaou-măng, who asked who was intended by "the good minister." "You," was the reply. "You have been chief minister of Tsin now for 8 years. There has been no disorder in the State itself, and the other States have not failed [in their duty to it]; that epithet of 'good' may be applied to you. But I have heard that when the great minister of a State enjoys the glory of his dignity and emoluments, and sustains the burden of his great employments, if calamity and evil arise, and he do not alter his ways [to meet them], then he must receive the blame and the consequences. Here is your ruler, who has brought disease on himself by his excesses, so that he will [soon] be unable to consult at all for [the good of] the altars. What calamity could be greater? And yet you were unable to ward it off. It was on this account that I said what I did."
'Chaou-măng [further] asked what he meant by "insanity;" and [the physician] replied, "I mean that which is produced by the delusion and disorder of excessive sensual indulgence. Look at the character;—it is formed by the characters for a vessel and for insects (?= ? and ?). It is used also of grain which [moulders and] flies away. In the Chow Yih, [the symbols of] a woman deluding a young man, [of] wind throwing down [the trees of] a mountain, go by the same name (?; under ):—all these point to the same signification." Chaou-măng pronounced him a good physician, gave him large gifts, and sent him back [to Ts'in].']
Par. 11. For ? Kung and Kuh have?. See the account of Keun's accession in the Chuen after IX. xxix. 2.
The Chuen says:—'The Kung-tsze Wei of Ts'oo sent the Kung-tsze Hih-kWăng and Pih Chow-le to wall Ch'aou, Leih, and Keah; which frightened the people of Ch'ing, but Tsze-ch'an said, "It will not harm [us]. The chief minister is about to make the grand coup, and will first take off those two. The evil will not reach Ch'ing; there is no occasion for our being troubled." In winter, Wei was proceeding on a complimentary visit to Ch'ing, with Woo Keu as his subordinate in the mission, when he heard, before they had crossed the borders [of the State], that the king was ill. On this he returned [to the capital], leaving Woo Keu to proceed to Ch'ing. On the 11th month, on Keyew, he entered [as if] to inquire about the king's illness, and strangled him. He then proceeded to put to death the king's two sons, Moh and P'ing-hea. Tsze-kan, director of the Right, fled to Tsin; and Tsze-seih, director of the royal stables, fled to Ch'ing. [Wei] put to death the grand-administrator, Pih Chow-le, in Keah; and there he buried the king, whom he called in consequence Keah-gaou. He sent an announcement [of the king's death] to Ch'ing, and Woo Keu asked what was said about who ought to be the successor. "Our great officer, Wei," was the reply, which Woo Keu changed into "King Kung's Wei is the first [in the line]."?
'When Tsze-kan fled to Tsin, he had 5 chariots with him. Shuh-heang caused him to receive the same allowance as the prince of Ts'in,—enough to each to support 100 men, on which Chaou Wăn-tsze observed that the prince of Ts'in was rich. Shuh-heang replied, "Allowances are made according to the virtue [of the parties]; where their virtue is equal, according to their years; where their years are equal, according to their rank; to the sons of rulers of States, according to the State. I have not heard that they are to be regulated by a consideration of their wealth. Moreover, that [the prince of Ts'in] left his State with 1000 charists shows how strong and powerful he was. And the ode (She, III. iii. ode VI. 5) says,
'He does not insult the wifeless or the widow' He does not fear the strong or the powerful., Ts'in and Ts'oo are peers." In accordance with this, How-tsze and Tsze-kan were made to take place according to their years. The former declined, saying, "I was afraid of being found fault with, and the prince of Ts'oo could find no safety [in his State]. We are therefore both here, and it is for you to assign us our places according to your pleasure. And does it not seem improper that I should be made equal to him who is a stranger? The historiographer Yih said, 'To whom will you show respect if not to a stranger?'"
'When king Ling of Ts'oo came to the rule of that State, Wei P'e was made chief minister, and Wei K'e-keang grand-administrator. Yew Keih of Ch'ing went to Ts'oo to the funeral of Keah-gaou, and on a complimentary visit to the new ruler. On his return, he said to Tsze-ch'an, "Make all your preparations for travelling. The extravagance of the king of Ts'oo is excessive, and he is delighted with his position. He is sure to call the States together. We shall be going there in no time." Tsze-ch'an replied, "He cannot do that till some years have elapsed."
Par. 12. The Kung-tsze P'e here is the Tszekan mentioned in the Chuen on the prec. par. Chan Joh-shwuy (???; Ming dyn.) says that this entry makes it clear that the death of the king of Ts'oo, was a deed of atrocious wickedness. But the criticism is a very lame attempt to excuse the silence of the classic in reference to the true nature of that event.
[There is appended here:—'In the 12th month, when [the marquis of] Tsin had offered the winter sacrifice, Chaou-măng went to Nan-yang, to be present [at the sacrifice to] Măng Tsze-yu (probably Chaou Tsuy). On Keah-shin, the 1st day of the moon, he offered the winter sacrifice in Wăn; and on Kang-seuh he died. The earl of Ch'ing was going to Tsin to offer his condolences [on this event]; but when he had got to Yung, he returned.']
II. Second year.
1 In the [duke's] second year, in spring, the marquis of Tsin sent Han K'e to Loo on a complimentary visit.
2 In summer, Shuh Kung went to Tsin.
3 In autumn, Ch'ing put to death its great officer, the Kungsun Hih.
4 In winter, the duke was going to Tsin, but when he got to the Ho, he returned; and K'e-sun Suh went to Tsin.
Par. 1. Han K'e was a son of Han Keueh or Han Heen-tsze (?????), who retired from public life in the 7th year of duke Seang and a younger brother of Han Woo-ke (???), known as Kung-tsuh Muh-tsze (????). He is frequently mentioned as Han Seuen-tsze (???), and, on the death of Chaou Woo in the end of last year, had succeeded to him as the principal minister of Tsin.
The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Tsin sent Han Seuen-tsze on this complimentary visit (With reference to duke Chaou's accession), and he came also to inform Loo that the administration of Tsin was now in his hands;—which was acc. to rule. When he looked at the [various] documents in the charge of the grand historiographer and the Ch'un Ts'ew of Loo, he said, "The institutes of Chow are all in Loo. Now, indeed, I know the virtue of the duke of Chow, and how it was that [the House of] Chow attained to the royal dignity." The duke gave him an entertainment, at which Ke Woo-tsze sang the last stanza of the Meen (She, III. i. ode III.), and Han-tsze sang the Keoh kung (She, II. vii. ode IX.). [When Han-tsze had done], Ke Woo-tsze bowed to him saying, "I venture to make my acknowledgments for the kind feeling you express to our poor State. Our ruler may [now] have hope;" and he went on to sing the last stanza of the Tseeh (She, II. iv. ode VII.).
'When the entertainment was over, [Hantsze] went to a feast at Ke's, and praised a beautiful tree [in the garden]. Woo-tsze said, "Shall I not encourage the growth of this tree, so as not to forget the Keoh kung?" And he sang the Kan-t'ang (She, I. ii. ode V.). on which the other said, "I am not worthy of this. It is impossible for me to attain to be like the duke of Shaou."
'[From Loo] Seuen-tsze went on to Ts'e, and presented the marriage-offerings [of the marquis]. Visiting there Tsze-ya (the Kung-sun Tsaou), [that prince] called [his son] Tsze-k'e and introduced him, when Seuen-tsze said, "He is not one who will preserve his family. He has not the air of a subject." Visiting Tsze-we (the Kung-sun Ch'ae), [that prince] introduced [his son] K'eang to him, of whom he said, "He is like Tsze-k'e." Many of the great officers laughed at these remarks, but Gan-tsze believed them, and said, "He is a superior man. A superior man is to be believed; he has means of knowing what he says."
'From Ts'e [Seuen-tsze] went on a complimentary visit to Wei, the marquis of which gave him an entertainment. Pih-kung Kwohtsze sang the Ke yuh (She, I. v. ode. I.), and Seuen-tsze the Muh kwa (I. v. ode X.)'
Tso-she says above that this visit of Han K'e was 'according to rule.' But he is in error. There is no other instance in the classic of the chief minister of the leading State going on a complimentary mission. It was below his dignity to do so. Han K'e probably took the step, thinking thereby to gratify the States and confirm their attachment to the failing fortunes of Tain.
It is mentioned in the narrative that K'e presented the marriage offerings in Ts'e, the marquis of Tsin, heedless of the warnings of Tsze-ch'an and the physician of Ts'in, having now arranged to give a new mistress to his harem in the person of a lady of Ts'e. 'The sequel is appended:—'In summer, in the 4th month, Han Seu (Son of K'e) went to Ts'e to meet the [marquis's] bride. Ch'in Woo-yu escorted her—the young Keang—to Tsin, and was to be there till the completion of the marriage. She obtained favour with the marquis, who called her the young Ts'e. Thinking, however, on the circumstance that Woo-yu was not of the rank of minister, he seized him in Chung-too, but the young Keang pleaded for him saying, "The escort was chosen according to the rank of your officer who met me. [Ts'e] stood in awe of your great State, and thought that it also might make a change, and so the disorder arose."
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'Shuh Kung [now] went to Tsin, to return the visit of Seuen-tsze. The marquis sent to comfort and refresh him after the toils of his journey in the suburbs, but he declined the honour, saying, "When my ruler sent me to continue the old friendship [between our States], he gave me a strict charge that I should not presume to take the position of a guest. Let me communicate my message to your ministers, and the favour to our poor State will be great. I dare not trouble a messenger to come to the suburbs. Let me decline the honour." When a reception-house was assigned to him, he declined it, saying, "My ruler commissioned me to come here to continue the old friendship [between our States]. If I can but establish the friendly uuion, that is my reward. I dare not accept this great reception-house." Shuh-heang said, "Tsze-shuh-tsze knows the rules of propriety. I have heard that loyalty and good faith are vessels containing the [principle of] propriety, and that humility and submission are essential things in it. In declining [the honours offered to him], he is not forgetful of his State;—thus showing his loyalty and good faith. His State is the first consideration with him, and himself the last;—thus showing his humility and self-abasement. The ode (She, III. ii. ode IX. 3) says,
'Be reverently careful of your demearour, In order to approximate to the virtuous.' He is one who approximates to virtue."
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, the Kung-sun Hih was about to raise an insurrection, desiring to remove the chief of the Yew clan, and to take his place [in the govt.]. His wound (See the 4th narrative after par. 3 of last year), however, broke out afresh, and he did not carry out his purpose. The Sze and the other great officers wished to put him to death, and when Tsze-ch'an, who was in the borders, heard of it, he was afraid he should be toolate, and hurried by rapid stages to the capital. [Arrived there], he sent an officer to enumerate in the following away his offences to Hih:—"At the time of the insurrection of Pih-yew (IX.xxx.7), being occupied with the business of the great State, we did not punish you; but your insubordinate disposition is insatiable, and the State cannot endure you. Your taking it on yourself to attack Pihyew was one offence; your contention with your cousin about his wife (See the 4th nar. after par. 3 of last year) was a second; your acting as if you had been the ruler at the covenant of Heun-suy (See the nar. after par. 4 of last year) was a third. With those three capital offences, how can the State endure you? If you do not quickly die [by your own hand], the great punishment will come upon you." Hih bowed twice with his head to the ground, and replied, "Death may occur any morning or evening; but do not you aid [the act of] Heaven by cruelty." Tsze-ch'an said, "Who of men is exempted from death? but that bad men should not die a natural death, is the appoiutment. He who does bad villainous things is a villain. If we do not aid Heaven, shall we aid him?" Hih then begged that [his son] Yin might be made superintendent of the market, and Tszcch'an replied, "If Yin have ability, the ruler will give him office; if he have not, he will [at any time] follow you, morning or evening. You have no consideration of your offences; how do you continue making such requests? If you do not quickly die, the minister of Crime will visit you."
'In the 7th month, on Jin-yin, Hih strangled himself, and his body was exposd in the street of Chow-she, with [an inscription on] a board by it.'
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'The young Keang, [married to the marquis] of Tsin, having died, the duke was proceeding to Tsin; but when he had gone to the Ho, the marquis sent Sze Wănpih to meet him, and decline his visit, saying, "She was not my equal wife. I beg you will not condescend to come further." On this the duke returned, and Ke-sun Suh proceeded to Tsin to present the grave-clothes [for the deceased.]
'Shuh-heang spoke to the marquis about Ch'in Woo-yu, saying, "Of what offence was he guilty? You sent [a great officer of] a ducal clan to meet your bride, and [Ts'e] sent a great officer of the highest rank to escort her; and if you still say that was not respectful, you desire what was excessive. It was our State which was not respectful, and in seizing the messenger [of Ts'e], you are punishing him unjustly:— how can you thus be the lord of covenants? The young Keang moreover, explained and interceded for him." In winter, in the 10th month, Ch'in Woo-yu returned [to Ts'e]. In the 11th month, Yin Twan of Ch'ing went to Tsin, to present the condolences of that State.
Evidently duke Ch'aou was going to Tsin at this time, contrary to precedent and rule, demeaning himself to curry favour with the marquis; and he returned on receiving the rebuke. Kung-yang and the glossarist of Kuh-leang strangely imagine that he returned because he was afraid that Tsin had an intention to seize him, and hold him a prisoner.
III. Third year.
1 In the [duke's] third year, in spring, in the king's first month, on Ting-we, Yuen, viscount of T'ăng, died.
2 In summer, Shuh Kung went to T'ăng.
3 In the fifth month, there was the burial of duke Ch'ing of T'ăng.
4 In autumn, the viscount of Little Choo came to the court [of Loo].
5 In the eighth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
6 In winter there was a great fall of hail.
7 K'wan, earl of North Yen, fled from his State to Ts'e.
[The Chuen gives here the following narrative, which comes in before the death of the viscount of T'ăng:—'In the 1st month of this year, Yew Keih of Ch'ing went to Tsin, to attend the funeral of the young Keang, and was visited by Leang Ping and Chang Teih. The former said to him, "It is [too much] that you should have come here on this account." Tsze-t'ae-shuh (Yew Keih) replied, "Could I have stopped away? Formerly, under the presidency of Wăn and Seang, they made it their object not to trouble the States [too much], ordering the princes once in three years to send a complimentary visit, once in five years to appear in person at their court, to meet when there was business [to be done], and to covenant when there were cases of discordant [States to be dealt with]. When a ruler died, a great officer [was sent] to present condolences, and a minister to assist at the burial. When a ruler's wife died, a [simple] officer presented condolences, and a great officer attended the funeral. These rules were sufficient to illustrate the ceremonial observances, for orders as to what business was to be done, and to take measures in reference to the shortcomings [of States]. Nothing more was required; no extraordinary commands were given. But now, on the death of [this] favourite lady, we must not presume to regulate our services by her rank, but they must be the same as are due to a wife, the keeper [of the harem]. We are only afraid of being found offenders, and dare not shrink from any trouble. But as this young Keang found favour, and has died [thus soon], Ts'e is sure to propose a successor to her; and then on that occasion I shall come again to offer our congratulations, and shall not have had this journey only." Chang Teih said, "Good! I have heard your statement; but after this you will have nothing to do. This case may be illustrated by [the star] ho, according to the culmination of which the cold or the heat retires. Now the case has come to an extreme; —must there not be a recession? Tsin will lose the States. Though it seek to trouble them, it will not be able to do so." On this the two great officers withdrew; and Tsze t'ae-shuh said to his people, "Chang Teih is wise, but his place is notwithstanding, I apprehend, in the rear of superior men."]
Tso-she says, 'The viscount of T'ăng had been associated in covenants (with the duke [Seang] of Loo), and therefore the text gives his name.'
[Tso-she introduces here the following long narrative:—1st. 'The marquis of Ts'e sent Gan Ying to Tsin with the following speech, begging to be allowed to supply a successor in the harem [to the young Keang]:—"My ruler has sent me to say, 'I wish to serve your lordship, morning and evening without tiring, and would bring my presents and offerings so as never to lose a season; but there have been many difficulties in my State, so that I have not been able [to come myself]. The poor daughter of my father [was sent] to complete the offices in your harem, and shed a blaze [of glory] upon my hopes; but she was unfortunate and died an early death, to the disappointment of my hope. If your lordship, not forgetful of the friendship between our former rulers, will kindly regard the State of Ts'e, and condescend to accept me so that I may seek the blessing of the Great duke and duke Ting, sending brightness down upon my State, protecting and comforting its altars, then there are still so many of the daughters of my father by his proper wife, and of his sisters who remain. If your lordship, not casting off my poor State, will send some one to judge and select among them those who may complete the ladies of your bed-chamber, this will satisfy my hope."
'Han Seuen-tsze made Shuh-heang return a reply, saying, "It is the desire of our ruler. He is not able to discharge alone the duties to his altars; but being now in mourning, he has not ventured to prefer a request [for a successor to the young Keang]. No kindness could be greater than the message which your lordship has condescended to send. If you will kindly regard our poor State, and comfort Tsin by giving a mistress to its harem, not our ruler only, but all his ministers as well, will receive the benefit of your gift. Yea, from T'ang-shuh downwards, [our former rulers] will feel the favour and admire it."
'When the marriage was settled, Gan-tsze received the courtesy [of an entertainment], from which Shuh-heang followed him to the feast. When they conversed together, Shuhheang asked about the state of affairs in Ts'e, and Gan-tsze replied, "This is its last age. I know nothing but this,—that Ts'e will become the possession of the Ch'in family. The duke is throwing away his people, and they are turning to the Ch'in. Ts'e from of old has had four measures, the tow, the gow, the foo, and the chung. Four shing make a tow, and up to the foo, each measure is four times the preceding; and then ten foo make a chuny. The Ch'in family makes each of the [first] three measures once again greater, so that the chung is [very] large, lending according to their own measure, and receiving back again according to the public measure. The wood on their hills and that in the markets is charged the same price, so that it costs no more in the market than on the hill. Their fish, salt, and frogs cost the same [in the market as at the water]. The produce of the people's strength is divided into three parts, two of which are paid to the State, while only one is [left to them] for food and clothes. The [grain in the] ducal stores rots and is eaten by insects, while the three [classes of the] old are cold and starving. In all the markets of the State, [ordinary] shoes are cheap, while those for criminals whose toes have been cut off are dear. The common people and others groan bitterly [for all this], and there is one who shows an ardent sympathy for them. He loves them as a parent, and they go to him as a flowing stream. Though he wished not to win them to himself, how shall he escape doing so? There were Ke-pih, Chihping, Yu-suy, and Pih-he, whose help was given to duke Hoo and T'ae-ke, and [now, in their spiritual influence,] they are [all] in Ts'e."
'Shuh-heang said, "Yes; and even with our ducal House, this also is the last age. The warhorses are not yoked; the ministers never take the field. There are no men over the duke's chariots, no [proper] officers over the soldiers. The multitudes of the people are weary and worn, while the duke's mansions are multiplied and most costly. The people [feel], when they hear the duke's commands, as if they must escape from robbers and enemies. The Lwan, the Keoh, the Seu, the Yuen, the Hoo, the Suh, the K'ing, and the Pih, are reduced to the position of menials. The government is ordered by the Heads of the clans. The people have none on whom to rely. The ruler goes on from day to day without stop, burying all sorrow in pleasure. No future day need be waited for the humiliation of the ducal House. The inscription on the tripod of Ch'an says, 'You may get up early in the morning and become greatly distinguished, but in future generations [your descendants] will still become idle.' Much more may we say that he who holds on [an evil course] from day to day without stopping cannot continue long." Gan-tsze then asked him what would become of himself, and Shuh-heang replied, "The ducal clans of Tsin are at an end. I have heard that when the ducal House is about to be brought low, its clan-branches first fall to the ground, and that then the duke follows them. Of the same ducal ancestry with me were eleven clans, and only the Yang-sheh remains. I moreover have no son. In the lawless course of the ducal House, I shall be fortunate if I die a natural death, for I shall have none to sacrifice to me."
'Before this, duke King had wished to change the residence of Gan-tsze, saying. "Your house is near the market, low, small, noisy, and dusty. You should not live in it. Let me change it for you for one bright and lofty." The officer, however, declined the offer, saying, "Your lordship's former minister, [my father], could bear it. I am not fit to be his successor; [the change which you propose] would be extravagance in me. And besides, a small man like me, living near the market, can get what I desire morning and evening, which is a benefit." I dare not trouble the people of the neighbourhood. The duke laughed and asked him whether, through his nearness to the market, he knew what things were cheap and what dear. "Since it is to my advantage to do so," was the reply, "should I dare not to know that?" "What things then are cheap, and what dear?" pursued the marquis. Now duke King punished so many that there were people who sold shoes for those whose toes had been cut off. Gan-tsze therefore answered, "Shoes for people whose toes have been cut off are dear, and [other] shoes are cheap." As he had told this to his ruler, he mentioned it in his conversation with Shuh-heang.
'In consequence of this remark, duke King more rarely inflicted punishments. The superior man may say, "How widely extends the benefit of a benevolent man's words! By one word of Gan-tsze the marquis of Ts'e was led to reduce the number of his punishments;—an illustration of the words of the ode (She, II. v. ode IV. 2),
'If he were to rejoice [in the words of the wise], The disorder perhaps would disappear." 'When Gan-tsze [on this occasion] went to Tsin, the duke changed his house into a new one, so that it was completed on his return. After he had made his acknowledgments, however, [for the kindness], he pulled the house down, rebuilt the dwellings in the neighbourhood as they had been before, and sent to the old residents to return to them. [When they declined to do so], he said, "There is the common saying, 'It is not about the house that the tortoise-shell is consulted, but about the neighbours.' My friends, the tortoise-shell was formerly consulted about this neighbourhood. To go against the divination is inauspicious; and that the superior man do not violate the rules of propriety, while smaller men do not incur the risk of what is inauspicious, is an old regulation;—shall I dare to disobey it?" In the end, he brought them back to their old houses. The duke refused his sanction, but he granted it, when Gan-tsze got Ch'in Hwan-tsze to intercede with him.'
2d. 'In summer, in the 4th month, the earl of Ch'ing went to Tsin, when Kung-sun Twan was in attendance on him, and behaved so very respectfully and humbly, violating in nothing the proper rules, that the marquis commended him, and gave him a tablet [of investiture], saying, "Tsze-fung (Twan's father) did hard service for the State of Tsin. I have heard of it, and do not forget it, and [now] bestow on you the lands of Chow, as a recompense for the old services of your [father]." Pih-shih bowed twice, with his head to the ground, received the tablet, and went out. The superior man will say on this, "How important to a man are the rules of propriety! Here was an extravagant man like Pih-shih, and to his once observing those rules in Tsin he was indebted for dignity and wealth in that State. Here surely was an illustration of what the ode (She, I. iv. Ode VIII. 3), says,
'If a man be not observant of propriety, Why does he not quickly die?" 'Before this the district of Chow had belonged to Lwan P'aou; and on the ruin of the Lwan family, Fan Seuen-tsze, Chaou Wăn-tsze, and Han Seuen-tsze, all wished to have it. Wăn-tsze said, "All Wăn (Chow had once been part of it) belongs to me." The two Seuen-tsze said, "Since the time of Keoh Ch'ing, [Chow] has been handed down, separate [from Wăn], in three families. There are other districts in Tsin, separated [in this way], and not Chow only;— who can get the right to take the rule of them?" Wăn-tsze was vexed by this, but gave Chow up. The other two ministers said, "We ought not, having given a correct decision [in reference to his claim] to take it to ourselves;" and so they all gave it up. When the administration [of Tsin] came into the hands of Wan-tsze, Chaou Hwoh advised him to take Chow, but he said to him, "Begone! The words of those two were righteous, and to oppose righteousness is the way to misery. I cannot rule properly my own district; of what use would Chow be to me? I should only thereby occasion misery to myself."
'The superior man may say on this, "His case is hard who does not know [whence misery will arise]. When one knows this and does not act accordingly, nothing can exceed the misery. There was a saying that [the possessor of] Chow was sure to die."
'Fung-she (Kung-sun Twan), according to his wont, was a guest with Han-she. His getting Chow was upon the request of Han Seuen-tsze in his behalf, to be the ground of his taking it [himself] again.'
Par. 2. The viscount of T'ăng had come to Loo to the funeral of duke Seang, and Loo now returns the compliment by sending a minister to attend his funeral. The one proceeding and the other were contrary to rule and precedent. The Chuen says:—'In the 5th month, Shuh Kung went to T'ăng, to the burial of duke Ch'ing, Tsze-fuh Tseaou being the assistant commissioner. When they got to the suburbs, it happened to be the anniversary of the death of E-pih (Tseaou's uncle), and King-tsze (Shuh Kung) proposed not to enter the city. Hwuhpih (Tseaou), however, said, "We are on public business. Where there is a public benefit, there should be no recognition of one's private deathdays." With this he preceded the other, and received the reception-house [assigned to them], King-tsze coming after him." See a somewhat different account of this matter in the Le Ke, II. ii. Bk. II. 26.
[We have two narratives appended here:—
1st. 'Han K'e of Tsin went to Ts'e, to meet the [marquis's] bride, when Kung-sun Ch'ae, because of the favour which the young Keang had found, substituted a daughter of his own for the duke's, whom he gave in marriage [to another husband]. Some people told Han K'e of the deceit put upon Tsin by Tsze-wei, and said that he should not accept the lady; but that minister replied, "I want to get [the adherence of] Ts'e; and if I keep the favourite [minister] away from us [in that way], will the favourite come to us?"
2d. 'In autumn, in the 7th month, Han Hoo of Ch'ing went to Tsin, to offer congratulations on the marquis's marriage. At the same time he made the following announcement;—"The people of Ts'oo are daily summoning our State, because we have not been to the court of their new king. If we go to Ts'oo, we are afraid of your ministers, lest they say that our ruler has done so because his heart is indeed set on that other alliance; while, if we do not go, there is the covenant of Sung. Whether we advance or retreat, we may be held offenders; and my ruler has instructed me to lay the case before you." Seuen-tsze made Shuh-heang reply, "If your ruler condescends to be true to ours, his being in Ts'oo will do no harm;—it will be but observing the covenant of Sung. If he thinks of that covenant, our ruler knows that he will escape any charge of doing wrong [in regard to it]. If your ruler is not true [in heart] to ours, although he were to condescend morning and evening to come to our poor State, our ruler would be suspicious of him. If he be indeed true in heart, there was no necessity for the trouble of this message. Let your ruler go to Ts'oo. If he be true to ours, his being in Ts'oo is the same as if he were in Tsin."
'[At this time], Chang Teih sent a messenger [to Ch'ing], to say to T'ae-shuh, "After you went back [to Ch'ing], I removed the dirt from the poor cottage of my father, saying to myself that you would be coming [again]; now it is Tsze-p'e who has come, and I am disappointed." T'ae-shuh replied, "My rank was too mean to get to come [on this occasion]. We were in awe of your great State, and [wanted] to honour the [new] wife; and moreover you said that I should have nothing [more] to do. It has nearly proved so with me."]
