1 [It was his] first year, the spring, the king's first month.

2 In the third month, the duke and Efoo of Choo made a covenant in Meeh.

3 In summer, in the fifth month, the earl of Ch'ing overcame Twan in Yen.

4 In autumn, in the seventh month, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the [sub] administrator Heuen with a present of [two] carriages and their horses for the funerals of duke Hwuy and [his wife] Chung Tsze.

5 In the ninth month, [the duke] and an officer of Sung made a covenant in Suh.

6 In winter, in the twelfth month, the earl of Chae came [to Loo].

7 Kungtsze Yihsze died.

Title of the Work.—春秋，附左傳 'The Spring and Autumn; with the Tso Chuen.' 'Spring and Autumn' is equivalent to 'Annals, digested under the four seasons of every year,' only two seasons being given for the sake of brevity. The subject of the name is fully discussed in the Prolegomena, ch. I. I have printed all the text of Tso K'ewming, immediately after the year of the Classic to which it belongs. Where his remarks are simply comments on the text, I have embodied them with my own notes. His narratives, however, are all translated entire, and the additional narratives which he gives, not belonging to events referred to in the text, and indicated by a (?), are included in the notes, within brackets. Title of the Book.— 隱公, 'Duke Yin.' Of the 12 dukes of Loo, whose years are chronicled in the Ch'un Ts'ew, Yin is the first, his rule extending from B.C. 721—711. From the establishment of Pihk'in, son of the famous duke of Chow, as marquis of Loo, in B.C. 1,114, there had been 13 chiefs. Yin's father and predecessor, duke Hwuy (惠公), married first a daughter of the House of Sung (孟子); and on her death he supplied her place with Shing Tsze (聲子), one of her relatives who had followed her from Sung to the harem of Loo. This lady was the mother of Yin; but duke Hwuy by and by took as a second wife the daughter of the duke Woo (武) of Sung, called 仲子 . Acc. to Tsoshe, she had been born with some remarkable lines on one of her hands, which were read as meaning that she would become marchioness of Loo. By her Hwuy had a son of higher dignity than Yin, in consequence of the superior position of his mother, and who afterwards made himself duke Hwan. This child being too young to take charge of the State on his father's death, was set aside in favour of Yin, who, however, only considered himself as occupying in room of his younger brother till the latter should come of age. Yin's name was Seihkoo (息故), Yin being the honorary or sacrificial title conferred after his death, and meaning,—'Sorrowfully swept away, unsuccessful (隱拂不成).' Loo was only a marquisate. Its chiefs were not dukes. Throughout the Ch'un Ts'ew, however, we find the chiefs even of the smaller States all dignified with the title of 'duke' after their death. Maou K'eling ingeniously explains this as an instance of the style of the 'historiographers,' referring to the commencing words in 'The Speech at Pe' (Shoo V. xxix.) —公曰, whereas, in the Preface to the Shoo, par. 66, instead of 公, we read 魯侯, 'the marquis of Loo.' The confusion which is caused, however, by the practice, in the narratives of Tso K'ewming is very great, as he uses now the name with the title of rank, and now the honorary name and title of duke, with the most entire indifference. Yin's 1st year synchronized with the 49th of king P'ing (平王); the 9th year of He of Ts'e (齊僖公); the 2d of Goh of Tsin (晉鄂侯) ; the 11th of Chwang of K'euhyuh (曲沃莊伯); the 13th of Hwan of Wei (衛桓公); the 28th of Seuen of Ts'ae (蔡宣公) ; the 22d of Chwang of Ch'ing (鄭莊公) ; the 35th of Hwan of Ts'aou (曹桓公); the 23d of Hwan of Ch'in (陳桓公); the 29th of Woo of Ke (杞武公); the 7th of Muh of Sung (宋穆公); the 44th of Wan of Ts'in (楚文公); and the 19th of Woo of Ts'oo (楚武王). Par. 1. This paragraph, it will be seen, is incomplete, the adjunct merely of a 公即位, which is found at the beginning of nearly every other book. The reason of the incompleteness will be considered below. 元年, —'the 1st year.' The Urhya explains 元 by 始 'the beginning,' 'first,' and Kungyang makes the phrase simply 君之始年 , 'the prince's 1st year.' Too Yu tries to find a deeper meaning in the phrase, saying that the 1st year of a rule stands to all the following years in the relation of the original chaos to the subsequent kosmos, and is therefore called yuen, to intimate to rulers that from the first moment of their sway they are to advance in the path of order and right. This consideration explains also, he thinks, the use of 正月, 'the right month,' for 'the 1st month (凡人君即位，欲其體元以居正， 故不言一年一月也).' The Urhya, however, gives 正 as 長, 'the most elevated,' 'the senior.' But in the denomination of the 1st month as 'the right or correct month,' we must acknowledge a recognition of what are called 'the three ching (三正),'—the three different months, with which the dynasties of Hea, Shang, and Chow commenced the year. Hea began the year with the 1st month of spring; Shang, a month, and Chow, 2 months earlier. It became so much a rule for the beginning of the year to be changed by every new dynasty, that Ts'in made its first month commence a lunation before that of Chow. To a remark of Confucius, Ana. XV. x., we are indebted for the disuse of this foolish custom, so that all dynasties have since used 'the seasons of Hea.'—After all, there remains the question why the first month of the year should be called ching (正). 王正月,—'the king's first month.' The 'king' here can hardly be any other than P'ing, the king of Chow for the time then being, as Too Yu says;—and in this style does the account of very many of the years of the Ch'un Ts'ew begin, as if to do homage to the supremacy of the reigning House. Kungyang makes the king to be Wan; but though he was the founder of the Chow dynasty, the commencement of the year was not yet changed in his time. The remaining character in this par. occasions the foreign student considerable perplexity. The commencement of the year was really in the 2d month of winter, and yet it is here said to have been in the spring.