Par. 4. This was duke Muh (??) of Little Choo, who appeared now at the court of Loo, to congratulate duke Ch'aou on his accession. The Chuen says:—'Ke Woo-tsze proposed to give the viscount a very slender reception; but Muh-shuh said, "No. Since Ts'aou, T'ăng, and the two Choos, do not forget their old friendship with us, we should meet them with respect, and even more, fearful of their being alienated from us. And moreover, if we receive in a humbling way one of those friendly States, we shall provoke the others, our friends, [to fall away]. We should show greater respect than in any former time. It is said in a Book, 'No calamities befal the respectful;' and also, 'They who meet the comer respectfully receive blessing from Heaven." Ke-sun followed this advice.'
Par. 5. Tso-she says that there was now 'a drought.' Of the 21 instances of this sacrifice for rain, which are mentioned in the classic, 7 occur during the time of duke Ch'aou, and Tso leaves only the one in the 8th year unnoted as a time of 'drought.'
[We have a narrative appended with reference to the fortunes of Loo-p'oo P'eeh whose banishment to the northern borders of Ts'e is mentioned in the 2d narrative appended to the Chuen on IX. xxviii. 6:—'The marquis of Ts'e was hunting in Kea, when Loo-p'oo Peeh sought an introduction to him, and begged with tears [that he might be permitted to return], saying, "With my hair so short and thin, what can I [now] do?" The marquis replied, as if assenting, that he would inform the two ministers of it. He did tell them accordingly on his return, and Tsze-wei was willing that P'eeh should be allowed to come back, but Tsze-ya objected, saying, "His hair may be short, but his heart is very long. Perhaps he will [still] make our [skins] his beds (See the Chuen on IX. xxviii. 6)." In the 9th month, Tsze-ya drove Loo-p'oo P'eeh to North Yen.']
Par. 6. Here and in par. 1. of next year, the (?) is the verb. The hail, we must understand, was very large; and we must also remember that though it was now the winter of Chow, that embraced two months of autumn.
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'Duke K'een of Yen had many favourites, and wanted to make away with all the great officers, and appoint his favourites in their room. The great officers united [in consequence], and killed those favourites who were of other surnames than their own. The duke was frightened, and fled to Ts'e. The style of the text, that "The earl of Yen, K'wan, fled to Ts'e, is condemnatory of him." The K'ang-he editors object to this judgment of Tso-she on the words of the text, and expunge it from their edition of the Ch'un Ts'ew. They will not have it supposed that the sage could, on any grounds, sanction a proceeding of rebellious opposition to a ruler.
[There are here two narratives:—
1st. 'In the tenth month the earl of Ch'ing went to Ts'oo, with Tsze-ch'an in attendance on him. The viscount entertained him. and sang the Keih jih (She, II. iii. ode VI.) When the entertainment was over, Tsze-ch'an proceeded to make the preparations for a hunt. The king then hunted along [the marsh of] Mung (See on the Shoo, III i. Pt. i. 50), on the south of the Keang, [having the earl] with him.'
2d. 'Kung-sun Tsaou of Ts'e having died, Tsaou, minister of War, visited Gan-tsze, and said, "We have further lost Tsze-ya." Gantsze replied, "Alas! [his son] Tsze-k'e will not escape [an evil end]. It is a perilous time! The House of Keang is weak, and that of Kwei will begin to flourish. While the two [grandsons of duke Hwuy were strong and vigorous, they might make head, and now there is the weakness induced by the loss of this one. The [House of] Keang is tottering to its fall!']
IV. Fourth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourth year, in spring, in the king's first month, there was a great fall of hail.
2 In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo, the marquises of Ts'ae and Ch'in, the earl of Ch'ing, the baron of Heu, the viscounts of Seu, T'ăng, Tun, Hoo, Shin, and Little Choo, Tso, heir-son of Sung, and [the chiefs of] the wild tribes of the Hwae, had a meeting in Shin.
3 The people seized and held the viscount of Seu.
4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the viscount of Ts'oo, the marquises of Ts'ae and Ch'in, the baron of Heu, the viscounts of Tun, Hoo, and Shin, aud [the chiefs of] the wild tribes of the Hwae, invaded Woo.
5 They seized K'ing Fung of Ts'e, and put him to death.
6 They then went on to extinguish Lae.
7 In the ninth month, we took Tsăng.
8 In winter, in the twelfth month, on Yih-maou, Shuh-sun P'aou died.
Par, 1. Too says that there ought now to have fallen snow and not hail, and the fall of the hail is recorded as a calamity. Kaou K'eang connects the par. with the 6th of last year, and supposes that the hail had continued to fall all the winter. This would account reasonably for the notice of the phaenomenon.
The Chuen says:—Ke Woo-tsze asked Shin Fung whether the hail could be stopped, and was answered, "When a sage is in the highest place, there is no hail; or if some should happen to fall, it does not amount to a calamity. Anciently, they stored up the ice, when the sun was in his northern path; and they brought it out when he was in his western, and [the Kwei (?) constellation] was seen [in the east] in the morning. At the storing of the ice, they took it from the low valleys of the deep hills, where the cold was most intense and as it were shut in; and when it was brought out, the dignitaries and place-men of the court, in their entertainment of guests, for their food, on occasions of death and of sacrifice, shared in the use of it. At the storing of it, a black bull and black millet were presented to the Ruler of cold; and when it was brought out, a bow of peach wood and arrows of thorn were employed to put away calamitous influences. For the delivery and the storing of it there were their seasons; and it was given to all who were entitled by their station to eat flesh. Great officers and their declared wives used it in their washings on occasions of death. It was deposited with a sacrifice to the [Ruler of] cold; the depositories were opened with the offering of a lamb. The duke first used it, and when the [star] Ho made its appearance, it was distributed. From the commissioned [great] officers and their wives, down to officers retired from age or illness, all received the ice. The commissioners of hills took it; the officers of districts sent it on; the cart-men received it; and the inferior servants stored it. Now it is the [cold] wind which makes the ice strong; and it was when the [warm] winds [prevailed], that it was brought forth. The depositories were made close; the use of it was very extensive. In consequence there was no heat out of course in the winter; no lurking cold in the summer; no biting winds in the spring; and no pitiless rains in the autumn. When thunder came, it was not with a shaking crash. There were no calamitous hoarfrosts and hail. Pestilences did not descend [on the land]. The people died no premature deaths.
'But now the ice of the streams and pools is what is stored up; [much also] is cast away and not used. The winds go abroad as they ought not to do and carry death with them; so does the thunder come with shaking crash. Who can put a stop to this plague of hail? The last stanza of the Ts'ih yueh (She, I. xv. ode I.) shows the method of storing ice."
[We have here a long narrative about a further step on the part of Ts'oo towards wresting the presidency of the States from Tsin:—'In the 1st month, the baron of Heu went to Ts'oo, where the viscount detained him, going on also to detain the earl of Ch'ing, with whom he again hunted on the south of the Keang, having the baron of Heu with them. [At the same time] he sent Tseaou Keu to Tsin, to ask from that Power the attendance of the States, the above two princes waiting in Ts'oo for the answer. Tseaou Keu delivered his message in the following terms:—"My ruler has sent me to say in his own words, 'Formerly your lordship's kindness granted the covenant of Sung, by which it was agreed that the States which adhered to Tsin and Ts'oo respectively should appear at the courts of both. Because of the troubles occurring from year to year, I wish to knit more closely a good understanding with the princes, and have sent Keu to ask from you an opportunity to do so. If your lordship have no anxiety in regard to the States around you, I wish to borrow your favour to make a request of the various princes." The marquis of Tsin wanted to give a refusal to this application, but the marshal How said to him, "Do not do so. The [course of the] king of Ts'oo is extravagant. Heaven perhaps wishes, by gratifying his ambition, to increase the poison of his [mood], and send down punishment on him. That we cannot know, nor can we know whether it means to grant him a [peaceful] end. But Tsin and Ts'oo depend on the aid of Heaven for the superiority of the one over the other. Let us not quarrel with it, but let your lordship grant the [king's] request, and cultivate your virtue, while we wait and see to what he will turn. If he turn to virtue, even we will serve him, and how much more will the States do so! If he go on to licentiousness and oppression, Ts'oo itself will abandon him, and we shall have no one to contend with."
'The marquis said, "Tsin has three securities against peril, and needs not to fear an enemy. There are the mountainous passes of the State; its many horses; and the many troubles of Ts'e and Ts'oo. With these three securities, we must be successful in every direction." The n arshal replied, "Trust in mountains and in horses, and to calculate on the difficulties of neighbouring States, are three sources of peril. The four Yoh, San-t'oo, Yang-shing, T'ae-shih, mount King, and Chung-nan, are the most difficult mountains of the 9 provinces, and they do not all belong to one surname. The northern region of K'e is most noted for its production of horses, but no [distinguished] State has there arisen. A trust in mountains and horses cannot be considered a sure one. So it has been from of old, and therefore the ancient kings made the cultivation of virtue their object, in order to affect both Spirits and men. I have not heard that they made it their object to have difficult mountains and horses. And [the result of] the difficulties of neighbouring States cannot be calculated on. They may have many difficulties, which will issue [only] in strengthening them and the enlargement of their boundaries; or they may have no difficulties, and the result will be their ruin, and their losing the boundaries of which they were in charge. How is it possible to foresee the [issue of such] difficulties? Ts'e had the troubles with Chung-sun (The Kungsun Woo-che, who was marquis of Ts'e for a month; see the 9th year of duke Chwang), and the result was that it got duke Hwan, whose influence on it extends till now. Tsin had the troubles of Le and P'ei (Le K'ih and P'ei Ch'ing; see the 9th and other years of duke He), and the result was that it got duke Wăn, through whom it became lord of covenants. Wei and Hing had no troubles [of the same kind], and yet their enemies brought them to ruin. The difficulties of others therefore cannot be calculated on. If you trust in the three things you have mentioned, and do not diligently attend to the duties of government and to virtue, we shall find that the danger of ruin leaves us no leisure for anything but to escape from it:—how can you speak of our being sure of success? Let your lordship grant the request [of Ts'oo]. Chow acted licentiously and oppressively, while king Wăn behaved kindly and harmoniously, and the result was the fall of Yin and the rise of Chow. How then should you quarrel about the States?"
'Accordingly, [it was resolved to] grant the request of Ts'oo, and Shuh-heang was appointed to give the following reply, "Our ruler, being occupied with the business of his altars, has not been able always to visit [your court] in spring and autumn. Your ruler in fact has the States; there was no necessity to take the trouble of your message." Tseaou Keu then proceeded to beg a marriage with a daughter of Tsin [on the part of his king], to which the marquis agreed.
'The viscount of Ts'oo asked Tsze-ch'an whether Tsin would grant him the States. "It will," said that minister. "The ruler occupies himself only with small matters, and does not think about the States. His great officers have many desires of their own, and not one seeks to correct his ruler's [errors]. At the covenant of Sung it said also that [Tsin and Ts'oo] were as one. If it do not grant your request, of what use will that [covenant] have been?" The king further asked whether the States would come [at his call]. "They are sure to come," replied Tsze-ch'an. "In obedience to the covenant of Sung; to gratify your lordship; not standing in fear of the great State:—why should they not come? Perhaps Loo, Wei, Ts'aou, and Choo may not come. Ts'aou stands in fear of Sung; Choo stands in fear of Loo; Loo and Wei are pressed on by Ts'e, and the best-affected to Tsin. Only these will not come. The others, are under your influence;—what one of them will not come?" The king said, "Then, may I succeed in all that I seek for?" "Not," was the reply, "if you seek from others for your own gratification; but if you seek what they and you wish and can share together, you will be entirely successful."]
Par 2. We have here the result of Ts'oo's application to Tsin for the presidency of the States. Of the northern States, however, only Ts'ae, Ch'in, Ch'ing, and Heu responded to its call, for Little Choo is hardly to be taken account of, and the princes of Ch'ing and Hen were in a manner detained and obliged to be present at the meeting.
At the commencement of the Ch'un Ts'ew period, Shin was a marquisate, held by Keangs, having for its capital Seay (?), 20 le to the north of the dep. city of Nan-yang, Ho-nan. In the Chuen at the end of III. vi. we find it invaded by the then king of Ts'oo, who seems to have extinguished it, and incorporated it with his own State.
The Chuen says:—'In summer, the [other] princes of the States went to Ts'oo, but those of Loo, Wei, Ts'aou and Choo did not attend the meeting, Ts'aou and Choo declining on account of troubles, the duke on the ground of the seasonal sacrifice, and the marquis of Wei on the ground that he was ill. The earl of Ch'ing preceded the others, and was waiting at Shin, where in the sixth month, on Ping-woo, the viscount of Ts'oo assembled the States.
'Tseaou Keu said to him "I have heard that with the States the thing which regulates their preference and adhesion is the ceremonies which are observed to them. Your lordship has now got them for the first time, and must be careful of your ceremonies. Whether you will secure the presidency of the States or not depends on this meeting. K'e of the Hea dynasty gave the entertainment of Keun-t'ae; T'ang of the Shang dynasty gave his commands at King-poh; Woo of Chow issued his declaration at Măng-tsin; [king] Ch'ing had the review at K'e-yang; [king] K'ang held his audience in the palace of Fung; [king] Muh had the meeting at mount T'oo; Hwan of Ts'e had the campaign of Shaou-ling; and Wăn of Tsin had the covenant of Tseen-t'oo:—the ceremonies of which of those occasions will your lordship use? Heang Seuh of Sung and Kung-sun K'eaou of Ch'ing are both here, the best men of all the States. Let your lordship make a choice." The king said, "I will use those employed by Hwan of Ts'c."
'The king sent to ask the master of the Left and Tsze-ch'an about the ceremonies. The master of the Left said, "They are what a small State practises, what a large State employs. I will describe them according to my knowledge." He then exhibited six ceremonies for a duke assembling the States. Tsze-ch'an said, "A small State [like ours] discharges its duties. I will describe what we have observed." He then exhibited six ceremonies to be observed by earls, viscounts, and barons, at meetings with a duke. A superior man will say that the master of the Left—he of Hoh—knew well how to guard [the rules of] former dynasties, and that Tsze-ch'an knew well how to aid and direct a small State. The king caused Tseaou Keu to stand behind him, to regulate any errors [which they might make]; but the whole thing was concluded without any correction. The king asked him the reason, and he replied, "Those six ceremonies I had never seen; how could I make any correction?"
'The eldest son of [the duke of] Sung was late in arriving, and the king was then hunting in Woo-shing, so that he was long in giving him an interview. Tseaou Keu begged that he would send an explanation [of the delay], on which the king sent him to say, "It happens that we are engaged in the business of the ancestral temple at Woo-shing. My ruler must bury the offerings set forth [in the temple]:—I venture to apologize for the delay in seeing you." The viscount of Seu was the son of a daughter of Woo; and [the viscount of Ts'oo], thinking that he was disaffected, caused him to be seized in Shin. He also displayed his extravagance to all the princes. Tseaon Keu said to him, "The instances of the six kings and two dukes, [which I adduced], all illustrated the courtesy which they showed to the States, and were the reason of the States' accepting their commands. Keeh of the Hea dynasty held the meeting of Jing, and, the prince of Min revolted from him. Chow of the Shang dynasty held the review of Le, and the E of the east revolted from him. Yew of Chow made the covenant of T'ae-shih, and the Jung and the Teih revolted from him. In all these cases, [those kings] showed to the States the extravagance [of their aims], and so it was that the States cast their commands away from them. Since your majesty is now showing your extravagance, will it not interfere with your success?"
'The king would not listen to him; and Tszech'an, seeing the master of the Left, said to him, "I am not troubled about Ts'oo. So extravagant, and deaf to remonstrance, [the king] will not endure more than ten years. The master of the Left replied, "Yes, but without ten years' extravagance his wickedness will not have reached far. When that has reached far, he will be cast off. So it is with goodness. When goodness has reached far, there ensue advancement and prosperity."
It deserves to be mentioned further that at this first meeting of the States called by Ts'oo we find that the wild tribes of the east were represented. We met before with an instance of the Teih being present at one of the meetings called by Tsin; but our knowledge of the fact was derived from the Chuen. No notice of it was taken in the text of the classic.
Parr. 4, 6. The Chuen says:—'In autumn, in the 7th month, the viscount of Ts'oo, taking the princes [who had been present at Shin] with him, invaded Woo. The prince of Sung, however, and the earl of Ch'ing returned to their States, before [the expedition set out]; but Hwa Fei-suy of Sung and a great officer of Ch'ing accompanied it.
'[The viscount] made K'euh Shin lay siege to Choo-fang, which was reduced in the 8th month on Keah-shin. K'ing Fung was then seized (See the Chuen on IX. xxviii. 6) and the members of his clan exterminated. When [the viscount] was about to execute K'ing Fung, Tseaou Keu said to him, "I have heard that [only] he who is without flaw may [safely] execute another [publicly]. K'ing Fung is here because of his opposition to [his ruler's] orders:—will he be willing to submit [quietly] to be executed? Of what use is it to publish his case before the States?" The king would not listen to this counsel, but made Fung go round [the encampment of] the various States, with an axe upon his shoulder, and ordered him to say, "Let no one follow the example of K'ing Fung of Ts'e, who murdered his ruler, despised the weakness of his young successor, and imposed a covenant on the great officers." K'ing Fung, however, said, "Let no one follow the example of Wei, son by a concubine to king Kung of Ts'oo, who murdered Keun, his ruler and the son of his elder brother, and went on to impose a covenant upon the States." The king caused him to be quickly put to death; and then he proceeded with [the forces] of the States to extinguish Lae. The viscount of that State repaired to the army of the centre, with his hands bound behind him, and a peih in his mouth, followed by officers with the upper part of their bodies half-bared, and by a carriage with a coffin in it. The king asked Tseaou Keu [what this meant], and was answered, "When king Ch'ing reduced Heu (See the Chuen at the end of V. vi.), duke He of Heu appeared before him in this manner. The king loosed his bonds, received his peih, and burned his coffin." The king followed this example, and removed [the prince and people of] Lae to Yen. As he wished to remove Heu to Lae, he made Tow Wei-kwei and the Kung-tsze K'e-tsih wall the city [for Heu], and returned [to Ts'oo].
'Shin Woo-yu said, "The beginning of Ts'oo's calamity will be here. [The king] called the princes, and came with them here, invading States and vanquishing them, and walling cities on the borders, while no one offered any opposition. The king will allow no resistance to his will; but will the people dwell [here quietly]? When the people refuse to dwell [quietly], who will be able to endure him? From that inability to endure the king's commands, calamity and disorder will ensue."
For (?) Kung and Kuh have (?). It was a small State, whose principal city was in the pres. dis. of Shang-shing (??), in Kwang Chow (??), Ho-nan.
Par. 7. Tsăng;—see on IX. vi. 5, where it is said that Keu extinguished the State of Tsăng. What Loo now took, therefore, was the city of Tsăng from Keu. The Chuen says:—'[The words] that "in the 9th mouth we took Tsăng," indicate the ease [with which the thing was done]. Keu had been in confusion, and when duke Choo-k'ew obtained the rule of it, he showed no kindly treatment to Tsăng. In consequence of this, [the commandant of] Tsăng revolted, and came with it to Loo. Hence it is said, "We took it." Any reduction of a city where soldiers were not employed is expressed by this phrase.'
[The Chuen takes us here to Ch'ing and Tsze-ch'an, and to Woo:—'Tsze-ch'an of Ch'ing made [new and harder regulations for the] contributions from the k'ew (See on VIII. i. 4], on which the people of the State reviled him, saying, "His father died on the road, and he himself is a scorpion's tail. Issuing such orders for the State, what will the State do under them?" Tsze-k'wan reported these remarks to Tsze-ch'an, who said, "There is no harm in it. If it only benefit the altars, I will either live or die. Moreover, I have heard that when the gooddoer does not change his measures, he can calculate on success. The people are not to be gratified in this; the measure must not be altered. The ode (A lost ode) says,
'If one's rules and righteousness be not in error, Why regard the words of people.' I will not change it."
Hwăn Han (Tsze-k'wan) said, "The Kwoh, I apprehend, will be the first [of the families of Ch'ing] to perish. The superior man makes laws with slight requirements. The danger is of his still desiring more. If he makes his laws at first under the influence of that desire, what will the danger not be? Of the Ke among the various States, Ts'ae, with Ts'aou and T'ăng, are likely to perish first. They are near [to great States], and observe no rules of propriety. Ch'ing will perish before Wei, for it is near [to the great States], and has no [good] laws. If the government do not follow the [established] laws, but one may make new ones according to his own mind, every one of the people has a mind of his own;—what place will be left for the ruler?"
'In winter, Woo invaded Ts'oo, and entered [the cities of] Keih, Leih, and Ma:—in return for the campaign of Choo-fang. Shay, director of Shin, hurried away with orders [from the King] to Hea-juy. E-kew, director of Remonstrances, fortified Chung-le. Wei K'e-k'eang fortified Ch'aou. Jen Tan fortified Chow-lae. The places in the east of the State could not be fortified because of the water. P'ăng-săng withdrew the troops from Lae.']
Par. 8. Shuh-sun P'aou had been actively engaged in the business of the State from the 2d year of duke Seang. On the way in which he became Head of the Shuh-sun clan, see on VIII. xvi. 14. The Chuen here gives a strange narrative of his life:—'At an early period [of his life], Muh-tsze left [his brother], the Head of the Shuh-sun family, [and went to Ts'e]. When he had got to Kăng-tsung [on his way], he met a woman, whom he asked to prepare some food for him, and then passed the night with her. She asked him where he was going; and when he told her all about it, she wept and escorted him [part of the way]. He then went to Ts'e, and married there a lady of the Kwoh family, by whom he had Măng-ping and Chungjin. [One night], he dreamt that the sky came down upon him, and [when he tried to hold it up], he was not able to do so. Looking round, he saw a man, black and hump-backed, with deep-set eyes, and a pig's mouth, to whom he called out, "New, help me!" and on this he was able to hold the sky up. In the morning, he called all his followers, but there was no such man among them. He told them, however, to remember the circumstances, [which he had mentioned].
'When [his brother] Seuen-pih fled to Ts'e, he supplied him with food. Seuen-pih said to him, "Out of regard to [the services of] our father, Loo will preserve our ancestral temple, and is sure to call you back to it. If it call you, what will you do?" "It is what I have desired for long," was the reply. The people of Loo did call him, and he returned, without informing [his brother].
'When he had been appointed [a minister], the woman of Kăng-tsung, with whom he had spent the night, [came and] presented him with a pheasant; and when he asked her whether she had a son, she replied, "My son is a big boy; he was able to carry the pheasant and follow me." Muh-tsze called for him, and as soon as he saw him, lo! it was the person he had seen in his dream. Without asking him, he called out to him,—"New!" and the boy answered, "Here I am!" He then called all his followers, and made them look at him, after which he made him his waiting boy. The lad became a favourite with him, and, when grown up, was entrusted with the management of his house.
'The Kung-sun Ming had known Shuh-sun in Ts'e, and when, after his return [to Loo], he did not send for [his wife] Kwoh Keang, Tszeming took her to himself. This enraged Shuhsun, and it was not till his sons [by her] were grown up, that he sent for them.
'Having hunted [on one occasion] in K'ew-yew, he became ill in consequence. The waiting-boy New had wanted to create a confusion in the house and get possession of it, and tried to force Măng to act with him, but he refused to do so. [Now], Shuh-sun made a bell for Măng, [to celebrate the declaration of him as his successor], and said to him, "You have not yet had any intercourse with the great officers. Invite them to an entertainment at which you may consecrate it." When all was made ready for this, [Măng-ping] sent New to ask his father to fix a day for the entertainment. New went in to the house, but did not see Shuh-sun, and then came out and appointed a day. When the guests arrived, [Shuh-sun] heard the sound of the bell, and New said to him, "Măng has got [the husband of] your northern wife as his guest." The father, in a rage, wanted to go [to Măng's apartment], but New prevented him. However, when the guests were gone, he caused him to be seized and put to death outside [the house].
'New then tried likewise to force the second son to act with him, but he [also] refused. [Once], this Chung was looking about the duke's palace with the duke's charioteer, Laeshoo, when the duke [saw him, and] gave him a ring. He sent New with it to show it to his father, and New went into the house, but did not show it; and when he came out, he told Chung, [as from his father], to wear it at his girdle. New then said to Shuh-sun, "Why did you introduce Chung [at the court]?" "What do you mean?" asked Shuh-sun. New replied, "If you did not introduce him, he has introduced himself. The duke gave him a ring, and he wears it at his girdle." On this Shuh-sun drove out Chung-jin, who fled to Ts'e.
'When his illness became severe, he ordered [New] to call Chung [from Ts'e]. New promised, but did not do it. Too Sech went to see Shuhsun, who told him how he was suffering from hunger and thirst, and gave him a spear, [with which to kill New]. But Seeh replied, "If you desire anything it will be brought you. Why must you seek to make away with him?"
'New, giving out that the master was very ill and did not wish to see any one, made the attendants place the food in the two side-chambers, and retire; while he himself, instead of taking it in, emptied the dishes, replaced them, and ordered them to be removed. From Kweich'ow of the 12th month to Yih-maou, when he died, Shuh-sun had nothing to eat, New raised [his son by a concubine], Ch'aou-tsze, to his place, and acted as manager and helper to him.
'The duke commissioned Too Seeh to bury Shuh-sun, but the waiting-boy New bribed Shuh-chung Ch'aou-tsze and Nan E, and got them to make Seeh odious to Ke-sun, and have him removed. Seeh was going to convey the coffin to the grave in the carriage [which the king had given to Muh-tsze], and to use all the ceremonies proper to a minister. Nan E, however, said to Ke-sun, "Shuh-sun never rode in this carriage; what is the use of employing it at his funeral? A carriage moreover, is not used at the funeral of our chief minister; is it not improper to use it at the funeral of an assistant-minister? Ke-sun said, "Yes," and ordered Seeh to leave the carriage out. But that officer would not do so. "The master," he said, "received his commission in the court, and went on a complimentary mission to the king. The king, thinking of the ancient services of his family, conferred this carriage upon him. When he returned with the report of his mission, he surrendered it to our ruler; but he did not dare to go against the king's order, and returned it, making the three [great] officers make a record of the matter. You were minister of Instruction, and wrote the name. My master was minister of War, and made the chief of his subordinate officers write the royal gifts. Mang-sun was minister of Works, and recorded [my master's] service. If now that he is dead we do not use the carriage, we shall be casting away our ruler's orders. Since the record is in the public repository, if we do not use it, we shall be setting at nought the three [great] officers. When alive he did not presume to wear the robes given to him by the king, and if we do not put them on him, now that he is dead, of what use were they?" Accordingly, the carriage was used at the funeral.
'Ke-sun took counsel to do away with the army of the Centre; and New said, "The master did certainly wish to do away with it."
V. Fifth year.
1 In the [duke's] fifth year, in spring, in the king's first month, we disbanded the army of the centre.
2 Ts'oo put to death its great officer, K'euh Shin.
3 The duke went to Tsin.
4 In summer, Mow-e of Keu came a fugitive [to Loo], giving over to it [the cities of] Mow-low, Fang, and Tsze.
5 In autumn, in the seventh month, the duke arrived from Tsin.
6 On Mow-shin, Shuh Kung led a force, and defeated an army of Keu at Fun-ts'euen.
7 The earl of Ts'in died.
8 In winter, the viscount of Ts'oo, the marquises of Ts'ae and Ch'in, the viscounts of Tun and Shin, an officer of Seu, and an officer of Yueh, invaded Woo.