—春王正月. We have spring when it really was not spring. It must be kept in mind that the usual names for the seasons—春夏秋冬, only denote in the Ch'un Ts'ew the four quarters of the Chow year, beginning with the 2d month of winter. It was, no doubt, a perception of the inconvenience of such a calendar which made Confucius, loyal as he was to the dynasty of Chow, say that he preferred that of Hea to it. Strange as it is to read of spring, when the time is really winter, and of winter when the season is still autumn, it will appear, as we go on, that such is really the style of the Ch'un Ts'ew. Maou, fully admitting all this, yet contends for a strange interpretation of the text, in which he joins 春 and王 together, making the phrase to stand for the kings of Chow,—'Spring kings,' who reigned by the virtue of wood, the first of the five elements (五行之首). He presses, in support of this view, the words of Tsoshe on this paragraph, —元年春王周正月, which show, he says, that Tsoshe joined 春 with 王, as he himself would do; but Tsoshe's language need not be so construed, and 春 evidently stands by itself, just as the names of the other seasons do. We come now to the incompleteness of the par., already pointed out. According to the analogy of the style in the first years of other dukes, it should be stated that in his 1st year and the 1st month of it, the duke took the place (即位) of his predecessor. According to the rule of Chow, on the death of a sovereign—and all the princes were little kings in their several States —his successor, acknowledged to be such as the chief mourner on the occasion and taking the direction of the proper ceremonies for the departed, 'ascended the throne by the bier.' There is an interesting account of such an accession in the Shoo, V. xxii. The thing was done so hurriedly because 'the State could not be a single day without a sovereign (國家不可一日無君)— ,' or because, as we phrase it, 'the king never dies.' What remained of the year, however, was held to belong to the reign of the deceased king, and the new reign began with the beginning of the next year, when there was a more public 'taking of the place,' though I do not know that we have any account of the ceremonies which were then performed. The first 'placetaking' was equivalent to our 'accession;' the second, to our 'coronation.' The proper explanation, therefore, of the incompleteness of the paragraph is that Yin omitted the ordinary 'placetaking' ceremonies, and of course there could be no record of them. Perhaps he made the omission, having it in mind to resign ere long in favour of his younger brother (so, Tso. she); but to say that the usual 公即位 was here omitted by Confucius, either to show his approval or disapproval of Yin, as Kuhleang does, followed by Hoo Gankwoh (胡安國), A.D. 1,074—1,138) and a hundred other commentators, is not to explain the text, but to perplex the reader with vain fancies. Par. 2. There was nothing proper for record in the 1st and 2d months of the year, and we come here to the third month. Choo (we have Choolow, 邾婁, in Kungyang) was a small State, nearly all surrounded by Loo,—the pres. dis. of Tsow (鄒), dep. Yenchow. At this time it was only a Fooyung (附庸), attached to Loo (see Mencius, V. 下, ii. 4.); but in a few years after this its chief was raised to the dignity of viscount (子). The House had the surname of Ts'aou (曹), and had been invested with the territory by king Woo, as being descended from the ancient emperor Chuenheuh. The chief's name, as we learn afterwards from the Ch'un Ts'ew, was K'ih (克); Efoo (父), read in the 2d tone, found appended to many designations, by way of honour) is his designation (字), given to him here, says Tsoshe,' by way of honour,' for which remark there seems to be no ground. Meeh (Kuh and Kung both have 昧, with the same sound) was a place belonging to Loo,—in the pres. dis. of Szeshwuy (泗水), dep. Yenchow. We know nothing of any special object sought by the 'covenanting' here. Tso she merely says that the duke arranged for it to cultivate friendly relations with his neighbour, at the commencement of his temporary administration. 公 heads the record, here and in most other accounts of meetings and covenants on the part of the marquises of Loo with other princes;—an order proper in the historiographers of that State. I can think of no better word for 盟 than 'covenant,' 'to covenant.' On all occasions there was the death of a victim, over which the contracting parties appealed to superior Powers, wishing that, if they violated the terms of their covenant, they might meet with a fate like that of the slain animal. One definition of the term is 誓約, 'an agreement with an oath.' Compare the account of Jacob and Laban's covenant, Genesis, xxxi. The 及 after 公 is to be taken as simply = 與, 'with;' 'and.' Kung, Kuh, and others find recondite meanings in it, which will not bear examination. [Tsoshe, after this paragraph, gives an incident of the 4th month, in summer, that 'the earl of Pe led a force, and walled Lang,' adding that no record of it was made, because it was not done with the duke's order. See the 1st note on 'The speech at Pe' in the Shoo. I have translated the notice according to the view of Ch'in Szek'ae given there; but Tsoshe could not have intended 費伯 to be taken as meaning 'Earl of Pe,' but merely 'Pih (some scion of the House of Loo) of Pe.'] Par. 3. Ch'ing was an earldom which had not been of long duration. In B.C. 805, king Seuen had invested his brother Yew (友) with the lands of ch'ing, in the pres. Hwa Chow (華州), dep. T'ungchow, Shense. Yew's son, Keuehtuh (掘突), known as duke Woo (武公), conquered a territory more to the east,—the country of Kwoh and Kwei (*鄶之地) —and settled in it, calling it 'New Ch'ing;'—the name of which is still retained in the district of Sinch'ing (新鄭), dep. K'aefung, Honan. Woo's son, Wooshang (窹生), known as duke Chwang (莊) and born in B.C. 756, is the earl of this par. Twan was his younger brother. Yen has left its name in the dis. of Yenling (鄢陵). Tsoshe's account of the event in the text is the following:— 'Duke Woo of Ch'ing had married a daughter of the House of Shin, called Woo Keang, who bore duke Chwang and his brother Twan of Kung. Duke Chwang was born as she was waking from sleep [the meaning of the text here is uncertain], which frightened the lady so that she named him Wooshang (= born in waking), and hated him, while she loved Twan, and wished him to be declared his father's heir. Often did she ask this of duke Woo, but he refused it. When duke Chwang came to the earldom, she begged