Par. 1. See the account of the formation of the 3d or army of the centre under IX. xi. 1. The Chuen here says:—'The disbanding of the army of the centre was to reduce [still] lower the ducal House. The disbanding was [proposed] at the house of the She family, and determined on at that of the Tsang.
'Formerly, when the army of the centre was first constituted, the ducal House was [as it were] divided into three parts, each [of the three families] having one of them. The Ke family took to itself all the men and contributions of its part. The Shuh-sun made [only] the sons and younger brothers of its part to be its subjects. The Măng took the one half. When they [now] disbanded that army, they divided [the prerogative of] the ducal House into four parts, of which the [head of the] Ke family took two, and each of the other ministers one; but they all took the entire control of the men and their contributions, paying [only] a tribute to the duke. They gave a notice to Too Seeh, and required him to announce it to [Muh-tsze in] his coffin, to this effect, "You did desire the disbanding of the middle army. We have disbanded it, and therefore announce the thing to you." Too Seeh said, "But my master did not wish the army to be disbanded, and therefore he insisted on the covenant at the gate of He's temple, and the imprecations in the street of Woo-foo (See on IX. xi. 1)." He then took the notice, and threw it on the ground, led [to the coffin] the officers [of Muh-tsze], and wept over it.
'Shuh-chung-tsze said to Ke-sun, "I received a charge from my father Shuh-sun, that, in burying [a minister] who had not died a natural death from age, the coffin should be taken from the western gate [of the court.]" Ke-sun gave orders accordingly to Too Seeh; but that officer said, "The coffin of a minister, according to the rules of Loo, is taken from [the principal gate of] the court. The government of the State is in your hands, but you have not changed this rule. If we notwithstanding [now] depart from it, we are afraid of dying [for it], and dare not follow your order." When the tuneral was over, Seeh went away.
'[Soon after,] Chung [-jin, the second son of Muh-tsze by his Ts'e wife], arrived from Ts'e (See the Chuen at the end of last year), and Kesun proposed to appoint him in his father's place. Nan E, however, said to him, "The stronger the Shuh-sun, the weaker the Ke-sun. You had better simply take no knowledge of the disorder in that family." At the same time Nan E made the people of the State assist New in an attack in the open space before the grand arsenal on Chung, who received an arrow in one of his eyes from the superintendent of the palace, and died. New then took 30 towns in the eastern borders, [belonging to the Shuh-sun], and gave them to Nan E.
'Ch'aou-tsze [finally] succeeded to his father's place, when he gave audience to all the members of his clan, and said. "The waiting boy New has done evil to the House of Shuh-sun, and thrown into confusion the grand [principle of] natural order. Having put to death the children by the wife, and secured the succession to the son of a concubine, he has gone on to distribute its towns, that he might thereby get forgiveness for his offences. His crimes could not be more heinous, and we must quickly put him to death." New got frightened, and fled to Ts'c, where he was killed, outside the gate between the two States, by the sons of Măng and Chung, who threw his head into a thorn tree near Ning-fung. Chung-ne said, "The conduct of Shuh-sun Ch'aou-tsze in not being influenced by services done to himself is what [few] could attain to." [The historiographer] Chow Jin has said, "The administrator of government does not reward services done to himself, nor does he punish his private wrongs." As the ode (She, III. iii. ode II. 2) says,
604??+? "To an evident virtuous conduct All States render their homage!" 'At an earlier period, on the birth of Muhtsze, [his father] Chwang-shuh, consulted the Chow Yih by the reeds about him, and got the diagram Ming-e (??; ), which then became K'een (?;). He showed this to the diviner Ts'oo K'ew, who said, "This [son] will have to leave [the State], but he will return and offer the sacrifices to you. The entrance of a slanderer, of the name of New, will be sufficient to make him die of starvation. [The diagram] Ming-e relates to the sun. The solar numbers arc 10. Hence there are 10 periods in the day, which correspond also to the ten ranks. Reckoning from the king downwards, the rank of duke is the 2d, and that of minister is the 3d. The highest point of the day is when the sun is in the meridian. When it is meal time, that represents the 2d rank; and early dawn represents the third. Ming-e's becoming K'een represents brightness, but that which is not yet fully developed,—corresponding, we may presume, to the early dawn. Therefore I say. [this child will be minister and] offer the sacrifices for you. [The diagram for] the sun's becoming K'een has its correspondency in a bird. Hence we read (On the lowest line of the diagram Ming-e), 'The brightness is injured in its flight.' And as the brightness is not fully developed, we read, 'It droops its wings.' There is an emblem of the movement of the sun, and hence we read, 'The superior man goes away.' This happens with the third rank, in the early dawn, and hence we read, "Three days he does not eat.'
[Again] Le (, the lower half of Ming-e) represents fire, aud Kin (, the lower half of K'een) represents a hill. Le is fire; fire burns the hill, and the hill is destroyed. But applied to men, [Kin] denotes speech, and destroying speech is slander. Hence we read, 'He goes whither he would; and to him, the lord, there is speech.' That speech must be slander. In [the diagram of] the double Le () there is [mention made of] a cow. The age is in disorder and slander overcomes; the overcoming goes on to dismemberment; and therefore I say, "His name will be New (? bull or cow).' K'een denotes insufficiency. The flight is not high. Descending from on high, the wings do not reach far. Hence, while I say that this child will be your successor, yet you are the second minister, and he will fall somewhat short of your dignity."
604?? Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo, considering that K'euh Shin was disaffected and leant towards Woo, put him to death. He then made K'euh Săng the Moh-gaou, and sent him, along with the chief minister, Tszetang, to Tsin to meet his bride. As they passed by [the capital of] Ch'ing, the earl sent to pay the compliments of the journey to Tszetang at Fan, and to K'euh Săng at T'oo-she. The marquis of Tsin escorted his daughter to Hing-k'ew, where the earl of Ch'ing had an interview with him, with the attendance and under the direction of Tsze-ch'an.'
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'The duke went to Tsin; and from his reception in the suburbs to the gifts at his departure, he did not fail in any point of ceremony. The marquis of Tsin said to Joo Shuh-ts'e, "Is not the marquis of Loo good at propriety?" "How does the marquis of Loo know propriety?" was the reply. "Wherefore [do you say so]?" asked the marquis. "Considering that, from his reception in the suburbs to the gifts at his departure, he did not err in a single point, why should you say that he does not know propriety?" "That was deportment" said Shuh-ts'e, "and should not be called propriety. Propriety is that by which [a ruler] maintains his State, carries out his governmental orders, and does not lose his people. Now the government [of Loo] is ordered by the [three great] clans, and he cannot take it [from them]. There is Tsze-kea Ke, (A descendant of duke Chwang, called elsewhere Tszekea E-pih) and he is not able to employ him. He violates the covenants of our great State, and exercises oppression on the small State [of Keu]. He makes his gain of the distresses of others, and is ignorant of his own. The [patrimony] of his House is divided into four parts, and [like one of] the people he gets his food from others. No one thinks of him, or takes any consideration for his future. The ruler of a State, calamity will come upon him, and he has no regard to what is proper for him to do. The beginning and end of his propriety should be in these matters; and in small particulars he practises deportment, as if that were all-important:— is it not far from correct to say that he is well acquainted with propriety?"
'The superior man will say that Shuh-how showed by these remarks that he knew propriety.'
[We have now a long narrative of a visit to Ts'oo by Han K'e and Shuh-heang:—'Han Seuen-tsze of Tsin went to Ts'oo as escort to [the king's] bride, Shuh-heang being the assistant commissioner. Tsze-p'e and Tsze-t'ae-shuh of Ch'ing visited them on their journey at Sohshe, and the latter said to Shuh-heang, "The extravagance of the king of Ts'oo is excessive; you must be on your guard against it." "His excessive extravagance," replied Shuh-heang, "will be calamitous to himself, but how can it affect others? If we present our offerings, and be careful of our deportment, maintaining our good faith, and observing the rules of propriety, reverently attentive to our first proceedings and thinking at the same time of our last, so that all might be done over again; if we comply [with his requirements] so as not to lose our decorum, and, while respectful, do not lose our dignity; if our communications be according to the lessons [of wisdom], our service be performed according to the laws of antiquity, and our duty be discharged according to [the rules of] the ancient kings, and regulated by a consideration of [what is due to] our two States, however extravagant he be, what can he do to us?"
'When they arrived at [the capital of] Ts'oo, the viscount gave audience to his great officers, and said, "Tsin is my enemy. If I can get my will, I have no regard to anything else. Those who are now come from it are its highest minister and a great officer of the highest rank. If I [cut off his feet, and] make Han K'e a janitor, and [castrate] Yang-sheh Heih and make him superintendent of my harem, that will be enough to disgrace Tsin, and I shall get my will. May it be done?" None of the great officers gave any reply, till Wei K'e-k'eang said, "It may. If you are prepared for it, why may it not be done? But a common man may not be put to shame without preparations for it, and how much less a State! On this account the sage kings made it their object to observe the rules of propriety, and did not seek to put people to shame. For appearances at court and complimentary visits there were the jade tokens of rank; for entertainments and receptions there were the semi-tokens; the small (= all the princes) had to make a report of their duties; the great one (= the king) had to make tours to observe the merits [of the princes]; when the benches were spread [with the dishes], there was no leaning forward on them, and when the cup was filled, there was no drinking of it, [till the time came]; for feasts there was the provision of good gifts; for meals there were double the usual number of dishes; on the arrival of guests they were met in the suburbs and condoled with on the toils of their journey, and at their departure, there were gifts presented to them. These embrace the most important usages of ceremony. The ruin of States and families has been from the neglect of these, which has given occasion to miseries and disorders.
'After the battle of Shing-puh, Tsin made no preparations against Ts'oo, and was defeated at Peih. After the battle of Peih, Ts'oo made no preparations against Tsin, and was defeated at Yen. Since Yen, Tsin has not neglected its preparations, and has added to them the observance of propriety and a double measure of harmony in itself, so that Ts'oo had not been able to retaliate [for that defeat at Yen], but has sought marriage with Tsin. You have obtained that affinity of marriage, and you wish further to put Tsin to shame, thereby calling forth its violent animosity :—what preparations have you made for such an issue? If you have the men [to meet it], well :—put Tsin to shame. If you have them not, your lordship should consider well what you propose to do. In my opinion, the service which Tsin has done to you may be pronounced sufficient. You sought the States from it, and they have all come to you; you sought marriage with it, and it has sent you its daughter. Its ruler himself escorted her. Its highest minister and a great officer of the highest rank have come to the completion of the union; and still you wish to put it to shame. You must surely be prepared for such a thing; if you are not, what will be the consequences?
' Below Han K'e there are [in Tsin] Chaou Ch'ing, Chung-hang Woo, Wei Shoo, Fan Yang, and Che Ying. Below Yang-sheh Heih there are K'e Woo, Chang Teih, Tseih T'an, Joo Ts'e, Leang Ping, Chang Koh, Foo Leih, and Meaou Fun-hwang;—all of them the choice of all the States. Han Seang is great officer of a ducal clan; Han Seu receives his ruler's orders, and goes forth with them to other States; Ke Seang, Hing Tae, Shuh-k'in, Shuh-tseaou, and Tsze-yu, all belong to great families. The Han draw their levies from seven cities, round each of which is a full district. The Yang-sheh embraces 4 clans,— all consisting of strong families. If the people of Tsin lose Han K'e and Yang Heih, those 5 [other] ministers, and 8 [other] great officers, will give their aid to Han Seu and Yang-sheh. From their 10 families and 9 districts they can raise 900 chariots of war, while 4000 chariots will be left to guard the remaining 40 districts [of the State]. With their martial rage all in fury, they will come to be revenged for the great disgrace [put upon them]. With Pih-hwa to direct their plans, and with Chung-hang Pih and Wei Shoo to lead on their armies, they are sure to be successful. Your lordship intends to 606?? change the friendship of marriage for enmity, and violate all propriety to accelerate the approach of the enemy; and if you have not made preparations for such an issue, you will be sending all of us your servants, and leaving us to be captured, to gratify yourself. But what is there in this that may not be done?" The king said, "It was my error. Do not you, my great officers, trouble yourselves [any further]." He then treated Han-tsze with courtesy. He wished, however, to get a triumph over Shuhheang on matters he might not be acquainted with, but was not able to do so; and he also showed great courtesy to him.
'When Han K'e was returning, the earl of Ch'ing came to Yu, to show him there the compliments of the journey; but Han declined to be introduced to him :—which was according to rule.'
There is another short narrative :—'Han Hoo of Ch'ing went to Ts'e, to marry a daughter of Tsze-we. Gan-tsze paid him frequent visits, and when Ch'in Hwan-tsze asked the reason, he replied, "He is able to employ good men;— he is a fitting lord of the people."]
Parr. 4, 5. Mow-low,—see on I, iv. 1. Fang was 60 le to the southwest of the pres. dis. city of Gan-k'ew (??), dep. of Ts'ing-chow. Tsze was in the northwest of Choo-shing (??) dis., in the same dep. Tso-she says, 'Mow-e was not a minister, yet his name is given here, importance being attached to the territory [which he surrendered] (?). The people of Keu made a complaint on the subject to Tsin, and the marquis wished to detain the duke [as a prisoner]. Fan Heen-tsze, however, said to him, "You should not do so. When a prince comes to your court, if you seize him there, you have enticed him. To punish him without using your troops, and entice him, thereby effecting your purpose, is the procedure of indolence. Would it not be improper for the lord of covenants to be guilty of these two things? I beg you to send him back. When we have leisure, we can go with troops and punish him." The duke accordingly was allowed to return, and in autumn, in the 7th month, he arrived from Tsin.'
Par. 6. For ? Kung-yang has?, and Kuh-leang, ?. Fun-ts'euen was in Loo, but its site is not determined more particularly. The Chuen says :—' A body of men from Keu came to make reprisals [for the reception of] Mow-e. They made no preparations [against 606?? surprise], and on Mow-shin, Shuh Kung defeated them at Fun-ts'euen, before they could form in order of battle.'
Par. 8. Here for the first time in the text of the classic there appears the great State of Yueh, which was held by viscounts, who had the surname of Sze (?), and claimed to be descended from king Shaou-k'ang of the Hea dyn. Their capital was Hwuy-k'e (??), in the present dis. of Shan-yin (??), dep. Shaou-hing(??), Cheh-keang. Yueh was helpful to Ts'oo, as a counterpoise to the power of Woo, and became subsequently a powerful antagonist of Ts'oo itself.
The Chuen says:—'In winter, in the 10th month, the viscount of Ts'oo, along with several princes and [the chiefs of] the eastern E, invaded Woo, in retaliation for that State's taking Keih, Leih, and Ma (See the 2d narrative after par. 7 of last year). Wei Shay joined him with the army of Fan-yang at Hea-juy. Chang Showkwo, a great officer of Yueh, joined him with a force at So. Hearing that the army of Woo had come forth, Wei K'e-k'eang led a force and pursued; but in his hurry he did not make [sufficient] preparations, and the men of Woo defeated him at Ts'eoh-gan. The viscount came by hasty stages to the bend of the Lo, and there the viscount of Woo sent his brother, Kwei-yew, with refreshments for the troops. The people of Ts'oo seized him, and were about to smear their drums with his blood, when the king caused him to be asked whether he had consulted the tortoise-shell if his coming would be fortunate. Kwei-yew replied, "[We were told it would be] fortunate. My ruler having heard that your lordship was going to regulate your troops in our State, consulted our guardian shell in this way,—' I will at once send a messenger with refreshments to the army [of Ts'oo], and ask him to go and observe whether the king's anger be furious or slow, that we may make preparations accordingly. Shall we be able to ascertain this?' The reply given by the indications of the shell was, 'That may be known.' If your lordship had been gracious, and received me, the messenger, in a friendly way, that would have increased the feeling of ease and indifference in our State, and it would have forgotten that its ruin might soon happen. But now your lordship is furious, surcharged with rage as with thunder and lightning. You have oppressively seized me, and are going to smear your drums with my blood: —Woo will thus know what preparations to make. Feeble though our State is, with all its equipment put early in good order, it may secure rest for its army. To be prepared alike for a difficult or for an easy contest may be said to be fortunate.
"And moreover, the tortoise-shell was consulted with reference to the altars of Woo, and not for a single individual. If my blood be used to smear the drums of your army, and our State thereby knows to make preparations to meet all casualties, what could be more fortunate than this? The State has its carefully guarded shell, which in all things it consults. Who can calculate on the regularity of the good fortune or the evil? Shing-puh gave an omen, and the answer to it was at Peih. As to this present journey of mine, [Woo] will keep it in mind to make you a return for it." After this the envoy was not put to death.
'The army of Ts'oo crossed the river at the bend of the Lo, when Ch'ih, director of Shin, effected a junction with the viscount at mount Lae. Wei K'e-k'eang then led forward the army of Fan-yang, and entered Nan-hwae, while the [rest of] the army followed as far as Joo-ts'ing; but it was found that Woo could not be penetrated. The viscount therefore made [simply] a display of his troops at the hill of Ch'e-ke. In this campaign, Woo had made early preparations, so that Ts'oo was obliged to return without effecting anything, [only] taking Kwei-yew back with it. The viscount, being afraid of Woo, made Shay, the director of Shin, wait for orders from him at Ch'aou, and Wei K'e-k'eang do the same at Yu-low:—which was according to rule.'
[We have a short notice here about the prince of Ts'in, who fled to Tsin in the duke's 1st year:—'How-tsze of Ts'in returned again to his position in Ts'in;—in consequence of the death of duke King.']
VI. Sixth year.
1 In the duke's sixth year, in spring, in the king's first month, Yih-koo, earl of K'e, died.
2 There was the burial of duke King of Ts'in.
3 In summer, Ke-sun Suh went to Tsin.
4 There was the burial of duke Wăn of K'e.
5 Hwa Hoh-pe of Sung fled from that State to Wei.
6 In autumn, in the ninth month, there was a grand sacrifice for rain.
7 Wei P'e of Ts'oo led a force and invaded Woo.
8 In winter, Shuh Kung went to Ts'oo.
9 The marquis of Ts'e invaded North Yen.
Par. 1. Yih-koo is the viscount of K'e, who came to the court of Loo in the 29th year of S'eang. Here he is mentioned with the rank of earl. The marquis of Tsin, interested in K'e through his mother, had probably obtained the advancement of rank for the viscount.
Tso says, 'Duke Wăn of K'e now died, and [the duke] sent his condolences to that State as the deceased ruler had covenanted with a marquis of Loo:—which was according to rule.'
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'A great officer went to Ts'in, to attend the funeral of duke King;—which was according to rule.' This is the first instance in the classic where the burial of an earl of Ts'in is mentioned. It shows how, with the progress of time, the intercourse between States at a considerable distance from one another was increasing.
[We have here the following narrative about a proceeding of Tsze-ch'an in Ch'ing:—'In the 3d month, they cast [tripods] in Ch'ing, with descriptions [of crimes and their] punishments [upon them]. In consequence of this, Shuhheang sent a letter to Tsze-ch'an, saying, "At first I considered you [as my model], but now I have ceased to do so. The ancient kings deliberated on [all the circumstances], and determined [on the punishment of crimes]; they did not make [general] laws of punishment, fearing lest it should give rise to a contentious spirit among the people. But still, as crimes could not be prevented, they set up for them the barrier of righteousness, sought to bring them all to a conformity with their own rectitude, set before them the practice of propriety, and the maintenance of good faith, and cherished them with benevolence. They also instituted emoluments and places to encourage them to follow [their example], and laid down strictly punishments and penalties to awe them from excesses. Fearing lest these things should be insufficient, they therefore taught the people [the principles of] sincerity, urged them by [discriminations of] conduct, instructed them in what was most important, called for their services in a spirit of harmony, came before them in a spirit of reverence, met exigencies with vigour, and gave their decisions with firmness. And in addition to this, they sought to have sage and wise persons in the highest positions, intelligent discriminating persons in all offices, that elders should be distinguished for true-heartedness and good faith, and teachers for their gentle kindness. In this way the people could be successfully dealt with, and miseries and disorder be prevented from arising.
"When the people know what the exact laws are, they do not stand in awe of their superiors. They also come to have a contentious spirit, and make their appeal to the express words, hoping peradventure to be successful in their argument. They can no longer be managed. When the government of Hea had fallen into disorder, the penal code of Yu was made; under the same circumstances of Shang, the penal code of T'ang; and in Chow, the code of the nine punishments:—those three codes all originated in ages of decay. And now in your administration of Ch'ing, you have made [your new arrangements for] dykes and ditches (See the narrative at the end of IX. xxx.), you have established your [new system of] governmental [requisitions], which has been so much spoken against (See the 1st narr. after iv. 7), and you have framed [this imitation of] those 3 codes, casting your descriptions of [crimes and their] punishments:—will it not be difficult to keep the people quiet, as you wish to do? The ode (She, IV. i. [i.] ode VII.) says,
'I imitate, follow, and observe the virtue of king Wăn, And daily there is tranquillity in all the regions;' and again (III. i. ode I. 7),
'Take your pattern from king Wăn, And the myriad States will repose confidence in you.' In such a condition, what need is there for any code? When once the people know the grounds for contention, they will cast propriety away, and make their appeal to your descriptions. They will all be contending about a matter as small as the point of an awl or a knife. Disorderly litigations will multiply, and bribes will walk abroad. Ch'ing will go to ruin, it is to be feared, in the age sueceeding yours. I have heard the saying that 'When a State is about to perish, there will be many new enactments in it.' Is your proceeding an illustration of it?"
'To this letter Tsze-ch'an returned the following reply, "As to what you say, I have not the talents nor the ability to act for posterity; my object is to save the present age. I cannot accept your instructions, but I dare not forget your great kindness."
'Sze Wăn-pih said, "The Ho (Fire) star has made its appearance. Is there going to be fire in Ch'ing? Before the appearance of the Ho, it made use of fire to cast its punishment-tripods. If the Ho is an emblem of fire, must we not expect fire [in Ch'ing]?"].
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Ke-sun Suh went to Tsin, to make our acknowledgments for the lands of K'e, [which Mow-e had given over to Loo]. The marquis gave him an entertainment at which there was more than the usual number of dishes. On seeing this, he retired, and sent an internuncius to say, "In its service of [your] great State, [our] small State, if it can [only] escape measures of punishment, does not seek for any gifts. I should get no more than three rounds of the cup. But now there are more dishes than are sufficient for that, and I dare not accept [such distinction]:—would it not be an offence if I did so?" Han Seuen-tsze said, "Our ruler intended to promote your joy;" but [Woo-tsze] replied,"It is what my ruler would not [accept]; how much less dare I, who am but as a menial servant of [your] ruler, listen to such an addition to his gift!" He then firmly requested that the additional dishes might be removed, and only when that was done did he return to the completion of the entertainment. The people of Tsin, out of respect to the knowledge of propriety [which he thus showed], made the [usual] offerings of friendship to him very large.'
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'Lew, master of the eunuchs, of Sung was a favourite, but was hated by Tso, [the duke's] eldest son; and Hwa Hoh-pe undertook to kill him. Lew heard of it, dug a hole, killed a victim and buried [its blood], with the tablets [of a covenant] over it." He then informed the duke, saying, "Hoh-pe is about to bring back the fugitive (Hwa Shin; see on IX. xvii. 6) and his family, and has made a covenant to that effect in the northern suburbs." The duke sent to see, and [the evidence] was found, on which he drove out Hwa Hoh-pe, who fled to Wei.
'On this, Hwa Hae (Younger brother of Hohpe) wished to get the office of master of the Right in the room [of Hoh-pe], and by agreement with the eunuch Lew, came and gave confirmatory evidence, saying that he had heard of his brother's purpose for a long time; so the duke gave him the appointment. [Having received this], he went to see the master of the Left. who said to him, "A fellow like you is sure to come to ruin. You have ruined the members of your own House. What part have you in men, and what part have men in you? The ode (She, III. ii. ode X. 7) says,
'The circle of relatives is like a wall. Do not let your wall be destroyed; Do not, solitary, be consumed with terrors.' You have reason to live in such terror!" [We have here two narratives:—
1st. 'In the 6th month, on Ping-seuh, a fire broke out in Ch'ing (See the conclusion of the narrative after par. 2).'
2d. 'The Kung-tsze K'e-tsih went to Tsin,— to return the visit of Han-tsze. As he was passing by [the capital of] Ch'ing, Han Hoo, Kung-sun K'eaou, and Yew Keih followed the earl to pay him the compliments of the journey at Cha; but he declined and would not presume to see them. [The earl], however, earnestly begged that he would do so, [which he did], behaving [to the earl] as if he were having an interview with [his own king]. [Afterwards] he had a private audience of [the earl], with eight of his chariots [as his offering]; he saw Tsze-p'e, as if he were seeing the highest minister [of Ts'oo], with an offering of 6 horses; Tsze-ch'an, with 4; and Tszet'ae-shuh with 2. He forbade his foragers, grooms, and fuel-collectors to go into the fields. No trees were to be cut down for fuel; no grain nor vegetables were to be gathered; no houses were to be unroofed; there was to be no violent begging. He made a declaration that whoever should violate his orders, if he were an officer, he should be dismissed, and if he were a smaller man, he should be reduced still lower. His men were to exercise no oppression where they lodged; hosts should not be troubled by their guests. In going and returning he observed these rules. The three ministers of Ch'ing all knew that he would [yet] be king [of Ts'oo].
'When Han Seuen-tsze went to Ts'oo, they did not meet him; and now when the Kung-tsze K'e-tsih was come to the borders of Tsin, the marquis intended in the same way not to meet him. Shuh-heang, however, said, "Ts'oo is perverse, and we are correct:—why should we imitate its perversity? The ode (She, II. vii. ode IX. 2) says,
'What you teach The people all imitate.' Let us follow our own way; should we imitate the perversity of others? The Shoo says, 'The sage forms a pattern.' Instead of taking good men for our pattern, shall we find it in men who are perverse? If an ordinary man do what is good, the people will take him for their pattern; —how much more will they do so in the case of the ruler of a State!"
'The marquis of Tsin was pleased, and sent to meet the envoy accordingly'].
Par. 6. This sacrifice was offered because, as Tso says, there was now 'a drought.'
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'E-ts'oo, of Seu came on a complimentary visit to Ts'oo, where he was seized by the viscount; but he effected his escape and returned home. The viscount, fearing that Seu would revolt, sent Wei Seeh to invade it, when a body of men from Woo went to its aid. On this. Tsze-tang, the chief minister, led a force and invaded Woo. He collected his troops at Yu-chang, and halted at Kan-k'c. The men of Woo defeated his army at Fangchang, taking prisoner K'e-tsih, director of the palace stables. Tsze-tang laid the blame [of the defeat] on Wei Seeh, and put him to death.'
Par. 8. Tso says this was a complimentary visit, and to offer Loo's condolences on the defeat [sustained from Woo].