him to confer on Twan the city of Che. "It is too dangerous a place," was the reply. "The Younger of Kwoh died there; but in regard to any other place, you may command me." She then requested King; and there Twan took up his residence, and came to be styled T'aeshuh (=the Great Younger) of King city. Chung of Chae said to the duke, "Any metropolitan city, whose wall is more than 3,000 cubits round, is dangerous to the State. According to the regulations of the former kings, such a city of the 1st order can have its wall only a third as long as that of the capital; one of the 2d order, only a fifth as long; and one of the least order, only a ninth. Now King is not in accordance with these measures and regulations. As ruler, you will not be able to endure Twan in such a place." The duke replied, "It was our mother's wish;—how could I avoid the danger?" "The lady Keang," returned the officer, "is not to be satisfied. You had better take the necessary precautions, and not allow the danger to grow so great that it will be difficult to deal with it. Even grass, when it has grown and spread all about, cannot be removed;—how much less the brother of yourself, and the favoured brother as well!" The duke said, "By his many deeds of unrighteousness he will bring destruction on himself. Do you only wait a while." 'After this, T'aeshuh ordered the places on the western and northern borders of the State to render to himself the same allegiance as they did to the earl. Then Kungtsze Leu said to the duke, "A State cannot sustain the burden of two services;—what will you do now? If you wish to give Ch'ing to T'aeshuh, allow me to serve him as a subject. If you do not mean to give it to him, allow me to put him out of the way, that the minds of the people be not perplexed." "There is no need," the duke replied, "for such a step. His calamity will come of itself." 'T'aeshuh went on to take as his own the places from which he had required their divided contributions, as far as Linyen. Tszefung [the designation of Kungtsze Leu above] said, "Now is the time. With these enlarged resources, he will draw all the people to himself." The duke replied, "They will not cleave to him, so unrighteous as he is. Through his prosperity he will fall the more." 'T'aeshuh wrought at his defences, gathered the people about him, put in order buffcoats and weapons, prepared footmen, and chariots, intending to surprise Ch'ing, while his mother was to open to him from within. The duke heard the time agreed on between them, and said, "Now we can act." So he ordered Tszefung, with two hundred chariots, to attack King. King revolted from T'aeshuh, who then entered Yen, which the duke himself proceeded to attack; and in the 5th month, on the day Sinch'ow, T'aeshuh fled from it to Kung. 'In the words of the text,—"The earl of Ch'ing overcame Twan in Yen," Twan is not called the earl's younger brother, because he did not show himself to be such. They were as two hostile princes, and therefore we have the word "overcame." The duke is styled the earl of Ch'ing simply, to condemn him for his failure to instruct his brother properly. Twan's flight is not mentioned, in the text, because it was difficult to do so, having in mind Ch'ing's wish that Twan might be killed. 'Immediately after these events, duke Chwang placed his mother Keang in Shingying, and swore an oath, saying, "I will not see you again, till I have reached the yellow spring [i.e., till I am dead, and under the yellow earth]." But he repented of this. By and by, Ying K'aoushuh, the borderwarden of the vale of Ying, heard of it, and presented an offering to the duke, who caused food to be placed before him. K'aoushuh put a piece of meat on one side; and when the duke asked the reason, he said, " I have a mother who always shares in what I eat. But she has not eaten of this meat which you, my ruler, have given, and I beg to be allowed to leave this piece for her." The duke said, " You have a mother to give it to. Alas! I alone have none." K'aoushuh asked what the duke meant, who then told him all the circumstances, and how he repented of his oath. "Why should you be distressed about that?" said the officer. " If you dig into the earth to the yellow springs, and then make a subterranean passage, where you can meet each other, who can say that your oath is not fulfilled?' The duke followed this suggestion; and as he entered the passage sang, "This great tunnel, within, With joy doth run." When his mother came out, she sang, "This great tunnel, without, The joy files about." [After this, they were mother and son as before. 'A superior man may say, "Ying K'aoushuh was filial indeed. His love for his mother passed over to and affected duke Chwang. Was there not here an illustration of what is said in the Book of Poetry, "A filial son of piety unfailing, There shall for ever be conferred blessing on you?"' Space would fail me were I to make any remarks on the criticisms interspersed by Tsoshe in this and other narratives, or vindicate the translation of his narratives which I give. The reader will perceive that without the history in the Chuen, the Confucian text would give very little idea of the event which it professes to record; and there are numberless instances, more flagrant still, in the Book. The 君子, who moralizes, is understood to be Tsoshe himself. We have no other instance in the Ch'un Ts'ew of 克 used as in this paragraph. Par. 4. 天王, 'Heaven's king,' or 'king by Heaven's grace,' is of course king P'ing. The sovereign of China, as Heaven's vicegerent over the empire, is styled 天子, 'Heaven's son;' in his relation to the feudal princes as their ruler, he was called (天王), 'Heaven's king.' (仲子) is 'the second Tsze,' i.e., the daughter of the duke of Sung, who became the 2d wife of duke Hwuy as mentioned in the note on the title of this book; not Hwuy's mother, as Kuhleang absurdly says. 賵 is explained in the dict. as 賵死者, 'presents to the dead,' and 所以助主人送葬者 'aids to the presiding mourner to bury his dead.' But such presents were of various kinds, and 賵denotes the gift specially of one or more carriages and their horses. So both Kung and Kuh. The king sent such presents on the death of any of the princes or their wives; and here we have an instance in point. But there is much contention among the critics as to who the messenger was;—whether the king's chief Minister 冢宰, or some inferior officer of his department. The former view is taken by Kuhleang, and affirmed by the editors of the K'anghe Ch'un Ts'ew;—but, as I must think, erroneously. Under the 冢宰 or 太宰, were two 小宰, and four 宰夫, called by Biot Grandadministrateur general,' 'Sousadminstrateurs generaux,' and aidesadministrateurs generaux.' It belonged to the department of the last, on all occasions of condolence, to superintend the arrangements, with every thing that was supplied by way of presents or offerings,—the silks, the utensils, the money, etc. (see the Chow Le, I., iii. 56—73). The officer in the text was, no doubt, one of these aidadministrators; and this removes all difficulty which the critics find in the mention of an officer of higher rank by his name. The rule was that princes should be buried five months after their death, and Tsoshe says that the king's message and gift arrived too late, so far as duke Hwuy was concerned. This criticism may be correct; but he goes on to say that Chung Tsze was not yet dead, and the message and gift were too early, so far as she was concerned. The king could never have been guilty of such an impropriety as to anticipate the lady's death in this way, and the view of Tsoshe can only provoke a smile. He adds:—'The king's burial took place 7 months after his death, when all the feudal princes were expected to be present. The prince of a State was buried 5 months after his death, when all the princes, with whom he had covenanted, attended. The funeral of a great officer took place 3 months after his death, and was attended by all of the same rank; that of an officer, at the end of a month, and was attended by his relatives by affinity. Presents on account of a death were made before the burial, and visits of condolence were paid before the grief had assumed its greatest demonstrations. It was not proper to anticipate such occurrences.' On first translating the Ch'un Ts'ew, I construed the par. as if these were a 之 between 公 and 仲, and supposed that only one carriage and its horses were sent for the funeral of Chung Tsze, who had been the wife of Hwuy. I gave up the construction in deference to the prevailing opinion of the commentators; but it had been adopted by no less a scholar than Ch'ing E (程頤; A. D. 1033—1107). [Tsoshe has here two other entries under this season:—'In the 8th month an officer of Ke attacked E;' and 'There were locusts.' He adds that E sent no official announcement of the attack to Loo, and that therefore it was not recorded; and that no notice was entered of the locusts, because they did not amount to a plague.] Par. 5. Sung was a dukedom,—having its chief city in the pres. dis. of Shangk'ew (商邱), dep. Kweitih, Honan. The charge given to the viscount of Wei on his being appointed to the State is still preserved in the Shoo, V. viii. The dukes of Sung were descended from the kings of Yin or Shang; and of course their surname was Tsze (子). Suh was a small State, in the present Tungp'ing (東平) Chow, dep. T'aegan, Shantung. It was thus near Loo, but a good way from Sung. Its chiefs were barons with the surname Fung (風). Tsoshe tells us that in the last year of duke Hwuy, he defeated an army of Sung in Hwang, but that now duke Yin sought for peace. It was with this object that the covenant in the text was made. I translate as if 公 preceded 及, for so the want must generally be supplied throughout the classic. Kung and Kuh both understand some inferior officer of Loo (微者), but in other places they themselves supply 公. By 宋人, however, we must understand an officer of Sung. It is better to translate so than to say simply—'a man of Sung.' [Between this par. and the next Tsoshe has the three following narratives:— 'In winter, in the 10th month, on the day Kangshin, the body of duke Hwuy was removed and buried a second time.' As the duke was not present, the event was not recorded. When duke Hwuy died, there was war with Sung, and the heirprince was young, so that there was some omission in the burial. He was therefore now buried again, and in another grave. The marquis of Wei came to be present at the burial. He did not have an interview with the duke, and so his visit was not recorded.' 'After the confusion occasioned by Kungshuh of Ch'ing, Kungsun Hwah [Twan or Kungshuh's son] fled to Wei, and the people of Wei attacked Ch'ing in his behalf, and requested Linyen for him. Ch'ing then attacked the southern border of Wei, supported by a king's army and an army of Kwoh, and also requested the aid of troops from Choo. The viscount of Choo sent a private message to Kungtsze Yu of Loo, who asked leave from the duke to go. It was refused; but he went and made a covenant with an officer of Choo and an officer of Ch'ing in Yih. No record was made of this, because Yu's going was against the duke's order.' 'The southern gate of the city was made new.' It was done without the duke's order, and so was not recorded.] Par. 6. Chae [so 祭 is here read] was an earldom, in the present Ch'ing Chow (鄭州), dep. K'aefung, held by the descendants of one of the duke of Chow's sons. Acc. to Tsoshe the earl here was a minister at court., and came to Loo, for what purpose we know not, without the orders of the king. Kungyang, indeed, thinks he came as a refugee, and that伯 is the designation of the individual merely (字), and not his title; while Kuhleang makes the coming to have been to do a sort of homage to duke Yin. But this is simply guess work. Par. 7. Of Yihsze we know nothing but what this brief par. tells. He was 'a duke's son,' but whether the son of Hwuy, or of Hwuy's father, we cannot tell, It is best in such a case to take 公子 as if it were the surname. So Ho Hew (何休) says here, 公子者氏也. Kuhleang finds a condemnation of Yihsze in the omission of the day of his death; but the old method of interpretation which found praise or blame in the mention of or silence as to days, in the use of the name, the designation, the title, and such matters, is now discarded. 卒 is the proper term to use for the death of an officer. Tsoshe gives the designation of Yihsze as Chungfoo, and says that the day of his death is not recorded, because the duke did not attend at the ceremony of dressing the corpse, to it into the coffin.