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'In the 11th month, the marquis of Ts'e went to Tsin, to ask leave to invade North Yen, when Sze Kae, in attendance on Sze Yang, met him at the Ho:— which was according to rule. The marquis having given his assent, in the 12th month the marquis of Ts'e invaded North Yen, intending to re-instate duke Keen. Gan-tsze said, 'They will not enter [the capital of] Yen. Yen has a ruler, and the people are not disaffected to him. Our ruler [desires] bribes; those about him flatter him; and so he commences a great undertaking, but not in good faith. Such enterprises have never been successful."
VII. Seventh year.
1 In the [duke's] seventh year, in spring, in the king's first month, [North Yen] made peace with Ts'e.
2 In the third month, the duke went to Ts'oo.
3 Shuh-sun Shay went to Ts'e to make a covenant.
4 In summer, in the fourth month, on Keah-shin, the sun was eclipsed.
5 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Mow-shin, Goh, marquis of Wei, died.
6 In the ninth month, the duke arrived from Ts'oo.
7 In winter in the eleventh month, on Kwei-we, Ke-sun Suh died.
8 In the twelfth month, on Kwei-hae, there was the burial of duke Ling of Wei.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'This peace was what Ts'e sought for. On Kwei-we, the marquis was halting at Kwoh, and the people of Yen made proffers of accommodation, saying, "Our poor State knows its guilt, and dares not but listen to your orders. With some worthless articles of our former rulers, we beg to apologize for our offence." Kung-sun Seih said, "Having received its submission we can return; and when an occasion is presented we can make [another] movement." In the 2d month, on Mow-woo, a covenant was made at Seu-shang. The people of Yen sent to the marquis a daughter of their ruling House, and the bribes of a yaou vase, a casket of jade, and a white jade goblet with ears. He then returned [to Ts'e], without having succeeded in his [professed] object.'
According to this Chuen, the peace made in the text was between North Yen and Ts'e, and ? ? must be supplied from the concluding par. of last year. Kung-yang and Kuh-leang, however, took a different view, and supposed that Loo and Ts'e were the parties in the pacification;—a view in which they have been followed by a host of critics. Certainly there are many paragraphs in the classic where 'Loo' or 'we' has to be supplied as the subject; and so far this would be in analogy with them. Still there is no evidence of there being any 615? strife between Loo and Ts'e at this time, which could furnish a reason for their making peace; and considering the allusions to a peace between Yen and Ts'e in subsequent narratives, the view of Tso-she is decidedly to be preferred No stress is to be laid on the use of ?, which simply =?. The critics, who find mysteries in the terms of the classic, say that ? is used from the standpoint of Loo, and ? from the standpoint of the other party with which Loo has covenanted; that when Loo has taken the initiative, ? is used, and where it has followed suit, we find ?.
[There is here appended the following narrative about the king of Ts'oo:—'When the viscount of Ts'oo was chief minister of the State, he had made for himself a royal flag which he used in hunting. The Woo-director, Woo-yu, broke [the staff of] it, saying, "Two rulers in one State!— this is what no one can endure." When the chief minister became king, he built the palace of Chang-hwa, and recalled [a number of] exiles to fill [the offices in] it, and among them was a janitor of Woo-yu, whose master tried to seize him. The [king's] officers would not give the man up, saying, "It is a great offence to seize a man in the royal palace;" and with this they seized [Woo-yu, and carried him off], to lay the matter before the king. The king was about to fall to drinking, and Woo-yu defended himself, saying, "The dominion of the Son of Heaven extends everywhere; the princes of States have their own defined boundaries. This is the ancient rule;—within the State and the kingdom, what ground is there which is not the ruler's? What individual of all whom the ground supports is there that is not the ruler's subject? Hence the ode (She, II. vi. ode I. 2) says,
'Under the wide heavens All is the king's land. Along the coasts of the land All are the king's servants.' The day has its ten divisions of time, and of men there are the ten classes; and so it is that inferiors serve their superiors, and that superiors perform their duties to the Spirits. Hence, the king makes the duke (=the prince of a State) his servant; the duke, the great officer; the great officer, the [simple] officer; the officer, the lictor; the lictor, the crowd of underlings; the underling, the menials: the menial, the labourer; the labourer, the servant; the servant, the helper. There are also grooms for the horses, and shepherds for the cattle;—and thus there is provision for all things.
"Your officers say, 'Why do you seize a man in the king's palace?' but where else should I seize him? A law of king Wăn of Chow says, 'Make great inquisition for fugitives;' and it was thus he got the kingdom. Our former ruler king Wăn made the law of Puh-gow, which says, 'He with whom the thief conceals his booty is as guilty as the thief;' and it was he who extended his boundary to the Joo. If we are to accept what your officers say, we shall have no means of apprehending runaway servants; if we are to let them go without trying to apprehend them, we shall have no servants at all. There is surely some misconduct of your majesty's affairs here.
"Formerly when king Woo was enumerating the crimes of Chow, for the information of the princes, he said, 'Chow is the host of all the vagabonds under heaven, who collect about him as fish in the deep (See the Shoo, V. iii. 6).' On this account every one was willing to go to the death [against Chow). You, our ruler and king, have just begun to seek [the adherence of] the States;—does it not seem improper in you to be imitating Chow? If we are to apprehend them according to the laws of the two Wăn, there is [another] thief here!" The king said, "Take your servant and begone. That [other] thief is a favourite, and cannot yet be got!" With this he pardoned [Woo-yu].']
Par. 2. The Chuen says:—'When the viscount of Ts'oo had completed the tower of Chang-hwa, he wished to have the princes of the States present at the inauguration feast. The grand-administrator Wei K'e-k'eang, having said that he could secure the attendance of the marquis of Loo, came to Loo to call the duke, and made the following speech, "Your former ruler, duke Ch'ing, gave his commands to our former great officer Ying-ts'e, to the effect that he would not forget the friendship between his predecessors and our rulers, and would send Hăng-foo on a brightening visit to Ts'oo, to support and comfort its altars, in order that the peace of its people might be secured. Ying-ts'e received his commands at Shuh (See on VIII. ii. 9), brought them along with him, careful that nothing should be lost, and made an announcement of them in our ancestral temple. From that time our ruler, king Kung, looked with outstretched neck to the north, from day to day and month to month hoping [that the ruler of Loo would come to his court]. In the order of succession four kings have since given our State one to the other, and the acceptable kindness [of Loo] has not come to us. Duke Seang alone condescended to come to the funeral [of our last king], and then our ruler and his ministers, in the grief of their hearts, were not able to take proper measures. They had not leisure to attend to the business of the altars, and much less were they able to show how they cherished and thought of his kindness. If now your lordship will direct your gemmeous steps, and condescend to visit our ruler, and extend your favouring influence to our State, so as to make good the agreement at Shuh, and reach to us with your acceptable kindness, our ruler will have received your favour, and not presume to look for anything like what was promised at Shuh. The Spirits of his predecessors will be pleased also, and feel their obligation;—not he only will be indebted to you. If your lordship will not come, let me ask the time when we must put ourselves in motion. Our ruler will bring his hostages and offerings, and see you in Shuh, to beg from you the gift promised by your predecessor."
'When the duke was about to go, he dreamt that duke Seang was offering [for his safe journey] the sacrifice to the Spirits of the way. [On this], Tsze Shin said, "You must not carry out the purpose of going. When duke Seang was going to Ts'oo, he dreamt that the duke of Chow offered this sacrifice for him, und went accordingly. And now he himself is offering it for you. Your lordship must not go." Tszefuh Hwuy-pih, however, said, " You must go. Our former ruler had never gone to Ts'oo, and therefore the duke of Chow offered the sacrifice to lead him on. Duke Seang went to Ts'oo; and now he offers the sacrifice to lead you on the way. If you do not go [to Ts'oo], where should you go to?"
'In the 3d month, the duke went to Ts'oo. The earl of Ch'ing paid him the compliments of the journey at Sze-che-leang. Mang Hetsze, who was with the duke as assistant, could not direct the observances to be employed; and when they arrived at Ts'oo, he could not respond properly at the complimentary meeting in the suburbs.'
Par. 3. For ?, here and afterwards, Tso-she and Kuh-leang have ?. This was the son of Shuh-sun Păou or Muh-tsze, raised to succeed his father by the 'waiting-boy New,' as related in the narrative at the end of the 5th year. He is called generally in the Chuen by his posthumous title of Chăou-tsze (??).
?,—see on V. iii. 6. Those who contend that the peace in the 1st par. was between Loo and Tse press this notice in support of their view, and understand that the covenant here was in confirmation of that peace. Tso-she says nothing on this par. ? is not decisive in the case. It is sometimes employed of the renewal or confirmation of a covenant (? ?); but we find it employed also where there had been no previous agreement.
Par. 4. This eclipse took place in the forenoon of March 11th, B.C. 534.
The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Tsin asked Sze Wăn-pih in whom [the omen of] the eclipse would be fulfilled, and was answered, "Loo and Wei will both feel its evil effects;— Wei to a greater extent, and Loo to a less," "Why so?" said the marquis. "It went," said Wăn-pih, " from Wei on to Loo. There will be calamity in the former, and Loo will also feel it. The greater evil indicated is to light, perhaps, on the ruler of Wei, and [the less] on the highest minister of Loo." The marquis said, " What does the ode (She, II. iv. ode IX. 2) mean, when it says,
'When the sun is eclipsed, How bad it is!' The officer replied, "It shows the effects of bad government. When there is not good govt. in a State, and good men are not employed, it brings reproof to itself from the calamity of the sun and moon. Government, therefore, must not in any wise be neglected. The three things to be specially attended to in it are—1st, the selection of good men [for office]; 2d, consideration of the people; and 3d, the right observance of the seasons." '
[We have five narratives appended here:—
1st. 'An officer came to Loo from Tsin to settle the question about the lands of Ke (See on IX. xxix. 7), and Ke-sun was about to give Ch'ing [up] to him. Seay Seih, who was holding that city for Măng-sun, objected, saying, "There is a saying that though a man have only knowledge enough to carry a pitcher, as he is in charge of it, he must not lend it to another; and it expresses what is proper. My master is in attendance on our ruler; and if I lose the city of which I am in charge, [during his absence], even you yourself will be suspicious of me." Ke-sun replied, "Our ruler's being in Ts'oo is held by Tsin to be an offence; and if [in this matter] we do not listen to Tsin, Loo's offence will be aggravated. The army of Tsin will be upon us, and I am not prepared for it. We had better give the city [up], and when Tsin affords an opportunity, we can take it [again] from Ke. I will give you Tăou [instead];—when Ch'ing is got back, who will dare to hold it [but Măngsun]? You will thus get two Ch'ing. Loo will not have to sorrow, and Măng-sun will have an additional city. Why should you be distressed [by what I propose]?" Seay Seih objected to T'aou, because there was no hill near it, on which Ke-sun gave him the hills of Lae and Tsoh. He then removed to Tăou, and the officer of Tsin took Ch'ing in behalf of K'e.'
2d. 'The viscount of Ts'oo entertained the duke in his new tower, having a man with a long beard to direct [the ceremonies]. His gift of friendship [to the duke] was the [bow called] Ta-k'euh. He repented afterwards that he had given it, and Wei Ke-k'eang, having heard that he did so, visited the duke, who told him about it, on which he bowed, and offered his congratulations. "What is there to congratulate me about?" said the duke. " Ts'e, Tsin, and Yueh," replied Ke—k'eang, "have wished to get this [bow] for a long time. Our ruler could not make up his mind to which to give it, and now he has given it to you. You must be prepared to withstand [the attempts of] those three neighbours [to take it from you], and carefully guard the precious treasure." The duke on this got frightened, and returned the article.
3d. 'Tsze-chăn having gone on a complimentary visit to Tsin, the marquis was then ill, and Han Seuen-tsze met the guest, and had a private conversation with him. "Our ruler," said he, "has been ill in bed, now for 3 months. We have been all running about and sacrificing to all the hills and streams in Tsin, but his illness has got worse instead of better. He has now dreamt that a yellow bear entered the door of his chamber;—what evil devil can that be?" " With a prince so intelligent as your ruler," replied Tsze-chăn, "and with the government in your hands, what evil devil can there be? Anciently, when Yaou put K'ewăn to death on mount Yu, his spirit changed into a yellow bear, which entered into the abyss of Yu. He was under the Hea dynasty the assessor at its sacrifice to Heaven, and in fact the three dyn asties all sacrificed to him. Tsin, though lord of covenants, has perhaps not yet sacrificed to him." Han Seuen-tsze on this offered the Hea sacrifice to Heaven, when the marquis became somewhat better, and gave to Tsze-chăn the two square tripods of Keu.
'Tsze-chăn, in behalf of Fung She, restored the lands of Chow (See the 2d narr. after iii. 2) to Han Seuen-tsze, saying "Formerly, your ruler, from regard to the ability with which Kung-sun Twan discharged his duties, conferred on him the lands of Chow. Now he has, unfortunately, died an early death, and has not been able to enjoy long your ruler's kindness. His son does not presume to hold the lands. I do not presume to represent the matter to your ruler, and privately surrender them to you." Seuen-tsze declined the proffer, but Tsze-clran said to him,"People have the saying, 'The father split the firewood, and the son was not able to carry it.' She will be afraid lest he should not be able to sustain the weight of his father's office; how much less can he sustain the weight of that gift from your great State. Though it might be possible for him to do so, while the govt. is in your hands, yet with other men that will follow you, if there should come to be any words about border matters, our poor State will be held to be an offender, and the Fung family will experience the weight of [Tsin's] indignation. If you will take [back] Chow, you will save our poor State from any charge of offence, and you will make the Fung family stronger:—I venture to make it my request that you will do so." Seuen-tsze on this received Chow, and informed the marquis of it, who gave it to him. Because of what he had said before (See the narrative already referred to), however, he was distressed by the idea of holding it, and exchanged it with Yeh Ta-sin for the district of Yuen.'
4th. 'The people of Ch'ing frightened one another about Pih-yew (See on IX. xxx. 7), saying, "Pih-yew is here!" on which they would all run off, not knowing where they were going to. In the 2d month of the year when the descriptions of punishments were cast (I. e., the last year), one man dreamt that Pih-yew walked by him in armour, and said, 'On Jin-tsze I will kill Tae, and next year, on Jin-yin, I will kill Twan.' When Sze Tae did die on Jin-tsze, the terror of the people increased. [This yea'], in the month that Ts'e and Yen made peace, on Jin-yin, Kung-sun Twan died, and the people were still more frightened, till in the following month Tsze Ch'an appointed Kung-sun Seeh (Son of Tsze-k'ung, the Kung-tsze Kea, put to death in the 19th year of duke Seang), and Leang Che (Son of Pih-yew), [as successors to their fathers], in order to soothe the people, after which [their terrors] ceased. Tsze-t'ae-shuh asked his reason for making these arrangments, and Tsze-ch'an replied, "When a ghost has a place to go to, it does not become an evil spirit. I have made such a place for the ghost." "But why have you done so with Kung-sun Seeh?" pursued T'ae-suh. "To afford a reason for my conduct," was the reply. "I contrived that there might be such a reason, because of the unrighteousness [of Pih-yew]. The administrator of government has his proper course; and if he takes the contrary one, it is that he may give pleasure [to the people]. If they are not pleased with him, they will not put confidence in him; and if they do not put confidence in him, they will not obey him."
'When Tsze-ch'an went to Tsin, Chaou Kingtsze asked him whether it was possible for Pih-yew to become a ghost. "Yes," replied Tsze-ch'an. "When a man is born, [we see] in his first movements what is called the animal soul. After this has been produced, it is developed into what is called the spirit. By the use of things the subtle elements are multiplied, and the soul and spirit become strong. They go on in this way, growing in etherealness and brightness, till they become [thoroughly] spiritual and intelligent. When an ordinary man or woman dies a violent death, the soul and spirit are still able to keep hanging about men in the shape of an evil apparition; how much more might this be expected in the case of Leang Seaou, a descendant of our former ruler duke Muh, the grandson of Tsze-leang, the son of Tsze-urh, all ministers of our State, engaged in its government for three generations! Although Ch'ing be not great, and in fact, as the saying is, an insignificant State, yet belonging to a family which had held for three generations the handle of government, his use of things had been extensive, the subtle essences which he had imbibed had been many. His clan also was a great one, and his connexions were distinguished. Is it not entirely reasonable that, having died a violent death, he should be a ghost?"
5th. 'Among the members of Tsze-p'e's clan there were measureless drinkers, in consequence of which there arose enmity between Ma-sze and Tsze-p'e. In the month when the army of Ts'e returned from Yen, Han Shoh (Ma-sze) killed Han T'uy (a brother of Tsze-p'e), and fled to Tsin. Han Seuen-tsze asked Tsze-ch'an what rank should be assigned to him, and was answered, "He is a refugee with your ruler. If he be received by you so that he shall escape death, what rank will he dare to seek? It is the ancient rule, that when a minister withdraws [from his State], his rank becomes that of a great officer, and that criminals descend according to their crimes. 618? In our State Soh was a great officer of the second degree. His office was that of Master of the Horse (Ma-sze,? ?). He fled after the commission of a crime. Assign to him whatever place you, as administrator of the govt. [of Tsin], please. If he escape death, your kindness will be great. How dare he beyond that ask for any rank?" Han Senen-tsze, out of regard to the ability of Tsze-ch'an, made Soh be ranked among great officers of the lowest degree.']
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'In the 8th month, duke Seang of Wei died. One of the great officers of Tsin spake to Fan Heen-tsze, saying, "Wei's service of Tsin has been most faithful, and Tsin has not treated it with courteous propriety. It has protected its rebel (Sun Lin-foo; see on IX. xxvi. 2, et al.], and accepted his territory, causing disaffection among the States. The ode (She, II. i. ode iv. 3 and 2) says,
'There is the wagtail on the plain;— A brother brings swift succour in difficulty;' and again,
'On the dreaded occasions of death and mourning, They are brothers who will greatly sympathize.' If we do not cultivate harmony with [the States of] our brethren, and so do not condole with them [in their sorrows], how much more will we behave so to States that are not related to us! and who will seek our alliance? If now we go on to show discourtesy to the heir of Wei, that State is sure to revolt from us,—we shall be cutting ourselves off from the States." Heen-tsze reported these remarks to Han Seuentsze, who was pleased with them, and sent Heen-tsze to Wei to offer condolences, and also restored to it the lands of Ts'eih.
'Ts'e Goh of Wei went to announce the duke's death in Chow, and also begged an expression of [the king's] favour. The king sent duke Keen of Ching to Wei to present his condolences, and gave the following expression of his favour to the deceased duke Seang:—"My uncle has ascended in his reverence, and is at the right and left of the kings, my predecessors, to assist them in the service of God. I dare not forget [our ancestors] Kaou-yu and A-yu."
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'In the 9th month, the duke arrived from Ts'oo. Măng He-tsze felt distressed that he had not been able to direct the ceremonial observances (See on par. 2), and set about learning them. If there were any one well skilled in them, he would repair to him. [Afterwards], when he was about to die, he called to him his great officers, and said to them, "[A knowledge of] propriety is the stem of a man. Without it, it is impossible for him to stand firm. I have heard that there is arising a man of vast intelligence, called K'ung K'ew, a descendant of the sage [T'ang], but whose family was driven [to Loo] from Sung. His ancestor Fuh-foo Ho might have possessed Sung, but he resigned it to duke Le. After him there was Ch'ing K'aou-foo who gave his aid to [the dukes] Tae, Woo, and Seuen. He rose to the third degree of office, and with every step his humility increased. Hence the inscription on the tripod [in his ancestral temple] said, "When he got the 1st appointment, he walked with his head bowed down. When he got the 2d, with his shoulders bent; when he got the 3d, with his whole body bent. In this way he hurried along the walls, [saying to himself], "Thus no one will presume to despise me. I will have congee in this [boiler]; I will have gruel in this [boiler],—to satisfy my hunger (See the prolegomena to vol. IV., par. 18)." Such was his humility. [Now], Tsang-sun Heih used to say, 'If a sagely man of brilliant virtue do not get distinguished in his time, among his posterity there is sure to be some one of vast intelligence.' This is now to be verified, probably, in K'ung K'ew. If I get to die a natural death, you must put Yueh and Ho-ke under his charge, making them serve him and learn ceremonial observances from him, in order that they may be established in their places."
'In this way Măng E-tsze (Ho-ke) and Nankung King-shuh (Yueh) became disciples of Chung-ne. Chung-ne said, "He who can mend his errors is a superior man. The ode (She, II. i. ode I. 2) says,
'The officers have in them a model for imitation.' Măng He-tsze may serve for such a model."
[There is here a brief notice:—'Heen, viscount of Shen, threw on one side his relatives, and employed refugees. This winter, in the 10th month, on Sin-yew, the elans descended from [the dukes] Seang and K'ing, put duke Heen to death, and appointed [his younger brother], duke Ch'ing, in his room.']
Par. 7. The Chuen says:—'In the 11th mouth, Ke Woo-tsze died. The marquis of Tsin said to Pih-hea, "What you said, when I asked you about the eclipse of the sun, has been fulfilled. May such verification be constantly calculated on?" "No," was the reply. "The six things are not the same. People's minds are not one. The order of things is not similar. Offices and duties are not of the same pattern. The beginning may be the same, and the end different. How can the verification be constantly calculated on? The ode (She, II. vi. ode I. 4) says,
'Some enjoy their ease and rest; Some are all-worn in the service of the State.' Such may be the difference of the end." "What do you mean by the six things?" said the marquis. Pih-hea replied, 'The year, the seasons, the days, the months, the stars, and the zodiacal spaces." The duke continued, "Tell me more. What do you mean by saying that the zodiacal spaces are not the same?" "The conjunctions of the sun and moon," was the answer, "form what are called the zodiacal spaces. Hence they serve to order the regulation of the days [of the months]."
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'The lady Keang, wife of duke Seang of Wei, had no son, but his favourite, Chow-goh, bore to him, first of all, Chih. K'ung Ch'ing-tsze dreamt that K'angshuh (The 1st marquis of Wei) told him that he must secure the succession to Yuen, adding, "I will make Ke's grandson Yu, and Sze Kow, his ministers." Sze Chaou also dreamt that K'angshuh said to him, "I will appoint your son Kow, and Yu, the great-grandson of K'ung Ching-ts'oo, to be ministers to Yuen." Chaou went to see Ch'ing-tsze, and told him this dream,—agreeing with that which he had had.
'In the year that Han Seuen-tsze became chief minister of Tsin, and went paying complimentary visits to the States, Chow-goh bore a [second] son, and gave him the name of Yuen. The feet of Măng-chih were not good, so that he was feeble in walking. K'ung Ch'ing-tsze consulted the Chow Yih by the reeds, propounding the inquiry whether Yuen would enjoy the State of Wei, and preside over its altars; and he got the diagram Chun (?, ). He also propounded the inquiry whether he should set up Chih, and if this appointment would be acceptable, in answer to which he got Chun and then P'e (?, ). He showed these results to Sze Chaou, who said, "under Chun 619? we have the words, 'Great and penetrating (? ?; as if 'Great' were the name Yuen);' after this, can you have any doubts?" "But is it not," said Ch'ing-tsze, "a description of the elder?" "K'ang-shuh," was the reply, "so named him, and we may therefore interpret it of the superior. Măng is not a [complete] man; he cannot have a place in the ancestral temple; he cannot be pronounced the superior. And moreover, under Chun it is said, 'A prince must be set up.' If the heir were lucky, no other would have to be set up. That term indicates another, and not the heir. The same words occur in both your divinations. You must set up Yuen. K'ang-shuh commanded it, and both your diagrams direct it. When the reeds accorded with his dream, king Woo followed them. If you do not do so, what will you do? He who is feeble in walking must remain at home. The prince has to preside at the altars, to be present at sacrifices, take the charge of the people and officers, serve the Spirits, attend at conferences and visit other courts; how is it possible that he should remain at home? Is it not right that each [of the brothers] should have what is most advantageous to him?" In consequence of this, K'ung Ch'ing-tsze appointed [Yuen or] duke Ling in his father's place; and in the 12th month, on Kwei-hae, duke Seang was buried.'
VIII. Eighth year.
1 In the [duke's] eighth year, in spring, Shaou, younger brother of the marquis of Ch'in, put to death Yen-sze, heir-son of the State.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Sin-ch'ow, Neih, marquis of Ch'in, died.
3 Shuh Kung went to Tsin.
4 The people of Ts'oo seized Kan Ching-sze, the messenger of Ch'in, and put him to death.
5 The Kung-tsze Lew of Ch'in fled from that State to Ch'ing.
6 In autumn, we held a review in Hung.
7 The people of Ch'in put to death its great officer, the Kung-tsze Kwo.
8 There was a grand sacrifice for rain.
9 In winter, in the tenth month, on Jin-woo, an army of Ts'oo extinguished Ch'in, seized the Kung-tsze Shaou and banished him to Yueh, and put to death K'ung Hwan.
10 There was the burial of duke Gae of Ch'in.
Parr. 1, 2, 4, 5. [The Chuen has a narrative of a stone talking, which has place here:—'This spring, a stone spoke in Wei-yu of Tsin. The marquis asked the music-master Kwang why it was that it did so, and was answered, "Stones cannot speak. Perhaps this was possessed [by a Spirit]. If not, then the people heard wrong. And yet I have heard, that when things are done out of season, and discontent and complaints are stirring among the people, then speechless things do speak. Now palaces are reared, lofty and extravagant, and the strength of the people is tasked to an exhausting degree. Discontent and complaints are everywhere rife, [people feeling that] their life is not worth preserving. Is it not right that in such circumstances stones should speak?" At this time the marquis was engaged in building the palace of Sze-k'e.
'Shuh-heang said, "The words of Tsze-yay (The music-master) show him to be a superior man. The words of a superior man are true and supported by evidence, so that they keep enmity far from his own person; but the words of a small person are false and without evidence, so that enmity and blame come upon himself. Herein we have an illustration of what is said in the ode (She, II. iv. ode X. 5),
'Alas that right words cannot be spoken, Which come not from the tongue [only]! The speakers of them are sure to suffer. It is well for the words that can be spoken; The artful speech flows like a stream, And the speakers dwell thereby in prosperity.' When this palace has been completed, the States are sure to revolt, and our ruler will bear the blame. This [the music-master] is aware of."]
This brother of the marquis of Ch'in appears in i. 2, as the Kung-tsze Shaou. The Chuen says:—'The head wife of duke Gae of Ch'in, a Ke of Ch'ing, bore to him Yen-sze, [known as] Taou the eldest son. The second wife bore him the Kung-tsze Lew, and the third bore him the Kung-tsze Shing. The second wife was the favourite, and Lew in consequence had more regard shown to him [than his brothers had], and was entrusted to the care of Shaou, minister of Instruction, and the Kung-tsze Kwo. [At this time], duke Gae was suffering from an incurable disease, and in the 3d month, on Keah-shin, the Kung-tszes Shaou and Kwo killed Taou the eldest son, Yen-sze, and raised the Kung-tsze Lew to his place.
'In summer, in the 4th month, on Sin-hae, duke Gae strangled himself.
'Kan Ching-sze went to Ta'oo to announce [the marquis's death], and the appointment of a [new ruler]. The Kung-tsze Shing [at the same time] accused him to Ts'oo, where they seized and put him to death, on which the Kung-tsze Lew fled to Ch'ing.
'The words of the text, "Shaou, brother of the marquis of Ch'in, killed its heir-son Yensze," show the guilt of Shaou, while the statement that "The viscount of Ts'oo seized Ch'in's messenger Kan Ching-sze, and put him to death," shows that the guilt did not rest on the messenger(?).'
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'Shuh Kung went to Tsin, to offer congratulations on [the completion of the palace of] Sze-k'e. Yew Keih attended the earl of Ch'ing to Tsin, also to offer similar congratulations. The historiographer Chaou visited him, Tsze-t'ae-shuh, and said, "Most excessive is the delusion you practise on one another. The thing is matter for condolence, and yet you offer congratulations on it." The other replied, "How is it matter for condolence? It is not we only who offer congratulations on it. [All the States] under heaven are sure to do the same."
Par. 6. The Chuen says that at this review the leather or war-chariots, collected from Kinmow (On the east of Loo) to the borders of Shang (I. e., Sung) and Wei, amounted to a thousand. Hung was in Loo, but where it was exactly remains a matter of doubt. ? is the name of the spring hunting, and many of the critics find matter for remark in the employment of the name for what was done in autumn, to the hunting in which the term ? is appropriate. But these terms are interchanged (Maou; ? ?) in the sense which ? has here of a military review. Too explains it by ? ? ?,? ? ? 'A numbering of the equipments of the army, and an examination of the chari'ots and horses.' Similarly, Kung-yang;— ? ? ?. Too thinks that the character 'grand' has been inadvertently omitted at the beginning of the par. Other critics call attention to the omission of ?, characteristic of this and other subsequent similar notices, accounting for it from the fact that the military power of Loo was now in the hands of the three families, and the ruler had nothing to do with it.
[We have a narrative here about affairs in Ts'e:—'In the 7th month, on Keah-seuh, Tszewe of Ts'e died. Tsze-k'e, wishing to take the regulation of his House, on Ting-ch'ow put to death Leang Ying (Tsze-we's steward). In the 8th month, on Kang-senh, he drove out Tsze-eh'ing, Tsze-kung, and Tsze-keu, all of whom came fugitives to Loe; and he then appointed a [new] steward for Tsze-leang (Tszewe's son). [Tsze-leang's] servants, however, said, "Our young master is grown up. His taking the direction of our House shows that he wishes to absorb it." They gave out the buff-coats, and were proceeding to attack Tsze-k'e.
'Ch in Hwan-tsze had been on good terms with Tsze-we, and also gave out his buff-coats, intending to assist [the servants of Tsze-leang]. One told Tsze-k'e [of all this]. and he did not believe it; but when several men repeated the information, he was about to go [to Tszeleang's]. On the way several others brought him the same news, when he went to Ch'in's. Hwan-tsze was then about to go out; but when he heard [that Tsze-k'e] was coming to him], he turned back, put on his garments of ease, and met him. [Tsze-k'e] begged him to tell him [where he was going]. "I had heard," replied he, "that K'eang [Tsze-leang] had given out his buff-coats, and was going to attack you, Have you heard it?" Being answered, "No," [he continued], "Why should you not also give out your buff-coats, and allow me to follow you?" Tsze-k'e said, "Why should you do so? I have instructed that young gentleman, and, apprehensive lest that should not be enough, I have also shown him the favour of appointing [a steward] for him. How would [our quarreling] appear to his father? Why should you not tell him this? One of the Books of Chow (Shoo, V. ix. 6) says, 'Be kind to the unkindly, and stimulate the sluggish;'—it was thus that the doings of K'ang-shuh became so great." Hwan-tsze bowed with his forehead to the ground, saying, "[The dukes] K'ing and Ling will bless you. I also hope you will do thus." He then made peace between [the two families], as there had been before.']
Parr. 7, 9. Kung-yung h. ? for ?. The Chuen says:—'The Kung-tsze Shaou of Ch'in laid the blame [of the murder of Yen-sze] on the Kung-tsze Kwo, and put him to death.
'In the 9th month, the Kung-tsze K'e-tsih of Ts'oo led a force, [as if] in support of [the Kung-] sun Woo (Yen-sze's son), and laid siege to [the capital of] Ch'in, where he was joined by Tae Goh of Sung. In winter in the 11th month, on Jin-woo, he extinguished Ch'in. Yuen K'ih a great officer of the lowest degree, master of [the duke's] chariots, [wanted to] kill horses and break articles of jade in pieces, to bury [with the duke]. The people of Ts'oo would have put him to death, when he asked leave to let the horses and jade alone. Afterwards, he also begged that he might privately [do his duty to his late ruler's corpse]; and having done so in a tent, he wrapt a mourning band about his head, and fled.
'[The king of Ts'oo then] appointed Ch'uenfung Seuh duke of Ch'in, saying it was because Seuh had not flattered him in the affair at Shingkeun (See after IX. xxvi. 4). When he was sitting near the king as they were drinking, the king said to him, At the affair of Shing-keun, if you had known that I would reach my present position, would you then have given place to me?" Seuh replied, "If I had known that you would reach your present position, I would have done my duty to the death, to secure the peace of the State of Ts'oo.
'The marquis of Tsin asked the historiographer Chaou whether Ch'in was now indeed to perish, and was answered that its end was not yet. "Why [do you say so]?" asked the duke. The historiographer replied, "[The house of] Ch'in is a branch of the descendants of Chuenheuh. When the year [i. e., star, Jupiter] was in Shun-ho, [the dynasty of Chuen-heuh] was thereby extinguished; and the extinction of Ch'in will happen similarly. Now it is in Seih-muh, at the ford of the Milky Way;—[Ch'in] will still again arise. Moreover, the branch of the House of Ch'in which is in Ts'e will get the government of that State, and not till after that will Ch'in perish. From Moh to Koo-sow there was not [a chief of the family] who acted contrary to the laws [of Heaven]. Shun then renewed the family by his brilliant virtue, which secured the establishment [of his descendants] in Suy. From age to age they kept that State, till Chow conferred his surname on duke Hoo because of his freedom from all excess, and made him sacrifice to the emperor Yu (Shun). I have heard that sacrifices to [an ancestor of] complete virtue continue for a hundred generations. The number of the generations of Yu is not yet complete. The continuation of them will be in Ts'e;—there are sufficient indications of that."
Many critics read the 10th par. as belonging to the preceding one, so that the burial of the marquis of Ch'in was the act of Ts'oo. There would be no difficulty in accepting this construction, but for the account in the Chuen, which ascribes the burial to Yuen K'ih, an inferior officer of the deceased marquis. Too Yu understands the notice in the same way as the many similar ones of burials in this classic, and says that Loo sent a great officer to be present at it. The K'ang-he editors allow that the notice is to be accepted according to the analogy of similar ones, and yet they say that Loo did not by a representative take any part in the funeral! The entry was made, they fancy, 'by a change of the rule' for such notices, to disallow Ts'oo's extinction of the State of Ch'in!
XI. Ninth year.
1 In the [duke's] ninth year, in spring, Shuh Kung went to an interview with the viscount of Ts'oo in Ch'in.
2 Heu removed [its capital] to E.
3 In summer, in the fourth month, there was a fire in [the capital of] Ch'in.
4 In autumn, Chung-sun Keoh went to Ts'e.
5 In winter, we enclosed the park of Lang.
Par. 1. The Chuen says:—'This spring, Shuh Kung, Hwa Hae of Sung, Yew Keih of Ch'ing, and Chaou Yen of Wei, had a meeting with the viscount of Ts'oo in Ch'in.'
This was not one of the formal meetings summoned by the ruling State, and therefore the text does not give the names of the ministers of other States who now repaired to Ch'in to see the king of Ts'oo. His dealing with Ch'in had fluttered them all, and they hurried to pay their respects to him. Compare VII. xv. 1. To mark the difference between this and the other usage of ?, I have translated the term differently.
Par. 2. We saw, in VIII. xv. 11, how Heu, 625? to escape the pressure of Ch'ing, moved from its original capital in the present Heu Chow, Ho-nan, to Sheh, which is still the name of a district, in Nan-yang dep. of the same province. The same cause operated to produce a removal, still farther south and nearer to Ts'oo, to E, which had formerly been called Shing-foo, 70 le south-east from Poh-chow (??), dep. Ying-chow (??), in Gan-hwuy. The movement was carried out by Ts'oo but originated in the desire of Heu itself; and hence the text ascribes it to Heu.
The Chuen says:—'In the 2d month, on Kang-shin, the Kung-tsze K'e-tsih of Ts'oo removed [the capital, of] Heu to E, i. e., to Shing-foo, and took the lands of Chow-lae on the north of the Hwae to increase its territory. Woo Keu delivered over those lands to the baron of Heu; and [at the same time] Jen Tan removed the people of Shing-foo (I. e. E) to Ch'in, giving them in addition the lands of E on the west of the Puh He also removed the people outside [Ts'oo's] barrier wall to [the old capital of] Heu.'
[We have here a narrative about the relations between Chow and Tsin:—'The commandant of Kan in Chow had a quarrel with Kea, the commandant of Yen in Tsin, about the lands of Yen; on which Leang Ping and Chang Teih of Tsin led the Yin Jung to attack Ying. The king then sent Hwan-pih of Chen to address the following remonstrance to Tsin:—"We [of Chow], from the time of the Hea dynasty, in consequence of [the services of] How-tseih, had Wei, T'ae, Juy, K'e, and Peih as our territories on the west. When king Woo subdued Shang, P'oo-koo and Shang-yen were our territories on the east; Pa, Puh, Ts'oo, and Tăng, our territories on the south; Shuh-shin, Yen, and Poh, our territories on the north:—no narrow limits could be assigned to our boundaries. When Wăn, Woo, Ch'ing, and K'ang granted fiefs to their own brothers, that they might be fences and screens to Chow, it was also as a precaution against weakness and losses [in the future]:—was it that they should be like the [first] cap for the hair which is subsequently thrown away? The ancient kings located T'aou-wuh in [one of] the four distant regions, to encounter the sprites and other evil things (See on VI. xviii. 9), and so it was that the villains of the surname Yun dwelt in Kwa-chow. When [our] uncle, [your] duke Hwuy, returned from Ts'in (In the 15th year of duke He), he induced them to come in this direction (In He's 22d year), so that they have since pressed on all our Ke States, and entered our suburbs and the districts beyond them;—these the Jung have taken to themselves. That the Jung have thus [a footing in] the Middle State, whose is the blame? How-tseih [taught how to] divide the lands and sow grain all under heaven, and now the Jung regulate them after their own fashion; —is not the case a hard one? Let my uncle well consider it. I am to you as the cap or crown to the other garments, as the root to the tree, or the spring to the stream, as their counsellor to the people. If you tear the cap and break the crown in pieces, tear up the root, stop up the spring, and take it on you to cast the counsellor away, what can be expected by me, the One man, from the Jung and the Teih?"
'Shuh-heang said to Seuen-tsze, "Even Wăn, as leader of the States, was not able to change the order of the kingdom. He acted as the supporter of the son of Heaven, showing towards him extraordinary respect. Since the time of Wăn, our virtue has decayed generation after generation, and we have tyrannized over and reduced lower and lower the Head of Chow, thereby proclaiming the extravagance of our course. Is it not right that the States should become disaffected to us? And moreover the king's words are right. Do you consider the case well." Seuen-tsze was pleased; and as the king was then in mourning for one of the queen's kindred, he sent Chaou Ch'ing to Chow to offer condolences, and to surrender the lands of Yen, and present an offering of grave-clothes. He also sent back the captives of Ying. The king on his part made Pin Hwah seize Seang, the commandant of Kan, to please Tsin, where, however, they treated him with courtesy, sending him afterwards back [to Chow].']
Par. 3. Kung and Kuh have here ? in? stead of ?.
The Chuen says:—'In the 4th month, there was a fire in Ch'in. P'e Tsaou of Ch'ing said, "In 5 years the State of Ch'in will be re-established; and after 52 years of re-establishment, it will finally perish." Tsze-ch'an asked the reason [of his saying so], and he replied, "Ch'in, (As representing the dynasty of Chuen-heuh), belongs to [the element of] water. Fire is the antagonistic [element] to water, and is under the regulation of Ts'oo (The rulers of Ts'oo being descended from Chuh-yung). Now the Ho [star] has appeared, and kindled this fire in Ch'in, [indicating] the expulsion of Ts'oo and the establishment of Ch'in. Antagonistic elements are ruled by the number five [in their conjunctions]; and therefore I say in 5 years. The year [-star] must five times come to Shun-ho, and then Ch'in will finally perish, and Ts'oo be able to keep it in possession. This is the way of Heaven, and therefore I said 52 years."
Ace. to the explanation of Too, Jupiter was this year in Sing-ke (Sagittarius-Capricorn). In 5 years (Inclusive of the 1st and last), it would be in Ta-leang (Aries-Taurus), when Ch'in would be re-established; and in 4 years after it would be in Shun-ho (Cancer-Leo). When in 48 years it had been again 4 times in Shun-ho, these added to the above 4 years, give the 52 years mentioned.
In this par. and the 1st, as well as in the concluding par. of last year, the text continues to speak of Ch'in as if that State were still existing, after its extinction by Ts'oo. There would appear to be, it is thought, in this way of writing, some indication of Confucius' disapprobation of the procedure of Ts'oo.
[The Chuen appends here a narrative, which we find, with some differences, in the Le Ke, II., Pt. II. ii. 12:—'Seun Ying of Tsin had gone to Ts'e, to meet his bride; and as he was returning, he died, in the 6th month, at He-yang. While his coffin remained unburied in Keang, the marquis was, [one day], drinking and enjoying himself, when the chief cook, T'oo Kwae, rushed into the apartment, and asked leave to assist the cupbearer. The duke having granted it, he proceeded to fill a cup, which he presented to the music-master, saying, "You are the ruler's ears, and should see to his hearing well. If the day be Tsze-maou, it is called an evil day, and the ruler does not feast on it nor have music, and learners give up their study [of music] on it;—because it is recognized as an evil day. The ruler's ministers and assistants are his limbs. If one of his limbs be lost, what equal occasion for sorrow could there be? You have not heard of this, and are practising your music here;— showing that your hearing is defective." He then presented another cup to the inferior officer of the Exterior, the officer Shuh, saying, "You are the ruler's eyes, and should see to his seeing clearly. The dress is intended to illustrate the rules of propriety, and those rules are seen in the conduct of affairs. Affairs are managed according to the things [which are the subject of them]; and those things are shown in the appearance of the person. Now the ruler's appearance is not in accordance with the [great] thing [of to day], and you do not see this:— your seeing is defective." He also drank a cup himself, saying, "The combination of flavours [in diet] is to give vigour to the humours [of the body], the effect of which is to give fulness and stability to the mind. The mind is thus able to determine the words in which the orders of the government are given forth. To me belongs that combination of flavours, and as you two in attendance here have failed in the duties of your offices, and the ruler has given no orders [condemnatory of you], I am chargeable with the crime."
'The marquis was pleased, and ordered the spirits to be removed. Before this, he had wished to remove the Head of the Che family (Seun Ying) from his office, and to give it to a favourite officer of an extraneous clan; but in consequence of this incident he repented of his purpose and gave it up. In autumn, in the 8th month, he made Seun Leih (Ying's son) assistantcommander of the 3d army, by way of apology [for his dislike of the family].']
Par. 4. This Chung-sun Keoh is the Măng He-tsze of whose ignorance of the rules and observances of propriety we read under the 7th year. For twenty years, since the 20th year of Seang, there had been no interchange of complimentary visits between Loo and Ts'e. The present mission was therefore, dispatched on a grand scale. The Chuen says:—'Măng He-tsze went to Ts'oo, to pay a complimentary visit of the completest order (? ?):—which was proper.'
Par. 5. This par. is literally, 'We built the park of Lang.' But the 'building' must refer principally to the enclosing walls, and I have therefore translated ? by 'enclosed.'
The Chuen' says:—'We enclosed the park of Lang. Ke P'ing-tsze (Grand-son of Suh or Ke Woo-tsze) wished the work to be quickly completed; but Shuh-sun Ch'aou-tsze said, "The ode (She, III. i. ode VIII. 1) says,
'When he planned the commencement, [he said], "Be not in a hurry;" But the people came as if they were his children.' Why must it be quickly completed? That would tend to destroy the people. We can get on without a park; but can we get on without the people?" Lang,—see I. ix. 4, et al.
X. Tenth year.
1 In the [duke's] tenth year, it was spring, the king's first month.
2 In summer, Lwan She of Ts'e came to Loo a fugitive.
3 In autumn, in the seventh month, Ke-sun E-joo, Shuh Kung, and Chung-sun Keoh, led [our] army and invaded Keu.
4 On Mow-tsze, Pew, marquis of Tsin, died.
5 In the ninth month, Shuh-sun Shay went to Tsin, to the burial of duke P'ing.
6 In the twelfth month, on Keah-tsze, Ch'ing, duke of Sung, died.
Par. 1. [The Chuen gives here an astrological narrative:—'This spring, in the king's first month, a [strange] star appeared in [the constellation] Woo-neu. P'e Tsaou of Ch'ing said to Tsze-ch'an, "In the 7th month, on Mowtsze, the ruler of Tsin will die. This year, the year [-star] is in the heu of Chuen-heuh (I. e., the zodiacal sign of Heuen-heaou, or CapricornAquarius). The Houses of Keang and Jin (I. e., of Ts'e and Seeh) are the guardians of the territory corresponding thereto. Right at the commencing constellation of that sign, there is this ominous star;—with a communication evidently to Yih Keang, the ancestress of the House of Tsin. [The constellations of] heaven are arranged in sevens; and it was on Mowtsze that duke Fung [anciently] ascended on high, when a [strange] star appeared in this same place. Thus it is that I make this observation."]
Par. 2. Instead of ? Kung-yang has ?, having confounded the Lwan clan of Tsin, which had played a prominent part in the former period of the Ch'un Ts'ew, with that of Ts'e.
The Chuen says:—'The chiefs of the families of Lwan and Kaou, which were descended from duke Hwuy of Ts'e, were both addicted to drink, gave credit to women's stories, and had many animosities. They felt themselves stronger than the families of Ch'in and Paou, and hated them. This summer, some one told Ch'in Hwan-tsze that Tsze-k'e (Lwan She) and Tszeleang (Kaou K'eang) were about to attack the Ch'in and the Paou; and similar information was conveyed to the chief of the Paou. Hwan-tsze [on this] gave out his buff-coats, and proceeded to the house of Paou, when [on the way] he met Tsze-leang, dashing along in his chariot drunk. He went on, however, and saw Wăn-tsze (Paou Kwoh), who also gave out his buff-coats, while they sent to see what the two chiefs were doing. It turned out that they were setting to to drink, but Hwan-tsze said, "Although our informant was not correct, yet when they hear that we have given out our buff-coats, they will be sure to [try to] drive us out. While they are drinking, let us take the initiative and attack them."
'Ch'in and Paou were then on the best of terms, and accordingly they proceeded to attack the Lwan and Kaou. Tsze-leang said, "If we first get [the countenance of] the duke, where can Ch'in and Paou go to?" [The duke refusing to see them], they attacked the Hoo gate. Gan P'ing-chung took his place outside it in his court robes. The four clans all called him, but he would not go to any of them. His followers asked him whether he would help Ch'in and Paou, but he said that they had no goodness to make him do so. Would he help Lwan and Kaou then? They were no better, he said. Would he then return to his own house? "When the ruler is attacked," said he, "how should I return?" [By and by] the duke called him, and he entered the palace, where the duke consulted the tortoise-shell, as to whether he should give Wang Hih the [banner] Ling-koop'e, and order him to lead forth his troops. The answer being favourable, that officer asked leave to cut off 3 feet [from the border], and took the banner.
'In the 5th month, on Kang-shin, they fought near the altar of [How-] tseih, when Lwan and Kaou were defeated. They were defeated again in the Chwang [street], pursued by the people, and defeated a third time near the Luh gate, after which Lwan She and Kaou K'eang fled to Loo. Ch'in and Paou divided all their property between themselves, but Gan-tsze advised Hwan-tsze to surrender it to the duke, saying, "Courteous deference is the essential point of virtue. It is an admirable quality. All who have blood and breath have a disposition to quarrel with one another, and hence gain is not to be sought for by violence. It is better to think of righteousness. Righteousnes is the root of gain. The accumulation of gain produces misfortune; let me advise you for the present not to seek such accumulation. You will find such a course conduce to the growth of your superiority." On this Hwan-tsze gave up everything to the duke, and asked leave, as being old, to retire to [the city of] Keu. [Subsequently], he called Tsze-shaou (Who, with Tsze-shang and Tsze-chow, had been driven away in Seang's 21st year) [back to Ts'e], privately provided for him tents and articles of furniture, and clothes and shoes for his followers, and restored [his city of] Keih. So he dealt by Tsze-shang, restoring his city; and by Tsze-chow, giving him [the city of] Foo-yu. He brought back [also] Tsze-shing, Tsze-kung, and Kung-sun Tseeh (Driven out by Tsze-k'e in Ch'aou's 8th year), and increased the emoluments of them all. To all the sons and grandsons of former rulers, who had no revenues, he gave cities of his own; and to all the poor and straitened, the orphans and widows, in the State, he distributed of his grain, saying, "The ode (She, III. i. ode I. 2) says,
'He displayed his gifts in every direction.' So was [King Wăn] able to dispense his bounties; and it was in this way that duke Hwan became the leader of the States."
'The duke [wanted to] give to Hwan-tsze the city adjoining Keu, but he declined it. Muh Mang-ke (The duke's mother) begged Kaout'ang for him; and the Ch'in family began to be greater than it had been.'
The text mentions the flight of Lwan She only, as Kaou K'eang was not a minister of Ts'e.
Par. 3. Here and afterwards Kung-yang has ? ? for ? ?. E-joo is Ke P'ing-tsze, who was now chief of the House of Ke-sun. The whole expedition was under him, but the text mentions the other commanders also, because they were all three ministers. Hoo Gankwoh confounds Shuh Kung with the chief of the Shuh-sun House. He may also have been in this expedition as assistant-commander to one or other of the others.
The Chuen says:—'In the 7th month, P'ingtsze invaded Keu, and took Kăng. In presenting his captives, he for the 1st time sacrificed a human victim at the altar of Poh. When Tsang Woo-chung heard of this in Ts'e, he said, 'The duke of Chow will not accept the sacrifice of Loo. What he accepts is righteousness, of which Loo has none. The ode (She, II. i. ode I. 2) says,
'Their virtuous fame is grandly brilliant; They show the people not to be mean.' The disregard of the people in this must be pronounced excessive. Thus using men as victims, who will confer a blessing [on Loo]?'
Par. 4. The Chuen says:—'On Mow-tsze, duke P'ing of Tsin died. The earl of Ch'ing was going [in consequence] to Tsin; but when he had got to the Ho, the people of Tsin declined his visit and Yew Keih then went on to Tsin.'
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'In the 9th month, Shuh-sun Ch'eoh (I. q. Shay), Kwoh Joh of Ts'e, Hwa Ting of Sung, Pih-kung He of Wei, Han Hoo of Ch'ing, an officer of Heu, an officer of Ts'aou, an officer of Heu, an officer of Choo, an officer of Seeh, an officer of K'e, and an officer of Little Choo, went to Tsin to the burial of duke P'ing. Tsze-p'e (Han Hoo) of Ch'ing wished to take silks and other offerings with him [expecting to have an audience of the new marquis]; but Tsze-ch'an said, "On a funeral occasion how [can you think of] using such offerings? If you take offerings, you must have 100 carriages, which will require 1000 men. When the 1000 men have got there, you will find that [what you intend] cannot be done; and when that cannot be done, you will be sure to use the whole [in some other way]. How many times could you take 1000 men with you, and the State not be ruined?" Tsze-p'e, however, urgently begged that he might go [as he proposed].
'After the funeral, the great officers of the States wished to take the opportunity to see the new marquis; and though Shuh-sun Ch'aoutsze said it was contrary to rule to do do so, they would not listen to him. Shuh-heang, however, declined their proposal, saying, [as if from the marquis], "The business of you, great officers, is ended; and still you have your orders for me. But I am in the deepest mourning, wearing the unhemmed clothes and head-band. If I were to put on the auspicious garments to see you, the rites of mourning are not yet finished; and if I were to see you in my mourning robes, I should be receiving your condolences a second time:—what would you think of that?" The officers had no words with which to urge their request for an interview, and Tsze-p'e had to dispose of all his offerings. When he returned to Ch'ing, he said to Tsze-yu, "It is not the knowing a thing that is difficult, but it is the acting accordingly. He, our master, knew [that my purpose was impracticable], but I was not capable [of taking his advice]. The words of the Shoo (IV. v. Pt. II. 3), 'By my desires I was setting at nought the rules [of conduct]; by my self-indulgence I was violating the rules of propriety,' might be spoken of me. He knew both of those rules; but I gave way to my selfindulgence and desires, and was not able to deny myself."
'When Ch'aou-tsze arrived from Tsin, all the great officers visited him. Kaou K'eang, [also] came to see him, and when he had retired, Ch'aou-tsze said to the great officers, "How careful ought a son to be! Formerly, when K'ing Fung was driven into exile, Tsze-we received many cities, a few of which he gave up to his ruler. The marquis of Ts'e considered him loyal, and made him a great favourite. When he was near his death, he was taken ill in the marquis's palace; and when he was conveyed home in a hand carriage, the marquis himself assisted in pushing it along. His son could not sustain his office, and therefore he is [a fugitive] here. [The father's] loyalty was an excellent virtue, but the son could not sustain it [in the same way], and the charge of guilt came moreover on him;—the evil was that he was not careful. He has ruined what his father had achieved, thrown away his virtue, and emptied his ancestral temple, involving also his own person;—is not the injury he has done [great]? To him we may apply the words of the ode (II. iv. ode VII. 2),
[Why was this time] not before me, Or [why was it] not after me?" Par. 6. For ? Kung-yang has ?. The historiographers appear to have inadvertently omitted the character ?, 'in the winter,' at the beginning of this par.
The Chuen says:—'In winter, in the 12th month, duke P'ing of Sung died. Before this, [his son], duke Yuen, had hated the chief of the eunuchs, Lew, and wished to put him to death (See on vi. 5). On [P'ing's] death, Lew placed lighted charcoal in the [mourner's] place, [so as to make it warm], and when the duke was coming [to occupy it], he removed it. After the burial, he continued a favourite as before.'
XI. Eleventh year.
1 In the [duke's] eleventh year, in spring, in the king's second month, Shuh Kung went to Sung, to the burial of duke P'ing.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, on Ting-sze, K'een, viscount of Ts'oo, beguiled Pan, marquis of Ts'ae, to Shin, and there put him to death.
3 The Kung-tsze K'e-tsih of Ts'oo led an army and laid siege to [the capital of] Ts'ae.
4 In the fifth month, on Keah-shin, the lady Kwei, wife [of duke Seang], died.
5 We celebrated a grand review in P'e-p'oo.
6 Chung-sun Keoh had a meeting with the viscount of Choo, when they made a covenant in Ts'in-ts'eang.
7 In autumn, K'e-sun E-joo had a meeting with Han K'e of Tsin, Kwoh Joh of Ts'e, Hwa Hae of Sung, Pih-kung T'o of Wei, Han Hoo of Ch'ing, and officers of Ts'aou and K'e, in Keueh-yin.