1 In his second year, in spring, the duke had a meeting with the [chief of the] Jung at Ts'een.

2 In summer, in the fifth month, an army of Keu entered Heang.

3 Wooheae led a force and entered Keih.

4 In autumn, in the eighth month, [on the day] Kangshin, the duke made a covenant with the Jung at T'ang.

5 In the ninth month, Leseu of Ke came to meet the bride [for his prince].

6 In winter, in the tenth month, the duke's eldest daughter went to her home in Ke.

7 Tszepih of Ke and the count of Keu made a covenant at Meih.

8 In the twelfth month, on the day Yihmaou, the [duke's] wife, the lady Tsze, died.

9 An army of Ch'ing invaded Wei.

Par. 1. There is wanting here the character 王, 'king,' after 春, probably because no month is specified under whose regimen it should be. Jung is properly the name of the wild tribes on the west of 'the Middle State (西戎);' but in the time of Chow there were many of these tribes, and not those of the west only, settled in China along the seaboard and by the rivers,-remnants of the older inhabitants, not yet absorbed by the Chinese proper. We know, from the Shoo, V. xxix., that Loo was troubled even in the days of Pihk'in by the E of the Hwae and the Jung of Seu. The Jung in the text may have been a remnant of the latter. Too Yu says their settlement was in what is now the the dis. of Ts'aou (曹), dep. Ts'aouchow. He says also that Ts'een was a town of Loo, somewhere in the southwest of Ts'aouchow dep. 會戎 is-'met with the Jung.' Kuhleang says the term 會 implies that the meeting originated with the other party, and not with Loo, and that the duke went out of his own State to it. Ho Hew on Kungyang also advocates this view. But the meaning of 會 is not to be so determined; and, acc. to Too Yu, the place of meeting was in Loo. Tsoshe says the duke's object was to cultivate the old friendship which his father had maintained with the Jung, but that he declined to enter into a covenant, which the Jung wished him to make. Par. 2. Keu has left its name in Keu Chow, dep. Echow (沂州). It extended east from Loo to the seaboard. Its chiefs were viscounts, and claimed to be descended from the old Shaouhaou, Hwangte's successor. There is some difficulty about their surname, whether it was Ying (贏) or Sze (已). Heang was a small State, within the boundaries of Keu. Too Yu, indeed, would place it in the pres. dis. of Hwaeyuen (懷遠), dep. Fungyang (鳳陽), Ganhwuy. There was a Heang there, but it was too far from Keu to be that in the text. And there were two Heang in the pres. Shantung, one of them 70 le from Keu Chow, which was, probably, that here. The chief of Heang had the surname Keang (姜), as we learn from what Tsoshe says on the par.:-'The viscount of Keu had married a daughter of Heang, but she could not rest in Keu, and went back to Heang. This summer, an army from Keu entered Heang, and took the lady Keang back to Keu.' I translate 莒人by 'the army of Keu,' after Maou (莒人者 莒之師), who lays down the canon that, in the Ch'un Ts'ew, wherever mention is made of troops under the command of any officer, high or low, who is not specified by name or designation, we find simply 人, 'the men' of such and such a State. Too Yu says, somewhat to the same effect, that we find 人 where the force is small, and the leader only of low rank. The term 入,'entered,' occurs frequently of military expeditions; implying, says Kuh, that 'the entering is against the will of the invaded party (内弗受);' 'that the country or city is entered, but not retained,' says Kung. But there are instances in which the entering was followed by the entire subjugation and occupancy of the place or State; and this was probably the case in regard to Keu and Heang, though the language of Tsoshe translated above has been pleaded against this conclusion. 入 implies invasion and capture in the present; what was done subsequently cannot be learned from the term. Par. 3. Wooheae (Kuh reads, here and subsequently, 侅) was an officer of Loo, -a scion of the ruling House, belonging to a branch which had not yet received a surname of its own. Tsoshe says he was Loo's minister of Works, and adds that at this time he was defeated by K'infoo of Pe,-the same who walled Lang in the previous year. Keih was a small attached State,-referred to the dis. of Yut'ae (魚臺), dep. Yenchow. The incident given here is said to be the first in the Ch'un Ts'ew of officers taking it upon themselves to institute warlike movements. It certainly shows how loosely the reins of government were held by the marquises of the State. Par. 4. T'ang was a place belonging to Loo, -its site 12 le east from the pres. dis. city of Yut'ae. Tsoshe says that the Jung at the meeting in spring had requested a covenant which the duke then refused, granting it now, however, on a second application, The text says this covenant was made on the day Kangshin, the 17th of the cycle; and Too Yu observes that in the 8th month of this year there was no Kangshin day, and concludes that there is an error in the text of the 8th month for the 7th, the 9th day of which was Kangshin. His calculation, however, proceeds on the supposition that the 1st year of Yin began with the day Sinsze (辛已). If we make it begin a month later, with the day Sinhae (辛亥), according to another scheme, we get the day Kangshin in the 8th month of this 2d year. But the Sinhae scheme fails in other instances. The chronologers of China have toiled admirably on the months and days of the Ch'un Ts'ew; but thus far with only partial success. The dates in the classic and those in Tsoshe's Chuen are often irreconcileable. Two data are necessary to a complete scheme,-that the day on which the 1st year of Yin began be known with certainty, and that the intercalary months in subsequent years be ascertained. Neither of these data can be got. See Mr. Chalmers' essay on the Astronomy of the ancient Chinese, in the prolegomena to the Shoo, pp. 90-102. Par. 5. Ke was a small State, a marquisate, in the dis. of Showkwang (壽光), dep. Ts'ingchow. It lay between Ke (柯) on the south and Ts'e on the north; and we shall find, ere long, that it was absorbed by Ts'e. Leseu (Tsoshe has 裂繻) was the name of a minister of Ke. We know that he comes here to meet his prince's bride from the phrase 逆女,for, when a minister is described as coming to Loo to meet a lady of the House for himself, he is said 逆某姬, 'to meet such and such a lady Ke.' He comes of course because he was sent, but it was not proper, according to the 'rules for marriage, 'that that should be stated. Par. 6. This is the sequel of the last par. As it is the first par. of a season, it seems proper that it should stand by itself, and not make one with the other as in the K'anghe edition. 歸-嫁, 'to be married,' spoken of the lady. Her husband's house becomes her home. Par. 7. Tszepih, (in Tsoshe 子帛) is explained by Too Yu as the designation of Leseu in par. 5. Kung says he had not heard who 子伯 was; and Kuh makes 伯 a verb and construes thus:-'The viscount of Ke, considering himself an earl, took precedence and covenanted with the viscount of Keu.' This is sufficiently absurd, and besides, the chiefs of Ke were marquises, which makes Woo Ch'ing (A. D. 1249 - 1333) suppose that 子伯 may have got, by some mistake, into the text instead of 侯. Too Yu's view may be accepted as most likely. He says also that Meih was a town belonging to Keu;-in dis. of Ch'ang yih (昌邑), dep. Laechow. This places it a considerable way from Keu, though near to Ke. The identification of the site may be accepted, but one does not see how a place at such a distance from Keu should have belonged to it. My friend, the scholar Wang Taou, has suggested that the chiefs of Keu themselves occupied originally in the territory of Laechow, and might claim jurisdiction over places there after they moved to the south. There was another Meih which is mentioned in the Ch'un Ts'ew;-in Honan. Tsoshe says that the meeting was 'on Loo's account,' which Tooyu explains as meaning that the count of Ke, kindly disposed to Loo through his recent marriage, arranged for the meeting, to heal a longstanding alienation between Loo and Keu. Par. 8. I have translated 夫人子氏 by 'the duke's wife;' meaning, of course, duke Yin. Too supposes the second wife of Hwuy to be the lady meant, in anticipation of whose death the king sent a funeral present in the previous year;-a view which confutes itself. Kung thinks the lady was Yin's mother. Kuh takes the view I have done. The term 薨 is appropriate to narrate the death of one of the princes. It is here applied to the death of a prince's wife;-'the honour due to the husband passing to her.' Par. 9 Wei was a marquisate held by the descendants of K'angshuh, one of the sons of king Wan, whose investiture with it is described in the Shoo, V. ix. It may be roundly said to have embraced the pres. dep. of Weihwuy (衛輝 Honan,-lying, most of it, north of the Ho; but it extended eastwards, across part of Chihle, into Shantung as well. Its capital-subsequently changed-was the old Cheaouko (朝歌) of Shang, in pres. dis. of K'e (淇). The reason of Ch'ing's invasion of Wei is sufficiently indicated in one of the supplementary notices by Tsoshe of the occurrences in the 10th month of last year. 鄭人,-as 柯人 in par. 2.