8 In the ninth month, on Ke-hae, we buried our duchess Ts'e Kwei.
9 In winter, in the eleventh month, on Ting-yew, the army of Ts'oo extinguished Ts'ae, seized Yew, heir-son of the State, and carried him back [to Ts'oo], where he was sacrificed as a victim.
Par. 1. For ? ? Kung-yang has ? ?. Tso-she repeats the words of the par., with hardly any alteration; for what reason it would be hard to say, unless the last four characters of the paragraph have been introduced into it from the Chuen.
Par. 2. The name of the king of Ts'oo originally was Wei (?), but he had changed it to K'een. The mention of the name in the notice is quite anomalous. That the name of the marquis of Ts'ae should appear is in accordance with the general practice in the case of princes killed, or dying, or driven from their States, but the name of the prince inflicting the death or the banishment only appears in this place. Nearly half a dozen different explanations of the thing have been propounded, but it is not worth while to adjudicate among them, or to cast about for any new solution. Kuh-leang has ? for ?, and ? for ?.
The Chuen says:—'The king King asked Chang Hwăng which of the princes would be lucky this year, and which would suffer evil in it, and was answered, "It will be disastrous for Ts'ne. This is the [return of the] year in which Pan, the marquis of Ts'ae, murdered his ruler (See IX. xxx. 2). The year [-star] is [again] in Ch'e-wei (Aquarius-Pisces); he will not go beyond this year. Ts'oo will possess Ts'ae;—but to the accumulation [of its own wickedness]. When the year [-star] reaches Ta-leang (AriesTaurus], Ts'ae will be restored, and Ts'oo will have calamity;—this is the way of Heaven."
'The viscount of Ts'oo, being in Shin, called the marquis Ling of Ts'ae to come to him. When the marquis was about to go, the great officers of the State said, "The king is greedy, and has no good faith. He is full of indignation against Ts'ae. Now his offerings are great and his words are sweet;—he is beguiling us. You had better not go." The marquis, however, would not be stopped.
'In the 3d month, on Ping-shin, the viscount of Ts'oo entertained the marquis of Ts'ae in Shin, having [previously] placed soldiers in concealment, who seized the marquis when he was drunk. In the 4th month, on Ting-sze, [the viscount] put him to death, and killed [also] his officers, to the number of 70 men."
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'The Kung-tsze K'e-tsih having led an army and laid siege to [the capital of] Ts'ae, Han Seuen-tsze asked Shuh-heang whether Ts'oo would succeed in taking it. "It will succeed," was the reply. "The marquis of Ts'ae was a criminal against his ruler, and he was not able [to conciliate] his people. Heaven will borrow the agency of Ts'oo to destroy [the State]. Why should it not succeed? But I have heard that success which happens to be gained through want of good faith cannot be repeated. The king of Ts'oo took the [Kung-] sun Woo with him, when he went to punish Ch'in, saying, "I will settle your State;" on which the people of Ch'in accepted his orders;—and he proceeded to reduce that State to be a district of Ts'oo. Now he has further beguiled Ts'ae, put its ruler to death, and gone on to besiege its capital. Although he may chance to reduce it, he is sure to receive an evil retribution;—he cannot continue long. Keeh vanquished the prince of Min, but thereby lost his kingdom. Chow vanquished the E of the east. but thereby lost his life. Ts'oo is [comparatively] small and its rank is low, but its [ruler's] acts of tyranny are more than those of those two kings;—is it possible he should not suffer for his evil? When Heaven borrows the assistance of the bad, it is not blessing them; it is increasing their evil and wickedness, and will then send down punishment upon them. We may use [in such a case] this comparison:—There are five kinds of materials supplied [to men] by Heaven. They will use them till their substance is exhausted, and then they are worn out. In consequence of this there is no help for them; they are done with, and cannot be repaired."
Par. 4. From par. 8, and the Chuen on IX. xxxi. 3, we understand that this lady was the mother of duke Ch'aou. But according to Tsoshe, she was not the wife proper of duke Seang, though in this par. she appears as such. Ho Hew, on Kung-yang, contends that she was the proper wife. It has been thought that there is some confirmation of this view in the fact that the text nowhere mentions the death of any other wife of duke Seang. We need not, however, discredit the account of Tso-she. On the elevation of duke Ch'aou, his mother would be raised to the place of the proper wife.
Par. 5. Too does not attempt to fix the situation of P'e-p'oo. It is generally understood to have been somewhere in the south of Loo. ?,—see on viii. 6. We have here the description of this as 'a grand review,' when everything connected with the defences and army of the State was regulated. Tso-she says that this review was 'contrary to rule;' meaning that it was improper to hold it when the duke must have been mourning for his mother. The poor duke, however, would have very little to do with it. It was ordered and conducted, no doubt, by the three clans.
Par. 6. Neither does Too identify Ts'ints'eang; but its site is to be sought somewhere in the pres. dis. of Tsze-yang (? ?), dep. Yen-chow. Kung-yang has ? ?.
The Chuen says:—'Măng He-tsze had a meeting with duke Chwang of Ts'aou, when they made a covenant in Ts'in-ts'eang, to cultivate the good relations [between the two States]:— which was according to rule. [Before this], the daughter of a man of Ts'euen-k'ew dreamed that with her curtains she made a tent for the temple of the Măng family, after which she sought the company of He-tsze, accompanied by one of her companions. They had made a covenant at the altar of Ts'ing-k'ew, that, when they had sons, they would not abandon each other. He-tsze made them act as assistants to [his concubine] of the family of Wei. When he was now returning from Ts'in-ts'eang, he passed the night at the house of this lady Wei, and by the young woman of Ts'euen-k'ew he had [two sona], E-tsze and Nan-kung King-shuh. Her companion had no child, but she was employed to bring up King-shuh.'
Par. 7. Kung-yang has ? for ? ?, for ? ? for ?, and ? ? for ? ?. Where Keueh-yin exactly was is not known. The Chuen says:—'When the army of Ts'oo was in Ts'ae, Seun Woo of Tsin said to Han Seuen-tsze, "We were not able to save Ch'in, and again we are not able to save Ts'ae; under such circumstances we shall have none to adhere to us. Tsin's want of power may be known [from this]. We are lord of covenants, but what is the use of our being so, when we show no regard for States that are perishing?"
'The meeting in the autumn at Keuch-yin was to consult about relieving Ts'ae. When Tsze-p'e of Ch'ing was about to set out for it, Tsze-ch'an said to him, "You will not go far; we are not able to save Ts'ae. Ts'ae is small, and has behaved unreasonably. Ts'oo is great, and has not virtue. Heaven will cast away Ts'ae, to let the [wickedness of] Ts'oo accumulate; and when that is full, it will punish that State. Ts'ae is sure to perish. It is seldom, moreover, that [the State] can be preserved when the ruler is lost. But in three years, his evil will come on the king. When good or evil has gone its round [of 12 years], there is a revolution. The wickedness of the king will then have gone its round."
'The people of Tsin sent Hoo Foo to beg of Ts'oo to spare Ts'ae, but the request was refused.'
[The Chuen appends here:—'The viscount of Shen had an interview with Han Seuen-tsze in Ts'eih. His looks were bent downwards, and his words came slow and low. Han Seuen-tsze said, "The viscount of Shen will, probably, die soon. The places at audiences in the court are definitely fixed; those at meetings abroad are marked out by flags. There is the collar of the upper garment, and the knot of the sash. The words spoken at meetings and audiences must be heard at the places marked out and determined, so that the order of the business may be clearly understood. The looks must be fixed on the space between the collar and the knot, in order that the bearing and countenance may be fitly regulated. The words are intended for the issuing of orders; the bearing and countenance to illustrate them. Any error in either of these is a defect. Now the viscount of Shen is the chief of the king's officers; and when giving his instructions about business at this meeting, his looks did not light above the sash, and his words did not reach beyond a foot. His countenance showed no regulation of his bearing, and his words gave no clear intelligence. The absence of such regulation was a want of respect; the absence of such intelligence was a want [in his words] of accordance [with reason]:—he has not breath to preserve his life." ']
Par. 8. The Chuen says:—'At the burial of Ts'e Kwei, the duke showed no grief. The officer of Tsin who had come to attend the funeral told this, on his return, to the historiographer Chaou, who said, "He is sure to become [a resident] in the suburbs of Loo (I. e., he will be driven from the capital)." His attendants asked him why he said so, and he replied, "He is the son of Kwei. As he does not think of his parent, his ancestors will not protect him." Shuh-heang said, "The House of the dukes of Loo is low indeed! Though the ruler had so great a death [in his family], the State would not give up a review; though he was bound to mourn for 3 years, he could not show one day's grief. The State's paying no regard to [his mother's] death showed that it stands in no awe of the ruler; his having no appearance of grief shows that he had no regard for his parents. When the State does not stand in awe of the ruler, and the ruler has no regard for his parents, is it possible that he should not be reduced low? He will almost lose the State." '
Par. 9. Kuh-leang makes the name of the prince of Ts'ae ?. The Chuen calls him ?, a posthumous title, connected with his melancholy fate. ? is used here as in V. xix. 4; Ying-tah explains it by ? ? ? ? ? ?.
The Chuen says:—'In the 11th month, the viscount of Ts'oo extinguished Ts'ae, and sacrificed the marquis's eldest son Yin on mount Kang. Shin Woo-yu said, "This is inauspicious. The five animals used as victims cannot be employed one for another; how much less can a prince of a State be employed as a victim! The king will have occasion to repent of this." '
[We have here two narratives:—
1st. 'In the 12th month, duke Ch'ing of Shen died:'-verifying Shuh-heang's remarks in the narrative after par. 7.
2d. 'The viscount of Ts'oo walled, [on a large scale, the old capitals of] Ch'in and Ts'ae, and Puh-lang, and appointed K'e-tsih duke of Ts'ae. He then asked Shin Woo-yu what he thought of K'e-tsih's being in Ts'ae, That officer replied, "For choosing among his sons no one is equal to the father; for choosing among his ministers no one is equal to the ruler. Duke Chwang of Ch'ing walled Leih, and placed Tsze-yuen in it, the consequence of which was that duke Ch'aou could not maintain himself in the State (See on II, xv. 9; but we cannot explain the whole of this statement). Duke Hwan of Ts'e walled Kuh, and placed Kwan Chung in it (See on III. xxxii. 1); and to the present day that State feels the benefit of the proceeding. I have heard that the five great [subjects of a State] should not be located in its borders, and that [subjects of] the five small [classes] should not be in the court. The [ruler's] relatives should not be away from the court, and refugees should not be in it. But now K'e-tsih is abroad, and Tan of Ch'ing (See on IX. xix. 12) is in the court. You ought to be a little careful."
'The king again [further] asked him what he thought of having great cities [besides the capital] in the State, and he replied, "King and Leih of Ch'ing led to the killing of Man-pih. Seaou and Poh of Sung led to the killing of Tsze-yu (See on III. xii. 4); K'eu-k'ew of Ts'e led to the killing of Woo-che (See III.ix. 1); P'oo and Ts'eih of Wei led to the expulsion of duke Heen (In Seang's 14th year). Looking at these examples, we must conclude that [such great cities] are injurious to a State. Great branches are sure to break [the roots]; a great tail cannot be moved about:—this is what you know.]
XII. Twelfth year.
1 In the [duke's] twelfth year, Kaou Yen of Ts'e led a force, and replaced the earl of North Yen in Yang.
2 In the third month, on Jin-shin, Kaa, earl of Ch'ing, died.
3 In summer, the duke of Sung sent Hwa Ting to Loo on a complimentary mission.
4 The duke was going to Tsin; but when he got to the Ho, he returned.
5 In the fifth month, there was the burial of duke Keen of Ch'ing.
6 Ts'oo put to death its great officer Ch'ing Heung.
7 It was autumn, the seventh month.
8 In autumn, duke [Seang's] son Yin fled from the State to Ts'e.
9 The viscount of Ts'oo invaded Seu.
10 Tsin invaded the Seen-yu.
Par. 1. Yang was a city of Yen,—in the pres. district of T'ang (?), dep. Paou-ting, Chih-le. It was afterwards called T'ang. This earl of Yen was the K'wan, whose flight to Ts'e is mentioned in iii. 7. In vi. 9 we have the account of an ineffectual attempt on the part of Ts'e to restore him. This second attempt was also a failure, though it secured for the earl possession of T'ang.
The Chuen says:—'Kaou Yen replaced K'wan, earl of North Yen, in T'ang;—through its inhabitants [being well disposed to him].'
Par. 2. The Chuen says;—'In the 3d month, duke Keen of Ch'ing died. When they were engaged in levelling the road in order to his burial, they came to the ancestral temple of the Yew family, and were about to pull it down. Tsze-t'aeshuh (Yew Keih, Head of the family) made the clearers stand with their implements in their hands, and not proceed to pull it down, telling them that, when Tsze-ch'an passed by them, and asked why they had not pulled it down, they should say, "We could not bear [to touch] the temple; but yes;—we will pull it down." When they had done this, Tsze-ch'an made them carry the road on one side of it. Right in the way were some houses belonging to the superintendent of the graves. If they were destroyed, the coffin could be put under ground in the morning. If they were not pulled down, it would be midday before that could be done. Tsze-t'ae-shuh begged that they might be pulled down, saying, "We must do it for the sake of our guests from the [various] States;" but Tsze-ch'an said, "The guests from the States who come to be present at our funeral will not be afraid of [stopping till] mid-day. Why should we not do what will occasion them no loss, and will save the people from injury?" Accordingly they did not pull the houses down, and the interment was accomplished at mid-day.
'The superior man will say that Tsze-ch'an knew what was proper. According to the rules of propriety, a man will not overthrow anything of another to establish himself.'
Too supposes that duke Keen had chosen some new spot to be buried in, which occasioned the difficulties mentioned in the narrative.
Par. 3. The Chuen says:—'This visit was on behalf of the ruler [of Sung], to open communications [between him and Loo]. [The duke] gave him an entertainment, and there was sung for him the Luh Seaou (She, II. ii. ode IX.); but he did not understand it, and sang nothing in reply. Ch'aou-tsze said, "He is sure to be driven into exile. He cherished not that 'We feast and talk;' he declared not his sense of that 'They favour me, they brighten me;' he understood not that 'Excellent virtue;' he accepted not that 'Common happiness;'—how should he continue to be in [Sung]?"
[The Chuen gives here:—'The marquises of Ts'e and Wei, and the earl of Ch'ing, went to Tsin to present themselves at the court of the now ruler.']
Par. 4. In explanation of this par., the Chuen says:—'In consequence of our taking Kăng (See on x. 3), the 'people of Keu had complained to Tsin, which had not yet dealt with the matter, being occupied by the death of duke P'ing, and therefore declined the duke's visit. Duke [Seang's] son Yin then went to Tsin.'
[We have here the following narrative about the visit of the above-named princes to Tsin:— 'The marquis of Tsin entertained the princes, but Tsze-ch'an, who was in attendance on and directing the earl of Ch'ing, begged that he might be excused from being present, saying that when they had done with the death [for the late earl], they would receive Tsin's orders; and the request was granted;—which was according to propriety.
'The marquis of Tsin was feasting with the marquis of Tse, when Chung-hang Muh-tsze (Seun Woo), who was directing the ceremonies, [proposed that they should play at] throwing arrows into jars. The marquis of Tsin had the first chance, and Muh-tsze said,
"We have spirits to fill the Hwae; We have flesh to form the Ch'e. If my ruler succeed with this, he will be the master of the princes." The marquis's throw was successful; and then the marquis of Ts'e lifted up an arrow, and said,
"I have spirits to fill the Shing; I have flesh to form a great mound. If I hit with this, I shall rise to your lordship's place."
'His throw was also successful, on which Pih-hea (Sze Wăn-pih) said to Muh-tsze, "You made a slip in what you said;—our [ruler's] position is established as master of the princes. Why did you use those jars? How should a successful throw into them give any superiority? The uler of Ts'e has treated our ruler as feeble, When he returns, he will not come here [again]." Muh-tsze replied, "Our armies and generals are most formidable opponents; our soldiers and chariot-men are strong and eager;—now as of old. Whom will Ts'e serve [but Tsin]?" The Kung-sun Sow hurried into the place of entertainment, saying, "The day is declining; our ruler is tired; it is time for him to come out." [With these words], he carried off the marquis of Ts'e.']
Par. 5. The Chuen repeats this par., as if to show the meaning of Tsze-ch'an's remark in the above narrative, giving, however, 'the 6th month,' instead of the 5th.
Par. 6. For ? Kung-yang has ?; Kuhleang and the Chuen of Tso have ?. Heung was a grand-son of Tih-shin or Tsze-yuh, who lost the battle of Shing-puh. Both the Ch'ing and Tow families were descended from Johgaou. The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo, considering that Ch'ing Hoo was a remnant, [as it were], of Joh-gaou, put him to death. Some one had slandered Ch'ing Hoo to the viscount, and though he was aware of it, he was not able to go away. The text, "Ts'oo put to death its great officer Ch'ing Hoo," shows how he clung to the favour [he enjoyed].'
[We have here three narratives appended:— 1st. 'Seun Woo of Tsin, pretending that he wanted to join the army of Ts'e, borrowed leave to go through Seen-yu, and took the opportunity to take possession of Seih-yang. In autumn, in the 8th month, on Jin-woo. he extinguished Fei, and took its viscount, Meen-kaou, back with him to Tsin.'
2d. 'Keaou, earl of Yuen in Chow, behaved oppressively to his servants, and made them run away. In winter, in the 10th month, on Jinshin, the 1st day of the moon, all the people of Yuen drove Keaou out, and raised his brother Kwei-sin to his place. Keaou fled to Keaou.
3d. 'Duke Keen of Kan had no son, and appointed his brother Kwo as his successor. Kwo wished to take off the families descended from [dukes] Ch'ing and King; but these bribed duke Heen of Lew, who, on Ping-shin, put [Kwo], duke Taou of Kan, to death, and appointed Ts'ew, a grandson of duke Ch'ing, in his room. On Ting-yew, he put to death Kwo, a son of Yu P'e, and tutor of the eldest son Heen. He put Hea Sin to death in the market-place, and Ch'oh a favourite of the palace, Wang-sun Moh, Lew Chow-kew, Yin Ke, and Laou Yang-tsze.']
Par. 8. For ? Kung-yang has ?. We must suppose that the Kung-tsze Yin was a son of duke Seang, and his being sent on a mission to Tsin, as mentioned in the Chuen on par. 4, shows that he was a minister of the State. His designation was Tsze-chung (? ?).
The Chuen says:—'When Ke P'ing-tsze became Head of his clan, he behaved discourteously to Nan Kwae (A son of Nan E in the narrative at the end of the 4th year), who said to Tsze-chung, "I will drive out the Head of the Ke family, and give over his property to the duke. You will take his place, and I will hold Pe as a servant of the duke." Tsze-chung agreed, and Nan Kwae then told Shuh-chung Muh-tsze (A grand-son of Tae or Shuh-chung Ch'aou-pih, and great-grand-son of P'ăng-săng or Shuh-chung Hwuy-pih. His name was Seaou; ?), informing him also of the cause [of his conduct]. 'When Ke Taou-tsze (Son of Ke Woo-tsze and father of P'ing-tsze) died, Shuh-sun Ch'aoutsze was one of the ministers, having received his second appointment, and when P'ing-tsze invaded Keu and overcame it, he again received his third appointment. Shuh-chung-tsze, wishing to set the two families at variance, said to P'ing-tsze, "With his three appointments he has got beyond the rank of his father, and of you his cousin older than himself;—which is contrary to propriety." "Yes," said P'ing-tsze; and he sent to Ch'aou-tsze [to require him to resign his third appointment]. Ch'aou-tsze said, "The House of Shuh-sun had its family misfortunes. when the sons of the proper wife were put to death, and the son of a concubine was appointed in their place. It was thus that I reached my present position. If you had taken the opportunity of those misfortunes to ruin me, I should have accepted your commands. [But now], if we do not disannul our ruler's appointment, I certainly have this rank and position."
Ch'aou-tsze went to the court, and gave orders to the officers, saying, "I am going to have a litigation with Ke-sun. You must write the pleas without partiality." Ke-sun became afraid, and laid the blame on Shuh-chung-tsze. In consequence of this, Shuh-chung Seaou, Nan Kwae, and the Kung-tsze Yin plotted against Ke-sun. Yin informed the duke of it, and immediately after followed him to Tsin. Nan Kwae, fearing their attempt would not succeed, revolted with Pe, and went [with it] to Ts'e. When Tsze-chung was returning [from his mission], he heard of the confusion, stole away from the assistant-commissioner, and went before him; but on his arrival at the suburbs, hearing of the revolt of Pe, he fled to Ts'e.
'When Nan Kwae was about to revolt, a man of the same village was acquainted with his purpose, and passed by him, sighing as he did so. He also said, "Alas! Alas! A case of difficulty and hazard! His thoughts are deep, and his plans are shallow. Circumscribed is his position, and his aims are far-reaching. The servant of a family, his schemes affect the ruler. Such a man there is!" Nan Kwae consulted by some twigs about his object, without mentioning it and got the diagram K'wăn (?,), which then became Pe (?,). As it is said [upon the changed line], "Yellow for the lower garment; great good fortune," he thought this was very lucky, and showed it to Tsze-fuh Hwuy-pih, saying, "If I am contemplating something, how does this indicate it will turn out?" Hwuy-pih replied, "I have learned this.—If the thing be one of loyalty and good faith, you may go forward with it. If it be not, it will be defeated. The outer figure indicates strength, and the inner mildness;—expressive of loyalty. We have [also] harmony leading on solidity;—expressive of fidelity. Hence the words, 'Yellow for the lower garment; greatness and good fortune.' But yellow is the colour of the centre; the lower garment is the ornament of that which is beneath; that greatness is the height of goodness. If in the centre (= the heart) there is not loyalty, there cannot be the colour; if below (= in an inferior) there be not the respectful discharge of duty, there cannot be the ornament; if the affair be not good, there cannot be that height. When the outer and inner are mutually harmonious, there is loyalty; when affairs are done in fidelity, there is that discharge of duty; an earnest nourishing of the three virtues makes that goodness. Where there are not these three things, this diagram does not apply.
"Moreover, [this passage of] the Yih cannot be a guide about anything hazardous. What thing are you contemplating that should require that ornamenting? With what is admirable in the centre, you can predicate the yellow; with what is admirable above, you can predicate that great goodness; with what is admirable below, you can predicate that lower garment. Given these three all complete, and you may consult the reeds. If they are defective, though the consultation may [seem to] be lucky, it is not to be acted on."
'When [Nan Kwae] was about to go to Pe, he invited his fellow villagers to drink with him, one of them sang,
"In my garden of vegetables is a medlar tree! Follow me, and you will be a good man; Leave me, and you will act meanly. To rebel against one's friends is shameful. Stop! Stop! Or you will be no member of our party." P'ing-tsze wished to make Ch'aou-tsze drive out Shuh-chung Seaou. When Seaou heard it, he did not dare to go to court. Ch'aou-tsze ordered the officers to tell him that he should be waiting in the court for any governmental orders, adding, "I will not make myself an office of animosities."
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo was celebrating the winter hunt in Chowlae, and halted at the junction of the Ying [with the Hwae], from which he sent the marquis of Tang, the viscount of P'wan, the marshal Tuh, Woo the director of Heaou, and He the director of Ling, with a force to besiege [the capital of] Seu, in order to alarm Woo; while he himself would halt at Kan-k'e to afford them what help they might require.
'The snow was falling, and the king went out with a whip in his hand, wearing a fur-cap, the cloak sent to him from Ts'in ornamented with king-fishers' feathers, and in shoes of leopard skin. He was followed by his charioteer Seihfoo. In the evening Tsze-kih (Tan of Ch'ing), director of the Right, waited upon him; and when the king saw him, he put off his cap and cloak, laid aside his whip, and spoke with him. "Formerly," said he "my ancestor Heung Yih, with Leu Keih, Wang-sun Mow, Seeh-foo, and K'in-foo, all served together king K'ang. The four States of those princes all received [precious] gifts, only we [in Ts'oo] got none. If I now send a messenger to Chow, and ask for the tripods as our share, will the king give them to me?" "He will give them, O ruler and king," was the reply. "Formerly, our king, Heung Yih, lived meanly by mount King, in a deal carriage, with tattered clothes, as befitted his position amid the uncultivated wilds; climbing the hills and wading through the streams in the service of the son of Heaven; with a bow of peach-wood and arrows of thorn, discharging his defence of the king. [On the other hand, Leu Keih of] Ts'e was king [Ch'ing's] maternal uncle; [T'ang-shuh of] Tsin was his own brother; and [the fathers of K'in-foo of] Loo and [Seeh-foo of] Wei were king [Woo's] own brothers. Thus it was that [the prince of] Ts'oo received no [precious] gifts, and all those other princes did. But now Chow and those four States are submissive to you, O ruler and king, and you have only to order them to be obeyed; —how should [Chow] grudge you the tripods?"
'The king pursued, "Formerly, the eldest brother of our remote ancestor dwelt in the old territory of Heu; but now the people of Ch'ing in their greed possess that territory and enjoy the benefit of it, and have refused to give it to us. If I ask it [now], will they give it?" Tsze-kih again replied, "They will give it to you, O ruler and king. If Chow do not grudge its tripods, will Ch'ing dare to grudge its lands?"
'The king went on, "Formerly, the States kept aloof from us and stood in awe of Tsin. But now I have walled on a great scale [the capitals of] Ch'in and Ts'ae, and the [two] Puhlang, each of which can levy a thousand chariots; and for this I am much indebted to you. Will the States now stand in awe of me?" "They," was the reply, "will stand in awe of you, O ruler and king! Those four States are themselves sufficient to awe them; and when there is added to them the power of Ts'oo, will the States dare not to stand in awe of you, O ruler and king?"
'[At this moment], Loo, director of Works, came with a request, saying, "Your majesty ordered me to break a baton of jade [to ornament] the handle of an axe. I venture to ask for further instructions." The king went in to see the work; and then Seih-foo said to Tsze-kih, "You are looked up to by the State of Ts'oo; but now, in talking to the king, you have been but his echo;—what will the State think of you?" Tsze-kih replied, "I have been sharpening [my weapon] on the whetstone, to await [my opportunity]; when the king comes out, I will cut down [his extravagance] with the edge of it."
'When the king came out, he was resuming the conversation, and E-seang, the historiographer of the Left, passed by. "There," said the king, "is an excellent historiographer. He can read the three Fun, the five Teen, the eight Sih, and the nine K'ew." "I have questioned him," was the reply. "Formerly king Muh wished to indulge his [extravagant] desire, and travel over all under heaven, so that the ruts of his chariot wheels and the prints of his horses' feet should be everywhere. Mow-foo, duke of Chae, then made the ode of K'e-shaou, to repress the ambition of the king, who died in consequence a natural death in the palace of Che. I asked [E-seang] about the ode, and he did not know it. If I were to ask him about anything more ancient, how should he be able to know it?" "Can you repeat it?" asked the king. Tsze-kih replied, "I can. The ode said,
'How mild is the course of our minister Shaou! How fitted to show [the king's] virtuous fame! He would order his measures and movements, As more valuable than gold or gem. Beyond the people's strength he would not go, Nor drunkard's thirst nor glutton's greed would know." The king bowed to him and went in. For several days he would not eat what was brought to him, nor was he able to sleep; but he was not able to subdue himself, and so he came to his evil [end].