1 In his third year, in spring, in the king's second month, on the day Kesze, the sun was eclipsed.

2 In the third month, on the day Kangseuh, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] died.

3 In summer, in the fourth month, on the day Sinmaou, [an officer of] the Yin family died.

4 In autumn, a son of the Woo family came [to Loo] to ask for the contribution of money towards the [king's] burial.

5 In the eighth month, on the day Kangshin, Ho, duke of Sung, died.

6 In winter, in the twelfth month, the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing made a covenant at Shihmun.

7 [On the day] Kweiwe, there was the burial of duke Muh of Sung.

Par. 1. This is the 1st of the 36 eclipses of the sun mentioned in the Ch'un T'sew. From the table in the proleg. to the Shoo, pp. 103, 104, it will be seen that it occurred on the 14th February, B. C. 719, being the 6th cycle day, or Kesze, of the 3d month of the Chow year. There is an error therefore in the text of 2 for 3. The mathematicians of China were themselves aware of this, as early as the Suy dynasty (A. D. 589617). Evidently this year commenced on January 16th, instead of a month earlier, by some previous error of intercalation. Generally, the character 朔, 'the 1st day of the moon,' follows the name of the day of the eclipse; and as it is wanting here, Kung and Kuh conclude that the eclipse was really on the last day of the previous month. But this involves much greater difficulty than to suppose that the 朔 was omitted through inadvertence of the historiographers, or has dropt somehow out of the text. 日有食之=日有所食之者, 'The sun had something which was devouring it.' The phenomenon had suggested this idea to the earliest Chinese, and the phrase became stereotyped in the language. On the ceremonies observed at an eclipse, ' to save the sun,' see the Shoo, III. iv. 4, and note. Kungyang thinks eclipses were recorded as extraordinary events (異); but the K'anghe editors approve rather the view that it was as calamitous presages (災). Par. 2. 崩, 'the fall of a mountain,' is the appropriate term for the death of a sovereign. Tsoshe says that king P'ing really died on the day Jinseuh, i.e., 12 days before Kangseuh, but that the official communication of the event gave the wrong date, which was therefore recorded; and Too Yu thinks the date was wrongly communicated to hurry the princes to the capital. But there must be some other way of explaining Tsoshe's statement, if it be correct.-The death of the sovereign was communicated to all the princes of the States, whose duty it then was to send off to the capital a high minister to take part in the preliminary funeral rites, and present the various offerings of money, silk, etc., required on such an occasion. The princes themselves did not go to the capital till the time of burial was arrived. Par. 3. Who is denoted by the 尹氏 here is allundetermined. Tsoshe reads 君 instead of 尹, and 君氏 is something like our 'royal lady,' meaning duke Yin's mother. Kungyang and Kuhleang both have 尹 and suppose that by 尹氏 is intended some minister at the court of Chow of that surname, 氏 intimating that whatever office he held had become hereditary in his family. Many other explanations of the words have been attempted. The most probable appears to be that of Kin Lets'eang (A. D. 1,232-1,303), which is strongly advocated by Maou,-that the person intended was an officer of Ch'ing, of whom we shall read in Tsoshe's Chuen, on the duke's 11th year, where the text here will again be touched on. Tsoshe says that the term 卒 is used here for the lady's death, instead of 薨 for three reasons: because 1st, no notice of her death was sent to other States in covenant with Loo; 2d, duke Yin, on returning at midday from her burial, did not weep for her in his state apartment; 3d, he did not place her Spirittablet in the same shrine with that of Hwuy's grandmother, He adds that her burial is not recorded, because she is not styled 夫人, or [Hwuy's] wife; and that she is merely styled 君氏, without her surname, out of regard to the duke. [Much of this is needless trifling.] [The Chuen has here the following narrative:- 'The dukes Woo and Chwang of Ch'ing had been high ministers at the court of king P'ing, and the king wished to divide the authority of Chwang between him and the duke of Kwoh. The earl resented the idea, and the king disclaimed it; and in consequence of this Chow and Ch'ing exchanged hostages, the king's son Hoo going as one to Ch'ing, and the earl's eldest son Hwuh going to Chow. On the king's death, the other ministers at the court proposed giving Ch'ing's office to Kwoh; and in the 4th month Chae Tsuh [the same as Chung of Chae in the narrative under the 3d p. of 1st year] led a force and carried away the wheat of Wun, and in the autumn, also the rice about Chingchow, from which ensued enmity between Chow and Ch'ing.-A superior man may say, "If there be not good faith in the heart, hostages are of no use. If parties act with intelligence and with mutual consideration, their actions under the rule of propriety, although there be no exchange of hostages, they cannot be alienated. When there are intelligence and sincerity, what is grown by streams in the valleys, by ponds, and in pools, the gatherings of duckweed, white southernwood, and pondweed, in baskets round and square, and cooked in pans and pots with the water from standing pools and road hollows, may be presented to the Spirits, and set before kings and dukes; -much more may we conclude that when two princes are contracting their States in good faith, and their proceedings are according to the proper rules, there is no good in hostages. In the 'Lessons from the States' we have the Ts'ae fan (She, I.ii. II.), and the Ts'ae pin (ib., IV), and in the Ya we have the Hing Wei (III.ii. II), and the Heung choh (ib., VII.);-pieces which all show how truthfulness of heart and good faith may be manifested with slight things."'] Par. 4. We saw, in p. 4 of the 1st year, how the king sent funeral presents to Loo;-that was according to propriety. Now, on hearing of the king's