'Chung-ne said, "It is contained in an ancient book that to subdue one's-self and return to propriety is perfect virtue." True is the saying and excellent. If king Ling of Ts'oo could have done this, he would not have come to disgrace at Kan-k'e!'
Par. 10 Tso-she observes that this attack was a sequel to the campaign against Fei, of which we have an account in the 1st narrative appended to par. 6. The people of Seen-yu were a tribe of the White Teih. The territory, called also Chung-shan (? ?), was in the pres dep. of Chin-ting (? ?), Chih-le. Too observes that the commander of the army of Tsin is not mentioned, through the inadvertence of the historiographer. Compare VI. x. 2 and VIII. iii. 14.
XIII. Thirteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] thirteenth year, in spring, Shuh Kung led a force, and laid siege to Pe.
2 In summer, in the fourth month, the Kung-tsze Pe of Ts'oo returned from Tsin to Ts'oo, and murdered his ruler K'een in Kan-k'e.
3 The Kung-tsze K'e-tsih of Ts'oo put to death the Kungtsze Pe.
4 In autumn, the duke had a meeting with the viscount of Lew, the marquises of Tsin and Ts'e, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Wei, the earls of Ch'ing and Ts'aou, the viscounts of Keu, Choo, and T'ăng, the earls of Seeh and K'e, and the viscount of Little Choo, in T'ing-K'ew.
5 In the eighth month, on Keah-seuh, they made a covenant together in P'ing-k'ew.
6 [But] the duke did not take part in the covenant.
7 The people of Tsin seized Ke-sun E-joo, and took him back with them [to Tsin].
8 The duke arrived from the meeting.
9 Leu, marquis of Ts'ae returned to [the rule of] Ts'ae, and Woo, marquis of Ch'in, to [the rule of] Ch'in.
10 In winter, in the tenth month, there was the burial of duke Ling of Ts'ae.
11 The duke was going to Tsin; but when he had got to the Ho, he returned.
12 Woo extinguished Chow-lae.
Par. 1. Pe,—see on IX. vii. 4. At that time, Nan E was commandant of Pe for the Ke-sun family; but from the narrative on par. 8 of last year, we learned that it was now held by his son Nan Kwae, who had carried the city with him, and transferred his allegiance from Loo, or the Ke-sun family rather, to Ts'e.
The Chuen says:—'This spring, Shuh Kung laid siege to Pe, but he could not reduce it, and was himself defeated. P'ing-tsze, enraged, gave orders that whenever a man of Pe was seen, he should be seized and kept as a prisoner. Yay Gow-foo said to him, "This is a wrong course. If, when a man of Pe is seen suffering from cold, you clothe him, or suffering from want, you feed him, proving yourself its good lord, and ministering to the privations and distresses of its people, they will come to you as if they were coming home, and the Nan will perish. The people will revolt from them, and there will be none to dwell in the city with them. If you afflict them by your severity and frighten them with your wrath, so that they shall detest you, and be confirmed in their revolt, you will [only] be collecting [more followers] for the Nan. If all the States should deal thus with them, the men of Pe would have none to turn to. If they did not adhere to the chief of the Nan, where could they go to?" P'ing-tsze followed this counsel, and the people of Pe revolted from Nan [Kwae].'
Par. 2. For ? ? Kuh-leang has ? ?. The Chuen on par. 9 of last year left the king of Ts'oo at this place, waiting the result of his operations against Seu. It was in the south-east of the pres. Poh-chow (? ?), dep. Ying-chow (? ?), Gan-hwuy. The Kung-tsze Pe was a younger brother of the king of Ts'oo, and had fled to Tsin 13 years before this, when the king murdered his predecessor;—see the last par. of the 1st year, and the Chuen on the one preceding it.
The Chuen says:—'When the viscount of Ts'oo was chief minister of the State, he put to death the grand-marshal Wei Yen, and took his property to himself (See the narrative after IX. xxx. 8); and when he became viscount, he violently took his lands from Wei Keu. At the removal of [the capital of] Heu (See on ix. 2), he had taken [with him] as a hostage, Wei, [a great officer] of that State. Wei of Ts'ae was a favourite with the king, and when the king extinguished Ts'ae (See xi. 9), his father died [in that State]; but the king made Wei remain to take part in the charge [of the capital], when he proceeded [himself to Kan-k'e]. At the meeting of Shin (iv. 2), a great officer of Yueh was subjected to disgrace. The king [also] took Chung-ch'ow from Tow Wei-kwei, and his city from [Wei-kwei's son], Ch'ing Jen, making him director of the suburbs. This Ch'ing Jen of Man had previously been in the service of the duke of Ts'ae (The viscount's brother K'e-tsih). In this way the families of the Wei clan, with Wei Keu, Wei of Heu, Wei of Ts'ae, and Ch'ing Jen of Man, had all been treated with discourtesy by the king; and they took advantage of the [other] families which had lost their offices to incite Chang Showkwo, the great officer of Yueh, to raise an insurrection, when he laid siege to Koo-shing, reduced the city of Seih-chow, and walled and occupied it.
'After the death of Kwan K'e (See on IX. xxii. 6), his son Ts'ung went to Ts'ae, and was in the service of Chaou Woo, to whom he [now] said, "If the State of Ts'ae be not now restored, it never will be so. Let me try and bring it about." Accordingly, as if by the orders of the duke of Ts'ae, he called Tsze-kan (The Kung-tsze Pe) and Tsze-seih [to Ts'ae]. When they had arrived in the suburbs, he told them all the truth [about his plot], forced them to make a covenant with him, and then they entered [the capital of] Ts'ae by surprise. The duke was about to take a meal; and when he saw them, he ran away from them. Kwan Ts'ung made Tsze-kan partake of the food, and they then dug a hole, placed in it [the blood of] a victim with the words [of a covenant] over it, after which [the two princes] went hurriedly away. Ts'ung himself made the thing known through the city, saying, "The duke called his two brothers, and is going to restore them [to Ts'oo]; he has made a covenant with them, and sent them away, but he intends to raise his forces and follow them." The men of Ts'ae collected, and would have seized him, but he said to them, "Of what use will it be to kill me, after you have let the [two] traitors escape, and are raising your army?" On this they let him go, and Chaou Woo said to them, "If you are able to die [for the king], your best plan is to oppose the duke, and wait till you see to whom success falls. But if you seek for rest and establishment, your best plan is to take sides with him, to secure the success of his ambition. And, moreover, if we oppose our superior, to whom can we betake ourselves with advantage?" The multitude said, "We will take sides with him;" and they proceeded to raise the standard of the duke of Ts'ae, called [back] the two other princes, and made a covenant in Tăng.
'The dependance [of the princes in their struggle] for the State was on the men of Ch'in, and Ts'ae, which they promised to reconstitute as States; so the three, Pe, Hih-kwăng (Tszeseih), and K'e-tsih, with Ch'ing Jen of Man and Chaou Woo of Ts'ae, led on the forces of Ch'in, Ts'ae, Puh-lang, Heu, and Sheh, and took advantage of the adherents of the 4 [disaffected] families, to enter [the capital of] Ts'oo. When they arrived at the suburbs, [the men of ] Ch'in and Ts'ae wished to get a name, and asked leave to form an entrenched camp. When the duke of Ts'ae knew it. he said, "We want to be expeditious, and such a thing, moreover, would distress the labourers." He begged therefore that they would only make an enclosed encampment; which accordingly was done, and the army lodged in it. He then made Seu Woo-mow and the historiographer P'ae enter the city before them. These, by the assistance of the chief chamberlain, put to death the king's eldest son Luh, and the Kung-tsze l"e-teih. The Kungtsze Pe became king; and Hih-kwăng, chief minister; [both] halting at Yu-pe. The Kungtsze K'e-tsih was declared [grand-] marshal, and proceeded to clear out the royal palace, sending [also] Kwan Ts'ung to the army in Kan-k'e, who thereon made known what had been done, and intimated that those who were first in coming over [to the new rule] should be restored to their places, while those who delayed should have their noses cut off. That army advanced to Tsze-leang, and there dispersed.
'When the king heard of the death of his sons, he threw himself down under his chariot, saying, "Do other men love their sons as much as I did mine?" One of his attendants said, "They love them more. Small men know that when they are old, if they have no sons, they will be rolled into the ditches," "I have killed many sons of others," replied the king. "Was it possible that I should not come to this condition?"
'Tsze-kih, director of the Right, begged the king to wait in the suburbs till they heard what course the people took, but the king said, "They are all enraged, and we must not encounter them." He then proposed that they should enter a great city, and ask military assistance from the States; but the king said, "They will all revolt [from me]." He proposed further, that they should flee to some of the States, and await the deliberations of the [other] great State on his case; but the king said, "Great happiness is not obtained twice. I should only be bringing disgrace on myself." On this, Jen Tan [left the king, and] returned to Ts'oo, while the king took his way along the Hea, wishing to enter Yen.
'Shin Hae, the son of the Woo-director Wooyu, said, "My father twice violated the king's orders (See the narrative after vii. 1), and was not punished;—what kindness could be greater? I cannot bear the king's misery, and his kindness is not to be forgotten;—I will follow him." Accordingly he sought for the king, found him at the Keih gate, and took him home with him. In summer, in the 5th month, on Kwei-hae, the king strangled himself in his house, when Shin Hae buried him, and his own two daughters along with him.'
When we compare the paragraph and this Chuen, we are startled by the contradictions between them. The Kung-tsze Pe had never been a subject of his brother, and it appears contrary to rule to apply the term ? to him. And in fact Pe did not put the king to death;— the king died by his own hands. And he did not die in Kan-k'e. Pe, moreover, was merely a tool in the hands of others; it is both incorrect and unjust to represent him, as the paragraph does, as the prime mover in the proceedings against the king, and then charge him with the crime of regicide. Notwithstanding all these difficulties, even Maou acknowledges an admirable subtlety and propriety in the sage's phraseology in the paragraph! The original name of king Ling was Wei (?), but he changed it after he had murdered his predecessor, hoping probably thereby to escape somehow the charge of crime that would attach to his name.
Par. 3. For ? Kung and Kuh here have ?; and that term would certainly be as proper here as in the preceding par. As it seemed right, however, to the author not to acknowledge the short-lived dignity of Pe as king, but still to represent him as merely a Kung-tsze, ? is, probably, the true reading.
The Chuen says:—'Kwan Ts'ung said to Tsze-kan, 'If you do not kill K'e-tsih, though you have got the State, you will still receive calamity." "I cannot bear to do so," was Tszekan's reply. Tsze-yuh (Ts'ung's designation) continued, "He will bear to kill you, and I cannot bear to wait [and see it];" and on this he went away. Every night there was an alarm [in the city] that the king had entered it. On the night of Yih-maou, K'e-tsih made people run all about, crying, "The king is come!" The people were greatly frightened; and then he made Ch'ing Jen of Man run and inform Tsze-kan and Tsze-seih, saying, "The king is come. The people have killed your marshal, and will [soon] be here. If your lordship will be quick and deal with yourself, you may escape disgrace. The multitudes are angry, as [raging] waves or flames, and no plans can be formed against them." There now came others running to [the palace], and crying out, "The multitudes are come;" on which the two princes killed themselves.
'On Ping-shin, K'e-tsih ascended the [vacant] seat, and [took] the name of Heung Keu. He buried Tsze-kan in Tsze, who is thence known as Tsze Gaou. Having killed a prisoner, he clothed the body in the king's robes, and let it float in the Han, from which he took and buried it, in order to quiet the minds of the people; and he then appointed Tsze-k'e (Ch'ing Jen of Man) to be chief minister.
'When the army of Ts'oo was withdrawing from Seu, the men of Woo defeated it at Yuchang, and took [all] its five commanders (See the commencement of the narrative on par. 9 of last year). King P'ing (K'e-tsih) restored the States of Ch'in and Ts'ae, and the cities from which the inhabitants had been removed; paid all the bribes which he had promised; gave gifts to the people, and forgave them the dues which they owed; dealt gently with criminals, and restored their offices to those who had been deprived of them. Calling Kwan Ts'ung to him, he said, "You may have whatever office you wish." "My ancestors," replied Ts'ung, "assisted the interpreter of divinations by the tortoise-shell;" and he was appointed master of such divinations. The king sent Chejoo Tsze-kung on a complimentary mission to Ch'ing, and to deliver to it the lands of Ch'ow and Leih. When the [other] business [of his mission] was finished, however, he did not deliver these. An officer of Ch'ing took the liberty to say to him, "It was reported on the way that you would give our ruler Ch'ow and Leih. I venture to ask for your orders [to that effect]." He replied, "I have not yet received such orders." When he returned [to Ts'oo], the king asked him about those two places, on which he put off his robe, and replied, "I made a mistake and lost your orders about them, so that I did not give them over." The king took him by the hand, and said, "Do not be concerned about it. Go home for the present; and when I have any business, I will inform you of it." In a year or two, the Woo-director Shin Hae informed the king of the burial of king [Ling], when the coffin was removed and buried in another place.
'King Ling at a former time had asked the tortoise-shell whether he might possibly get the whole kingdom; and when the answer was unfavourable, he cast the shell from him, railed at Heaven, and said, "This small thing you will not give me, but I will take it for myself." The people were distressed by his insatiable ambition, and joined in the insurrection against him as eagerly as if they had been going home.
'At a period before this, king Kung had no son by his queen, whom he could have declared his heir; and though he had five among his other sons, who were favourites with him, none of them had been appointed to the succession. He therefore celebrated a great service to the Spirits of all the hills and rivers of the State, and prayed, saying, "I ask you, Spirits, from among my five sons to choose one, who may be appointed lord of the altars." He then went all round the altars where he had sacrificed, and exhibited a peih before each of them, saying, "He who worships right over this peih shall be he whom you Spirits have appointed. Who will dare to oppose your will?" After this, along with [one of his concubines], a Ke of Pa, he secretly buried the peih in the court of the ancestral temple, and made his five sons come in, after fasting, in the order of their age, to worship. King K'ang stepped over the place; king Ling touched it with his elbow; Tsze-kan and Tsze-seih were both a long way from it; king P'ing, being then a child, was carried in, and worshipped twice, right over the button of the peih. Tow Weikwei gave this child in charge to [his son] Ch'ing Jen, saying, "Ts'oo will be endangered both by abandoning the proper law [of succession], and by resisting the appointment [by the Spirits of this child]."
'When Tsze-kan had returned [from Tsin to Ts'oo], Han Seuen-tsze asked Shuh-heang whether he was likely to be successful. "It will be hard for him to be so," was the reply. Seuen-tsze said,"When those who are engaged in the same evil course seek one another's [co-operation], like traffickers in the market, what difficulty can there be?" Shuh-heang answered, "Having had no likings in common, they will not have common dislikes. There are five difficulties in the way of taking a State. The candidate may be a favourite, but if he have no [able] men [in his service]:—this is the first. He may have the men, but if he have no party [in the State]:—this is the second. He may have the party, but if he have no [good] plans:—this is the third. He may have the plans, but if he have not the people:—this is the fourth. He may have the people, but if he have not virtue:—this is the fifth. Tsze-kan has been in Tsin 13 years; but among his followers, whether of Tsin or Ts'oo, I have not heard that there are any of distinction:—it may be said that he has not the men. His family is extinct [in Ts'oo], and his relatives are against him:—it may be said that he has no party. He is moving without any [sufficient] occasion:—it may be said that he has no plans. He has been a refugee [here nearly] all his life:—it may be said he has not the people. As an exile, there are no proofs that he is loved:—it may be said that he has not the virtue. The king is [indeed] oppressive, and stands in awe of nothing; this prince Tsze-kan may adventure in spite of these five difficulties to put him to death, but who can carry his enterprise to complete success? It is K'e-tsih, I apprehend, who will have the State of Ts'oo. He is ruler of Ch'in and Ts'ae, and all outside the barrier wall belongs to him. He has perpetrated no oppression; the banditti [in his jurisdiction] are quiet; he has not, to gratify himself, gone against the people. They have no feeling of animosity against him, and the Spirits formerly gave the appointment to him. The people of the State believe in him, and it has been the regular custom of Ts'oo, that, when there is trouble in the House of Me, the youngest scion of it should get the State. Thus he has obtained the [approval of the] Spirits:—that is one advantage. He has the [confidence of the] people:—that is a second. His virtue is admirable:—that is a third. He is favoured and noble:—that is a fourth. His succession would be in regular order:—that is a fifth. With these five advantages to be set against the five difficulties of the other, who can harm him? As to the office of Tsze-kan, he was director of the Right; if you calculate his favour and nobility, he was [only] one of the [king's] sons by concubines; if you judge by the appointment of the Spirits, he was far off from the token which they gave of their approval. His nobility wanting, his favour away from him, the people not cherishing him, and there being no party for him in the State;— how should he become established [in Ts'oo]?"
'Seuen-tsze said, "Were not the cases of Hwan of Ts'e and [our] Wăn of Tsin like his?" Shuhheang replied, "Hwan of Ts'e was the son of a Ke of Wei who was a favourite with [duke] He. He had Paou Shuh-ya, Pin Seu-woo, and Seih P'ăng as his assistants. He had Keu and Wei to support him from abroad. He had the [chiefs] Kwoh and Kaou to support him in the State itself. He followed what was good like a flowing stream. He condescended to the good, and was grave and reverent. He did not accumulate his wealth; he did not follow his desires; he gave away unwearyingly; and he was never tired of seeking for good men:—was it not right that with such conditions he should have the State? As to our former ruler duke Wăn, he was the son of the younger Ke of Hoo, who was a favourite of [duke] Heen. He was fond of learning, and of an unchanging will. When he was 17 years old, he had five officers [who readily followed him]. There were our great officers Tsze-yu (Ts'aou Ts'uy) and Tsze-fan (Hoo Yen) to be his counsellors; there were Wei Ch'ow and Kea T'o to act as limbs to him; there were Ts'e, Sung, Ts'in, and Ts'oo to support him from abroad; there were the Lwan, Keoh, Hoo, and Seen families to support him in the State itself. During his 19 years of exile, he kept his purpose with increased sincerity, while [the dukes] Hwuy and Hwae neglected the people. The people followed and joined him. There was no [other] son of Heen [remaining]; the people could not look for any other leader. Heaven was then favourably regarding Tsin, and who was there to take the place of Wăn? The cases of those two princes were different from that of Tsze-kan. There is [another] favourite son of [king] Kung; there is [another] lord more honoured in the State. He has shown no beneficence to the people; he has no support from abroad. When he left Tsin, none escorted him; when he returned to Ts'oo, none met him:—how can he expect to have the State?"
Par. 4. P'ing-k'ew was 9 le north of the present dis. city of Ch'in-lew (? ?), dep. K'ae-fung. The meeting at this place is memorable as being the last of those on a great scale called by Tsin. Its supremacy among the States had long been waning. The murder of the king of Ts'oo, and the confusion prevailing in that State, encouraged Tsin to make this final effort to recover its former position; but its day had gone by. To give more solemnity to the meeting, it secured the presence of a representative of the king in the viscount of Lew; but Chow had long ceased to command the hearty and reverent homage of the States.
The Chuen says:—'When Tsin completed [the palace of] Sze-k'e, the princes who then went to its court (In the 8th year) returned home, all alienated from it. It was about to lead the States on a punitive expedition against us, and Shuh-heang said, "The States must have the terrors of our majesty displayed to them." They accordingly summoned a meeting on a grand scale, sending notice of it [even] to Woo. In autumn the marquis of Tsin went to have a meeting with the viscount of Woo in Leang, who declined it, on account of the difficulty of the communication by water; and he returned [to P'ing-k'ew]. In the 7th month, the military array [of Tsin] was drawn out, on Ping-yin, in the south of Choo, to the number of 4000 chariots of war, Yang-sheh Foo having the duties of marshal for the occasion; and the States were forthwith assembled at P'ing-k'ew. Tsze-ch'an and Tsze-t'ae-shuh attended the earl of Ch'ing to the conference, the former marching with curtains and coverings for 9 tents, while the latter had taken with him enow for 40. Of this, however, he repented, and reduced the number at every station where they halted, till, when they arrived at the meeting, his number was the same as that of Tsze-ch'an. When they halted in Wei, Shuh-foo (Yang-sheh Foo), desiring to get bribes from that State, allowed great license to his foragers and fuelgatherers. The people sent T'oo Pih to present to Shuh-heang a dish of soup, and a basket of flowered silks, saying, "The other States do not dare to swerve from their service of Tsin, and how much less should Wei, dwelling as it were beneath your eaves, presume to cherish any disaffection! Your foragers and fuel-gatherers are not behaving as on former occasions;—we venture to ask you to take measures with them." Shuh-heang accepted the soup, but returned the silks, saying, "There is that Yang-sheh Foo, whose craving for bribes is insatiable;—evil will come on him. It is he who has done this. If you give him these silks with your ruler's orders, he will stop the trouble." The visitor did so; and before he retired, a prohibition was issued [to the plunderers].'
Parr. 5, 6. The inartificial construction of the classic appears in these two parr., compared with the preceding one. From 4 and 5 we should certainly conclude that the duke took part in the covenant, but from 6 it appears that he did not do so.
The Chuen says:—'The people of Tsin wished to renew the [existing] covenant, but they of Ts'e refused to do so. The marquis of Tsin sent Shuh-heang to inform duke Heen of Lew [of the difficulty], saying, "Since the people of Ts'e will not join in covenant, what is to be done?" [The duke] replied, "A covenant is for the confirmation of faith. If your ruler have good faith, the princes will not separate from him. Why should you make a trouble of this matter? Set the thing before them in civil terms, and follow this up with your military force; although Ts'e do not take the covenant, your ruler will accomplish much. An elder of the Son of Heaven, I beg to conduct the king's levies, and with ten large chariots of war lead tlie way before you; —by-and-by or quickly, as your ruler may determine." Shuh-heang then went to inform Ts'e, saying, "The princes have sought for a covenant and are here; but your lordship does not think it will be profitable, and my ruler thinks it well to ask for your views!" "When the States are about to punish the disaffected," was the reply, "then there is a renewal of covenants; but if all are obedient to your orders, why should there be any such renewal?" Shuh-heang said, "The ruin of States [happens in this way]:—If they have [meetings of] business, but do not pay their contributions, the business become irregular; if they pay their contributions, but do not observe the [proper] ceremonies, there may be regularity, but there is a want of order; if they observe the ceremonies, but do not have a feeling of awe, the order comes to be without respect; if they have a feeling of awe, but do not declare it [to the Spiritual powers], their respect is not [sufficiently] displayed. The want of that display leads to the casting away of respect; the various affairs of business are not brought to a successful issue; and there ensue downfall and overthrow. For this reason the statutes of the intelligent kings required the princes every year to send a complimentary mission, that they might be kept in mind of the contributions they had to pay; after the interval [of a year], they went themselves to court for the practice of ceremonies; when the time for a second visit to court came, there was a meeting for the display of [the king's] majesty; and when the time for a second meeting came, there was a covenant for the exhibition of his clear intelligence. The keeping their duties in mind was to secure the [continuance of] friendly relations; the practice of ceremonies served to maintain the distinctions of rank; the display of majesty was before the multitude; the clear intelligence was matter of appeal to the Spirits. From antiquity downwards, these rules, we may say, were never neglected. The principles of the preservation or the ruin [of States] depended on them. It is the rule for Tsin to be lord of covenants. Fearing lest our government should be defective, we bring a victim for a covenant, and announce our purpose to your lordship, seeking the completion of the business. Your lordship, however, has said, 'I will have none of it. What have we in common?' Let your lordship consider the matter well. Our ruler will receive your commands." The people of Ts'e were afraid, and replied, "Our small State said so; but the decision is with your great State. How dare we not listen to and follow you? We have heard your commands, and will reverently proceed [to the covenant]. Let it be early or late as you please."
'Shuh-heang said, "There is disaffection among the princes. We must show our numbers." [Accordingly], in the 8th month, on Sin-we, [Tsin] reviewed its troops, raising up their [small] flags without the banners; but [next day], Jin-shin, the banners were again attached, and the States were afraid of them.
'The people of Choo and Keu made a complaint to Tsin, saying, "Morning and night Loo keeps invading us, and we are nearly ruined, That we cannot pay our contributions is caused by Loo." The marquis of Tsin would not see the duke, and sent Shuh-heang to decline his presence at the meeting, saying,"The States are going to make a covenant on Keah-seuh; but my ruler knows that he cannot serve your lordship;—and prays your lordship not to trouble yourself" Tsze-fuh Hwuy-pih replied, "Your ruler believes the accusations of those Man and E, and cuts off his communications with a brother State, casting from him the descendants of the duke of Chow. Such is his pleasure. Our ruler has heard your order." Shuh-heang said, "Our ruler has here 4000 chariots of war. Although he were acting contrary to right, it would be necessary to fear him; but when he is acting in accordance with what is right, who can prove his opponent? An ox may be meagre; but if it fall upon a pig, would you not fear the pig would die? Can you forget your troubles with Nan K'wae and Tszechung? If we lead on the multitudes of Tsin, using also the forces of the other States, and taking advantage of the anger against you of Choo, Keu, K'e, and Tsăng; if we come thus to punish Loo for its offences, with the opportunity afforded by those two spirits of trouble:— what can we seek that we shall not get?"
'The people of Loo were frightened by these threats and accepted Tsin's commands. On Keah-seuh the States made a covenant together in P'ing-k'ew;—together, as Ts'e had submitted.
'Orders were given that the princes should repair to the cleared space [in front of the altar] at mid-day; and on Kwei-yew, when they retired from the court [of Tsin], Tsze-ch'an commanded the servants, who had attended them on the journey, to pitch the tents [of Ch'ing] there. Tsze-t'ae-shuh, however, stopped them, and told them to wait till the next day. In the evening, Tsze-ch'an, hearing that the tents were not yet pitched, made the servants go immediately to do it; but by this time there was no space left for them. When they came to make the covenant, Tsze-ch'an disputed about the amount of the contributions required [from Ch'ing], saying, "Formerly, the sons of Heaven regulated the amount of the contributions according to the rank of the States. Where the rank was high, the contribution was heavy;—this is the rule of Chow. [Only] from the teen tenure, was a heavy contribution required, where the rank was low. Ch'ing ranks as [the territory of] an earl or a baron, and yet its contribution is on the scale of that of a duke or a marquis. I am afraid we cannot render it, and venture to make a matter of request concerning it. The States have agreed to abstain from wars, and to make the cultivation of friendly relations their business, but the commands of your messengers come to us every mouth. There is no regular rule for our contributions; and when our small State fails [in rendering what is required], it is held to be an offender. The object of the princes in making covenants is to preserve the small States. When our contributions and offerings have no limit set to them, we have only to wait till our ruin comes. The rule for our preservation or ruin must be made to day." The contention was continued from mid-day till dusk, when Tsin at last gave way.
'After the covenant, Tsze-t'ae-shuh blamed Tsze-ch'an, saying, "If the States had [determined to] punish us, was it right to take such a liberty [with Tsin]?" Tsze-ch'an replied, "The government of Tsin is in the hands of many families. They have no leisure, with their differences and extravagances, to punish [any other State]. If a State do not show itself strong, it will be insulted, and no longer be fit to be a State."
Par. 7. Here and elsewhere Kung-yang has ? ? for ? ?. The Chuen says:—"The duke did not take part in the covenant, and the people of Tsin seized Ke-sun E-joo, and confined him in a tent, with some Teih to guard it. Shih, the herald, carrying some flowered silks in his bosom, and having a vessel with ice to drink in his hand, crawled to the tent. The guards stopped him, but he gave them the silks, and entered. The people of Tsin then took P'ing-tsze back with them, Tsze-pih Tseaou (Hwuy-pih) going in attendance on him.'
[The Chuen appends here:—'When Tszech'an was returning [from the meeting], before he got to Ch'ing, he heard that Tsze-p'e was dead. He wept and cried, "There is an end of me! There is none [now] to help me in doing good. It was only he who knew me." Chungne said, "On this occasion Tsze-ch'an proved himself fit to be the foundation of his State. The ode (She, II. ii. ode VII. 1) says,
"Objects of complacency are these gentlemen, The foundation of my State."
Tsze-ch'an was a superior man whom one could desire as the object of his complacency." He also said, "When the States were assembled, to adjust the business of their contributions was according to rule."]
Par. 8. [The Chuen appends here:—'The people of Seen-yu, having heard that all the forces of Tsin had been raised [to go to P'ingk'ew], ceased all care of their borders, and took no other precautions. On this, Seun-woo of Tsin proceeded with the 1st army from Chooyung, and made an incursion into their territory; and when he had reached Chung-jin he made a rush upon them, took great spoil, and returned.']
Par. 9. The Chuen says:—'When Ts'oo extinguished Ts'ae, king Ling removed Heu, Hoo, Shin, Taou, Fang, and Shin within the boundaries of King (= Ts'oo). On the accession of king P'ing, when he re-instated Ch'in and Ts'ae, he restored all these other States:—which was proper. Leu, son of the eldest son Yin, returned to Ts'ae:—which was proper; and Woo, son of the eldest son Taou, returned to Ch'in:—which was proper.'
The eldest son of the last marquis of Ts'ae, whose name was Yew and who is called in this Chuen by his posthumous title, was sacrificed by Ts'oo, as related in xi. 9. His son Leu had since then remained in Ts'oo. Woo was the son of Yen-sze, the heir-prince of Ch'in, whose murder is related in viii. 1. He also had been kept in Ts'oo. But why the two princes should appear in the text, as if they had all along been the marquises of their States, does not immediately appear. Taken in connection with there being no mention of their restoration by the new king of Ts'oo, there is some ground for believing that Confucius wished, so far as it was possible, to ignore all the proceedings of Ts'oo in regard to Ts'ae and Ch'in. This cannot be argued, however, from the omission of ? before ?, as there had been no previous mention of Leu and Woo, as retiring from their States.
Par. 10. Tso-she observes that this burial of duke Ling was 'proper.' Thirty months had elapsed since he was put to death by king Ling of Ts'oo (See xi. 2). We are not to suppose that his body had been all that time unburied. It had probably been put into a grave without any honour; and now on the revival of the State, it was taken from that, and re-buried with the appropriate rites.
Par. 11. The duke was, probably, going to Tsin to make his peace with that State, and to try to get the liberation of Ke-sun E-joo. The Chuen says:—'The duke was going to Tsin, but Seun Woo, said to Han Seuen-tsze, "The princes visit at each other's courts to speak about [and confirm] the old friendship existing between them. As we are holding his minister a prisoner, though we receive the ruler at our court, there is no friendship between us. We had better decline his visit." Accordingly, Sze King-pih was sent to the Ho to stop the duke's further progress.'
Par. 12. Chow-lae;—see on VIII. vii. 7. Its position is there given as a city of Ts'oo. From the term 'extinguished' here, however, we must suppose that it had originally been the centre of a small State of whose chiefs we know nothing, and that, though it had been incorporated with Ts'oo, they had been allowed to continue the sacrifices of their House.
The Chuen says:—'When Woo extinguished Chow-lae, the chief minister [of Ts'oo], Tsze-k'e, asked leave to invade Woo. The king, however, refused it, saying, "I have not yet soothed [the minds of] the people and the officers, nor done service to the Spirits, nor completed our defences and other preparations, nor fully established [my possession of] the State. If I were to use the strength of the people [before these things have been done], and suffered defeat, repentance would come too late. Chow-lae's being in Woo is the same as its being in Ts'oo; you have only to wait a while."
[We have here a narrative about the liberation of Ke-sun E-joo from Tsin:—'Ke-sun being still detained in Tsin, Tsze-fuh Hwuy-pih said privately to Chung-hang Muh-tsze, "In what respect has Loo failed to serve Tsin as well as those small States of the E? [The princes of] Loo [and yours] are brothers. Its territory is still large, and it can provide what you command. If on account of the E you cast it away, and make it serve Ts'e or Ts'oo, what good will that do to Tsin? Kindness to relatives, the cultivation of the great, rewarding contributors, and punishing those who do not contribute;—these are the duties of the presidency of covenants. Do you consider the case. There is the common saying, 'One subject may have two lords.' Have we no [other] great State [but Tsin]?" Muhtsze told this to Han Seuen-tsze, adding, "When Ts'oo extinguished Ch'in and Ts'ae, we were not able to save those States; and now in behalf of the E we have seized this relative [of our ruler]:— of what use was it to do this?" They wished accordingly to restore Ke-sun, but Hwuy-pih said, "Our ruler is ignorant of his offence; and yet, at the assembly of the States, you seized his minister. If he still be chargeable with any offence, it is competent for you to command his death. If you say that he has no offence, and that you kindly let him go, the States not having heard of it, he will appear to be making his escape from your commands. There is no letting him go in this case; I beg to act in accordance with your ruler's kindness, [declared] at a meeting." Seuen-tsze was perplexed by this, and said to Shuh-heang, "Can you get Ke-sun to return to Loo?" He replied, "No; but Foo can." Accordingly, they sent Shuh-yu, who went and saw Ke-sun, and said to him, "Formerly, I was an offender in Tsin, and betook myself to the ruler of Loo (In connection with the affairs of Lwan Ying in Seang's 21st year). But for the help of [your grand-father] Woo-tsze, I should not have come to my present position. Although I might have got my bones restored to Tsin, the case is as if you had put the flesh on them. Must I not tell you the truth? You have been asked to return, and you will not return. I have heard from the officers that the ground is to be prepared for a lodging for you on the west of the Ho." This story he followed up with tears. P'ing-tsze was afraid and returned to Loo before Hwuypih, who waited for the proper forms [of dismissal].']
XIV. Fourteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] fourteenth year, in spring, E-joo arrived from Tsin.
2 In the third month, T'ăng, earl of Ts'aou, died.
3 It was summer, the fourth month.
4 In autumn, there was the burial of duke Woo of Ts'aou.
5 In the eighth month, K'eu-tsih, viscount of Keu, died.
6 In winter, Keu put to death the Kung-tsze, E-k'wei.
Par. 1. Tso says that the style of this par., where the name only is given, and not the clanname, is expressive of honour to Tsin and of Loo's depreciation of itself; and he adds that this was according to propriety. But this criticism may be called in question. The ? indicating the announcement of the minister's return in the ancestral temple of the State, shows that that return was a subject on which Loo congratulated itself; but we need not cast about for any explanation of the omission of the clan-name. The K'ang-he editors themselves refer with approbation to the view of Sun Fuh (? ?):— '[Only] when a great officer had been seized, was his arrival recorded. In that record he must be named. The clan-name is not given, because it had been previously mentioned (I. e, in Par. 7 of last year).'
[A narrative here gives the end of Nan K'wae's revolt (See xii. 8):—'When Nan K'wae was about to revolt, he bound the people of Pe by a covenant. Sze-t'oo Laou-k'e and Loo Kwei, pretending that they had been taken ill, sent to beg of Nan K'wae, saying, "Your servants wished to take the covenant, but we have become ill. If by your influence we do not die, we ask that we may take it when we are somewhat better." K'wae agreed; and [by and by], taking advantage of the wish of the people to revolt [from him], they asked him to call the multitude together that they might receive the covenant. They then seized him, and said to him, "His servants have not forgotten their [proper] lord; but [yet] we have listened to your commands. If you do not take speedy measures [for your own safety], the people of Pe cannot endure [to be separated from] their lord, and will not be able to stand in awe of you. Allow us to escort you to any place whatever that you wish to go to." K'wae begged a delay of 5 days, and then he fled to Ts'e. When he was standing by and drinking with duke King, the duke called him by the name of "Revolter." "I wished," he replied, "to increase the power of the ducal House." Tsze-han Seih said, "There could not be a greater crime than for you, the minister of a Family [merely], to wish to increase the authority of the ducal House." Sze-t'oo Laou-k'e and Loo Kwei came and returned Pe [to Loo], and the marquis of Ts'e also sent Paou Wăn-tsze to surrender [his claim to] it.']
Par. 3. [There is appended here an account of the procedures of king P'ing in T'soo:— 'In summer, the viscount of Ts'oo sent Jen Tan to inspect the military forces of the upper part of the State in Tsung-k'ew, and at the same time to comfort the people, giving assistance to the poor and relief to the distressed; nurturing orphans and the young; nourishing the old and the sick; getting hold of the promising; helping sufferers from calamity; remitting the taxes of orphans and widows; pardoning [certain classes of] offenders; making strict inquiry after the perverse and bad; lifting up those whose way was obstructed; showing courtesy to new comers, and giving facilities to old residents; rewarding merit, and bringing relatives together; giving employment to the virtuous, and using officers according to their ability. He also sent K'euh P'e to inspect the forces of the east of the State at Shaou-ling, and to take there the same methods. They were to maintain peace on the borders, so that when the people had rested, they might be employed on military services. All this was proper.']
Par. 5 The Chuen says;—'In autumn, in the 8th month, duke Choo-k'ew of Keu died, and [his son], duke Keaon showed no grief, [in consequence of which] the people were not willing to obey him, and wished to raise Kăng-yu, the younger brother of Choo-k'ew, to the State. Poo-yu How hated the Kung-tsze E-k'wei, and was friendly with Kăng-yu. Duke Keaou hated the Kung-tsze Toh, and was on good terms with E-k'wei. The Kung-tsze Toh formed an alliance with Poo-yu How, and concerted a plan with him, saying, "If you will kill Ek'wei, I will drive our ruler out, and we can then make Kăng-yu ruler." How agreed to this.'
The death of the viscount of Keu is recorded here, it having been, we must suppose, officially notified to Loo. We have no subsequent entry however, of his burial, probably because Loo, smarting under the indignities which it had received through Keu from Tsin, would not send an officer to attend it. [There is here appended a short narrative about Ts'oo:—'Tszek'e, chief minister of Ts'oo, had been of great service to the king, and knew not how to keep himself within rule. He formed a friendship with the Head of the Yang family, and was insatiable in his desires. The king was vexed about it; and in the 9th month, on Keah-woo, he put Tow Ch'ing-jen to death, and extinguished the branches of the Yang family. He made Tow Sin (Son of Ch'ing-jen), however, reside in Yun, to show that he did not forget the old services [of his family].]
Par. 6. The Chuen says:—'In winter, in the 12th month, Poo-yu How (See on par. 5) and Tsze Foo killed the Kung-tsze E-k'wei of Keu, on which duke Keaou fled to Ts'e. The Kungtsze Toh met Kăng-yu in Ts'e, from which he was escorted by Seih Tang and the Kung-tsze Ts'oo of that State, Ts'e being promised a bribe of lands.'
The ? in the text ='its,' but that word would be awkward in English before ? ?. E-k'wei was, I suppose, a brother of duke Keaou; and we might translate, —'Keu put to death Ek'wei, the brother of its ruler.' We should have thought that it would have been more appropriate to intimate in the text the flight of duke Keaou. Keu being a small State, we never read in the classic of its 'great officers,' else the paragraph would have run ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ?. Comp. IX. xix. 10, 11; et al.
[We have a narrative here of affairs in Tsin: —'Hing-how of Tsin (The son of Woo-shin of Ts'oo; see the 1st narrative after VIII. ii. 6, et al.) and Yung-tsze (Also a refugee from Ts'oo; see the 2d narr. after IX. xxvi. 7) had a dispute about some lands of Ch'uh, which continued after a long time unsettled. When Sze King-pih went to Ts'oo, Shuh-yu was charged for the time with the administration of his duties, and Han Seuen-tsze ordered him to settle this old litigation. Yung-tsze was in the wrong, but he presented his daughter as a gift to Shuhyu, who thereon decided that Hing-how was in the wrong; and he, enraged, killed both Shuhyu and Yung-tsze in the court. Seuen-tsze consulted Shuh-heang about this crime, and was answered, "The three were all equally guilty. You must put him who is alive to death, and expose his body, and you must [further] disgrace the [two that are] dead. Yung-tsze knew that he was wrong, and gave a bribe to buy a verdict in his favour; Foo sold his judgment in the dispute; and Hing-how took it on him to kill them. Their crimes were equally heinous. To try to make himself right when he was wrong was an instance of moral blindness; through covetousness to defeat the end of his office was an instance of black impurity; to put men to death without fear [of the law] was the act of a ruffian. One of the Books of Hea says, 'The morally blind, the blackly impure, and ruffians, are to be put to death." Such was the punishment appointed by Kaou-yaou. I beg you to follow it." Accordingly Hing-how was put to death, and his body exposed, and the corpses of Yung-tsze and Shuh-yu were [also] exposed, in the market place.
Chung-ne said, "The justice of Shuh-heang was that which was transmitted from antiquity. In the government of the State, and determining the punishment [for an assigned crime], he concealed nothing in the case of his own relative. Thrice he declared the wickedness of Shuh-yu without making any abatement. Whether we may say that he was righteous [is doubtful], but he may be pronounced to have been straightforward. At the meeting of P'ing-k'ew, he declared his [brother's] craving for bribes:— this was to give relief to Wei, and save Tsin from the practice of cruelty. In getting Kesun to return to Loo, he declared his [brother's] deceit:—this was to relieve Loo, and save Tsin from the exercise of oppression. In this legal action of Hing-how, he mentioned his [brother's] covetousness:—this was to keep the records of punishment correct, and save Tsin from partiality. By his three declarations he took away three evils, and secured three advantages. He put his brother to death and increased [his own] glory;—but this has the semblance of righteousness [only]."]
XV. Fifteenth year.
1In the [duke's] fifteenth year, in spring, in the king's first month, E-mei, viscount of Woo, died.
2 In the second month, on Kwei-yew, there was a sacrifice in the temple of duke Woo, when Shuh Kung died as the flute-players were entering. The musicians were [consequently] sent away, and the sacrifice was finished [without them].
3 In summer, Chaou Woo of Ts'ae fled from that State to Ch'ing.
4 In the 6th month, on Ting-sze, the first day of the moon, the sun was eclipsed.
5 In autumn, Seun Woo of Tsin led a force and invaded Seen-yu.
6 In winter, the duke went to Tsin.
Par. 1. Kung-yang makes the name of the viscount of Woo ? ?.
Par. 2. ? ?, we saw on VII. viii. 3, denotes the celebration of a sacrifice; and the Chuen says expressly that Loo now celebrated a te(?) sacrifice. It could not be 'the great te sacrifice,' however, for that was performed in the grand temple; nor could it be a repetition of 'the fortunate te (? ?),' for that would have fallen on the previous year. We must suppose this was a special te (? ?), celebrated, probably, in contemplation of some military enterprise. See the account of the erection of the temple of duke Woo on VIII. vi. 2. The paragraph has its place in the classic not because of any thing peculiar in the sacrifice, but because of the death of Shuh Kung at it, and the consequent action taken. Comp. VII. viii. 3, 4.
The Chuen says:—'[The duke] being about to offer a te sacrifice in the temple of duke Woo, orders had been given to all the officers to fast [in preparation for it]. Tsze Shin said, "I fear some misfortune will happen on the day of the sacrifice, for I have seen a red and black halo inauspicious for it; it is a vapour of death. Will it take effect on the officer in charge of the business?" In the 2d month, on Kwei-yew, the sacrifice was being performed, with Shuh Kung as manager, when he died as the fluteplayers were entering. The musicians were then all sent away, and the business was concluded [without them]:—which was according to rule.'
At the sacrifice mentioned in VII. viii. 3, only the civil dancers put away their flutes, but on this occasion all the music used at the service was stilled. The death of Shuh Kung happening at it, and while he was engaged in the superintendence of it, was a more striking event than that of Suy, which took place at a distance. It was not deemed proper, however, to suspend the sacrifice altogether.
Par. 3. For ? Kung-yang has ?, and he leaves out the ?. The part which Chaou Woo played in the revolution which seated king P'ing in Ts'oo appears in the narrative on xiii. 2. He had been a faithful minister of Ts'ae.
The Chuen says:—'Fei Woo-keih of Ts'oo felt hurt at Chaou Woo's being in Ts'ae, and resolved to remove him. He accordingly said to him, "In you only does the king repose confidence, and he has therefore placed you in Ts'ae. You are also grown up, and it is a disgrace that you should be in an inferior position. You must seek a higher one, and I will assist you in preferring your request." At the same time he spoke to the men who were above him, saying, "The king reposes confidence only in Chaou Woo, and has therefore placed him in Ts'ae. You are not deemed equal to him;— will you not find it hard to be above him? If you do not take early measures for your safety, you will find yourselves in difficulties." [In consequence of this], in summer they drove Chaou Woo from Ts'ae, when he fled to Ch'ing. The king was angry, and said, "It is only in Woo that I have confidence, and therefore I placed him in Ts'ae. But for him, moreover, I should not have reached my present position. Why have you sent him away?" Woo-keih replied, "Do not I wish Woo [well]? But I knew before what a different man he is from others. With him in Ts'ae, it would be sure soon to take wings and fly. The removal of Woo was the way to clip its wings."
Par. 4. This eclipse took place on the 10th of April, B.C. 526, and was visible in the forenoon.
[There are appended here the following notices:—'In the 6th month, on Yih-ch'ow, Show, the eldest son of the king, died. In autumn, in the 8th month, on Mow-yin, the queen Muh died.']
Par. 5. The Chuen says:—'When he invaded Seen-yu, Seun Woo laid siege to Koo. Some of the inhabitants offered to revolt to him and surrender the city, but he (Muh-tsze in the Chuen was Woo's designation. He often appears as Chung-hang Muh-tsze) declined the proposal. The people about him said, "Since you could [in this way] get possession of the city without any toilsome efforts of the army, why do you not adopt it?" He replied, "I have heard from Shuh-heang that, when the likings and dislikings [of superiors] are all correct, the people know to whom to commit themselves, and their affairs are all successful. If any one were to revolt with a city of ours, I should hate him extremely; when other people come to revolt with their city to us, why should I show a liking for them? If I rewarded them whom I should be hating extremely, what should I do in the case of those whom I loved? And if I did not reward them, it would be a breach of faith. How should I thus protect the people? [My way is] to advance when I am able, and to retire when my strength fails, acting on the calculation of my resources. I must not from any wish to get possession of the city have dealings with traitors. What I should lose [thereby] would be much greater [than my gain]." [He then informed] the people of Koo that they might kill those who proposed to revolt, and put their defences in good order.
'When he had invested Koo 3 months, some of the officers in it proposed to surrender it, and sent a party of the people to see Woo; but he said to them, "You still look as if you had plenty of food. Repair your walls for the present." The officers of the army said to him, "When you might get the city, you do not take it, making the people toil and continuing the troops here. In what way do you thus serve our ruler?" He replied, "I act thus to serve our ruler. If I took the city, and thereby taught the people to be indifferent to their duty, of what use would the city be? Than to pay the price of that indifference for the city it is better that they should maintain it in their old allegiance. If you trade with that indifference, there will be no success in the end; it is inauspicious to abandon old allegiance. When the people of Koo are able to serve their ruler, our people will also be able to serve theirs. By following the course of righteousness without swerving from it, being correct in my likings and dislikings, I shall get the city, and the people will know in what righteousness consists; they will be prepared to die without any wavering in their allegiance:—is not that desirable?"
'When the people of Koo announced that their provisions and other resources were exhausted, then he took the city. When he returned from its reduction, he had not put a single man to death. He took Yuen-te, viscount of Koo, back with him to Tsin.'
Par. 6. Tso says this visit was on account of the meeting of P'ing-k'ew, meaning, acc. to Too, that it was to thank Tsin for the liberation of E-joo. We may suppose it was with a less worthy object,—to get to be on fair terms with Tsin at any price.
[We have a narrative here of the royal court and an envoy of Tsin:—'In the 12th month, Seun Leih of Tsin went to Chow to the funeral of queen Muh, Tseih T'an being the assistantcommissioner. When the funeral was over, and the king had put off his mourning, he invited [Wăn-pih] (Seun Leih) to a feast, at which the spirits were served from a tankard presented by Loo. The king said [to his guest], "Elder Sir, the States, with the single exception of Tsin, have all [sent offerings] to comfort the royal House; —how is this?" Wăn-pih motioned to Tseih T'an, who thereupon replied, "At the establishment of the States, all [the rest] received brilliant articles from the royal House for the protection and comfort of their altars, so that they are able to present valuable gifts to the king. But the royal beneficence did not extend to Tsin, placed among high hills, in the neighbourhood of the Jung and the Teih, and far away from the royal House. It has hardly had time to repay its obligations to the Jung; how should it have presented such articles [to the court]?" "Have you forgotten, younger Sir?" said the king. "Our uncle T'ang-shuh (First lord of Tsin) was own brother to king Ch'ing; was it likely that he should not share [in the royal presents]? There were the drum and the great chariot of Meih-seu, which [king] Wăn used at his grand reviews; and the cuirass of Keueh-kung in which [king] Woo subdued Shang:—T'ang-shuh received them, to occupy the tract corresponding to Ts'an [in the heavens], and to subdue to himself the Jung and the Teih. Afterwards, there were the two chariots of [king] Seang, the axes large and small, the flavoured spirits of black millet, the red bow and a party of life-guards:—duke Wăn received these (See the Chuen on V. xxviii. 8), that he might hold the lands of Nanyang, and [according to circumstances] either comfort or punish the eastern States of the kingdom. Now when the services [of Tsin] were [thus] not left without acknowledgment, when its merits were recorded, when it was invested with territory, gratified with valuable articles, distinguished with chariots and robes, and made illustrious with banners, so that the descendants [of its princes] could not forget [the royal favours], this is what may be pronounced blessing. If blessing and bounty have not lighted on [the State of] our uncle [T'ang-shuh], on whom have they done so? Moreover, your ancestor Sun Pih-yen had charge of the archives of Tsin, and was consulted on the great matters of the government, in consequence of which he got the clan-name of Tseih. When the two sons of Sinyew, the Tungs, went to Tsin, that State had [also] the historiographers of that surname. You are the descendant of the superintendent of the archives;—how is it that you are so forgetful of these matters?" Tseih T'an could not reply; and when his guests went out, the king said, "Mr. Tseih will not, we may anticipate, leave any posterity. He must have numbered the archives, and yet he has forgotten [the work of] his ancestors!"
'When Tseih T'an returned [to Tsin], he told all this to Shuh-heang, who said, 'The king will, probably, not complete his years. I have heard that a man is sure to die of that in which he delights. Now the king seeks pleasure in the midst of his grief. If he die [in the midst] of grief, it cannot be said that he has completed his years. In one year, he has had two deaths for each of which he should have mourned 3 years. At such a time to feast with the guests at his mourning, and to be further asking for gifts of valuable articles, shows excessively what he delights in in the midst of his grief. And moreover such conduct is contrary to the rules of propriety. Gifts of valuable articles are presented [by the States] on occasions of extraordinary merit, and not on occasions of mourning. When a death that should be mourned for 3 years has occurred, even the noblest should, according to rule, complete the mourning for it. If the son of Heaven should not complete that, yet to feast and seek pleasure at an early period must be pronounced contrary to propriety. The rules of propriety are the king's great canons. On one occasion to neglect two of them shows that he has no great canons. Words serve to make the archives; the archives serve to record the canons. Forgetting the canons, and making a flourish of words, what use does his reference to the archives serve?"]
XVI. Sixteenth year.
1 In the [duke's] sixteenth year, in spring, the marquis of Ts'e invaded Seu.
2 The viscount of Ts'oo inveigled the viscount of the Manjung [into his power], and put him to death.
3 In summer, the duke arrived from Tsin.
4 In autumn, in the eighth month, on Ke-hae, E, marquis of Tsin, died.
5 In the ninth month, we had a great sacrifice for rain.
6 Ke-sun E-joo went to Tsin.
7 In winter, in the twelfth month, there was the burial of duke Ch'aou of Tsin.
[The Chuen has here a note about the duke's remaining in Tsin over the new year:—'This spring, the duke was detained there by the people of Tsin. The text does not mention it, concealing [the disgrace].'
Par. 1. The marquis of Ts'e, aware of the decay of Tsin, was now scheming to revive the old presidency of his State, and make himself another duke Hwan. During the time of Hwan, Seu had taken the side of the northern States. After his time it came under the power of Ts'oo, and we have nothing about it in the text in all the years of Seuen, Ch'ing, and Seang. Soon after the accession of Ch'aou, it became an object of suspicion to Ts'oo, as being inclined to side against it with Woo; and the marquis of Ts'e now took advantage of the disorders of Ts'oo to try and secure its adherence to himself. But he was not another Hwan, and Ts'e's time had gone by.
The Chuen says:—'The marquis of Ts'e invaded Seu. In the 2d month, on Ping-shin, his army arrived at Poo-suy, when the people of Seu made their submission, and the viscount, with officers of T'an and Keu, had a meeting in that place, and made a covenant with the marquis, who received, as a bribe the tripod of Keahfoo. Shuh-sun Ch'aou-tsze said, "Alas for the [small States] that there is now no leader among the princes! The ruler of Ts'e, devoid of principle, raises an army and invades a distant region. He assembles a conference, is successful, and returns;—no one resisting him. Such is the consequence of there being no leader! To this state of things may be applied the words of the ode (She II. iv., ode X. 2),
'The honoured House of Chow is [nearly] extinguished; There is none to put an end to the disorders. The Heads of the officers have left their places. And none know my toil.'" Par. 2. For ? Kung-yang has ?. In the Chuen on VIII. vi. 4. we read of the Man-she. They were a tribe of the Jung, whose principal town or city was in the south-west of the pres. Joo Chow (? ?), in Ho-nan.
The Chuen says:—'The viscount of Ts'oo, having heard that the Man-she were all in disorder, and that their viscount Kea had no good faith, made Jen Tan inveigle him [into his power], and put him to death. He then took [the territory of] the Man-she, but he proceeded to appoint Kea's son in his place:—which was proper.' Against this concluding decision of Tso the K'ang-he editors strongly protest;— considering all the circumstances of the case.
[We have here three narratives connected with Han Seuen-tsze of Tsin in Ch'ing:—
1st. 'In the 3d month, Han K'e of Tsin went on a complimentary visit to Ch'ing, when the earl gave him an entertainment. Tsze-ch'an had warned [the v