death, Loo ought to have sent the proper presents to the court, and of money among them (錢財曰賻). The duke had not done so, failing in duty; and the court showed its weakness and want of selfrespect in sending to ask for the contribution. The Woos must have been a family holding some hereditary office at court. Par. 5. The death of the duke of Sung was communicated to Loo, and so the historiographers put it on record. The proper word for the death of the prince of a State is (薨), but here we have (卒); the reason being that, in the records of Loo, (薨) could be used only of its own princes. Here the Chuen has:-"Duke Muh [Ho's sacrificial title] of Sung being ill, he called to him K'ungfoo, his minister of War, and charged him to secure the succession to duke Shang, saying, "My predecessor passed by his son Yue, and left the State to unworthy me. I dare not forget his deed; and if by your powerful influence I succeed in preserving my head till I die in peace, should my brother ask about Yue, what answer shall I be able to return? I beg you to secure him the appointment to be lord of the altars, and then I shall be able to die without regret." The other replied, "All the officers wish to support your son P'ing." "That must not be," said the duke. "My brother deemed me worthy, and made me lord of the altars. If I now throw away my virtue, and do not yield the State to his son, I shall be nullifying his promotion of me, and not worthy to be deemed honourable. Should it not be my chief object to illustrate brightly the excellent virtue of my brother? Do not you, my friend and minister, nullify his merit." On this duke Muh's son, P'ing, was sent away to reside in Ch'ing; and when Muh died on the day Kangshin, in the 8th month, duke Shang, succeeded him.-A superior man may say, "It may be pronounced of duke Seuen (who preceded Muh) of Sung that he knew men. He made Muh possess the State, and his own son came afterwards to the enjoyment of it;-the charge was according to righteousness. Are not the words in the sacrificial odes of Shang.' "Right is it that Yin should have the appointment, And sustain all the dignities (She, IV.iv.III.)," descriptive of such a case?'] Par. 6. Ts'e was one of the most powerful States, a marquisate, whose capital was Yingk'ew (營邱, in pres. dis. of Lintsze (臨 淄), dep. Ts'ingchow; but it extended much beyond the boundaries of that department. Its princes had the surname of Keang (姜), and traced their lineage up to the chief minister of Yaou. Shihmun belonged to Ts'e;-in the southwest of Ch'angts'ing (長清) dis., dept. Tsenan. It probably took its name from some 'Stonegate' or embankment of the river Tse. Tsoshe says that in connection with this meeting, 'the carriage of the earl of Ch'ing was overturned in the Tse.' Par. 7. The duke of Sung is mentioned here, with his honorary or sacrificial title of Muh (Kung and Kuh have 繆), the burial taking place, of course, in his own State. We might translate-'We buried,' it being the rule that friendly States should send a great officer to represent them on such occasions;-and this Loo had here done. [The Chuen appends here the following narrative about Wei:- 'Duke Chwang of Wei had married the sister of Tihshin, the heirson of the marquis of Ts'e, known as Chwang Keang. She was beautiful but childless, and it was of her that the people of Wei made the song of "the Great Lady (She, I.v.III.)." The duke then married a daughter of the House of Ch'in, called Le Kwei, who had a son called Heaoupih that died early. Tae Kwei, who had accompanied her to the harem, had a son, who icas afterwards duke Hwan, and who was cherished by Chwang Keang as her own child. There was also Chowyu, another son of the duke by a favourite concubine, a favoured child, and fond of his weapons, not restrained by the duke, but hated by Chwang Keang. Shih Tseoh remonstrated with the duke, saying, "Your servant has heard that, when you love a son, you should teach him righteous ways, and not help him on in the course of depravity. There are pride, extravagance, lewdness, and dissipation, by which one depraves himself; but these four vices come from overindulgence and allowances. If you are going to make Chowyu your successor, settle him in that position; if you have not yet decided on such a step, you are paving the way for him to create disorder. Few there are who can be favoured without getting arrogant; few arrogant who can submit themselves to others; few who can submit themselves without being indignant at their position; and few who can keep patient under such a feeling of indignancy. And moreover, there are what are called the six instances of insubordination, -when the mean stand in the way of the noble; or the young presume against their elders; or distant relatives cut out those who are near; or new friends alienate from the old; or a small Power attacks a great one; or lewdness defeats righteousness. The ruler righteous and the minister acting accordingly; the father kind and the son dutiful; the elder brother loving and the younger respectful:-these are what are called the six instances of what should be. To put away what should be and follow what should not be, is the way to accelerate calamity; and when a ruler of men accelerates the calamity which it should be his object to keep off, is not the case a deplorable one?" The duke did not listen to this remonstrance; and Tseoh's son, How, became a companion of Chowyu. The father tried to restrain him, but in vain. When duke Hwan succeeded to his father, Tseoh withdrew from public life on the plea of old age.']

1 In his fourth year, in spring, in the king's second month, an army of Keu invaded Ke, and took Mowlow.

2 [On the day] Mowshin, Chowyu of Wei murdered his ruler, Hwan.

3 In summer, the duke and the duke of Sung met at Ts'ing.

4 The duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, an army of Ts'ae, and an army of Wei invaked Ch'ing.

5 In autumn, Hwuy led a force, and joined the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, the army of Ts'ae, and the army of Wei, in the invasion of Ch'ing.

6 In the ninth month, the people of Wei put Chowyu to death in Puh.

7 In winter, in the twelfth month, the people of Wei raised Tsin [to be marquis of the State].

Par. 1. Ke was a marquisate (its chiefs are also called earls and sometimes viscounts) whose capital at this time was Yungk'ew (雍邱) in dis. of Ke, dept. K'aefung. It lay between Keu on the south, and Ts'e and Ke (紀) on the north. Its chiefs were descendants of the great Yu, and of course had the surname Sze (姒);-see Ana. III.v. The capital was changed more than once in the period of the Ch'un Ts'ew. Mowlow was on its southern border, near to Keu;-in dis. Chooshing (諸城). 取, 'took,' is said to denote that the place was easily taken. Keu seems to have retained it. Kung and Kuh say that this capture, being altogether foreign to Loo, should not have been recorded; but that Confucius entered it, to show his hatred of such an outrage on the part of Keu. especially as this is the 1st instance of the capture by one State of a city of another. recorded in this classic. But, no doubt, the capture was announced by Keu to Loo, and the record of it was en regle. Par. 2. 弑 is the term appropriate to the murder of a ruler by a minister, or of a father by a son. To understand the record fully, refer to the last narrative under last year from the Chuen. Kuhleang, here and below, has 祝 for 州; and deep meanings are found in the omission of 公子. 'duke's son,' before the name;-about which we need not be particular. 完 was the name of the son of duke Chwang of Wei, mentioned as himself duke Hwan (桓) in the narrative referred to. It might appear that this par. belonged to the 2d month, but Too Yu remarks that in that month there was no Mowshin day. The characters 三月 should be at the commencement of the par. Par. 3. 遇 is simply 'to meet,' as if without previous agreement, and this is the meaning put on the term here; but such an interpretation would be meaningless. Why should a casual incident of that nature be recorded? In the Le Ke, I. Pt.II.ii. 12, we are told that 'interviews between the princes before the time agreed upon were called 遇. So Tsoshe interprets the word here, and Too Yu calls the interview 草次之期, 'a hurried arrangement.' Tsoshe says:- 'In spring Chowyu of Wei had murdered duke Hwan, and taken his place. The duke and the duke of Sung had arranged for a meeting as a sequel to their covenant at Suh [in the 1st year]; but before the time came, they got the news of the confusion in Wei.' In consequence of this, it would follow, they had only a hurried meeting. Ts'ing was in Wei,-in dis. of Tungo (東阿), dep. Yenchow. Par. 4. Ch'in was a marquisate, having its chief city in Yuenk'ew (宛邱),-in pres. dis. of Hwaening (淮寧), dep. Ch'inchow (so called from the ancient State), Honan. Its chiefs were Kweis (媯), descended from Shun. Ch'in and Ts'ac were the most southern of the States of China proper in this period, and exposed consequently to danger from the barbarous Ts'oo, by which they were ultimately absorbed. Ts'ae also was a marquisate, with which king Woo invested his brother Shuhtoo at the commencement of the dynasty;-in dep. Jooning (汝寧), Ho nan. Its capital at this time was in Shangts'ae (上蔡) dis. To understand the par., we must keep in mind the Chuen under par. 5, last year. Tsoshe adds here:- 'When Shang came to the dukedom of Sung, P'ing, the son of duke Muh, fled to Ch'ing, where there was a wish to vindicate his right to Sung. And now, when Chowyu had made himself marquis of Wei, he thought at once of putting to rights his father's grudge against Ch'ing [see the 2d Chuen after p. 5, 1st year], and of getting for himself the favour of the princes, in order to make his people better affected. He sent a message, therefore, to the duke of Sung, saying, "If you will invade Ch'ing to remove the danger that is there to yourself [i.e. Muh's son P'ing], you shall be chief of the expedition; and all my levies, as well as Ch'in and Ts'ae, will follow you:-this is the desire of the State of Wei." They acceded in Sung to the request; and as Ch'in and Ts'ae were then friendly with Wei, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ch'in, an army of Ts'ae, and an army of Wei, invaded Ch'ing, and laid siege for five days to the eastern gate of its capital;-when they returned. 'The duke of Loo asked Chungchung whether Chowyu of Wei would accomplish his ambition. "Your servant has heard," said the officer, 'that the people may be made well affected by virtue; I have not heard that they can be made so by violence. To use violence with that view is like trying to put silk in order and only ravelling it. Chowyu relies on his military force, and can do cruel things. For his military likings the multitude will not cleave to him; and for his cruelty his relatives will not. With the multitude rebellious, and his friends leaving him. it will be difficult for him to be successful. Military weapons are like fire; if you don't lay the fire aside, it will burn yourself. Chowyu murdered his prince, and he uses his people oppressively, thus not making excellent virtue his pursuit, but wishing to succeed by violence;-he will certainly not escape calamity."' Par. 5. This Hwuy was an officer of Loo, a son, indeed, of the previous duke. He was afterwards concerned in the murder of duke Yin; and Kung and Kuh think that he is here mentioned simply by his. name, denuded of the 'duke's son,' as the sage's punishment of him for his share in that deed. But this view is quite inadmissible. Tsoshe thinks the omission shows Confucius' dislike of him in the incident here mentioned; but neither need we suppose that. The historiographers had merely entered his name The 會is little more than the 及 of other paragraphs. The Chuen is:-' In the autumn, the princes again invaded Ch'ing, and the duke of Sung sent to ask the assistance of a force from Loo. Yufoo [the designation of this Hwuy] asked leave to join them with a force. The duke refused, when he strongly urged his request, and went. Hence the brief record of the text, expressive of dislike to his conduct. The army of the princes defeated the footmen of Ch'ing, carried off the paddy from the fields, and returned.' Par. 6. Here and in p. 7, 衛人 denotes 'the people of Wei,' as if the things recorded had the consent, and were, indeed, the doing of them all. Chowyu might have been mentioned as 衛候, being the ruler de facto; but he had had occupied his position only for a short time, and the marquis Hwan was not yet buried. Puh was in Ch'in, near a river so named. Tsoshe gives the following account of Chowyu's death:- 'Chowyu finding himself unable to attach the people to himself, Shih Tseoh's son How asked his father how to establish the prince in the State. Shih said, "It may be done by his going and having an audience of the king." "But how can this audience be obtained?" "Duke Hwan of Ch'in," replied the father, "is now in favour with the king, and Ch'in," and Wei are on friendly terms. If the marquis go to the court of Ch'in, and get the duke to ask an audience for him, it may be got." On this How went with Chowyu to Ch'in; but Shih Tseoh sent information to Ch'in, saying, "The State of Wei is narrow and small, and I am aged and can do nothing. These two men are the real murderers of my prince, and I venture to ask that you will instantly take the proper measures with them." The people of Ch'in made them prisoners, and requested Wei to send and manage the rest. In the 9th month, the people of Wei sent Ch'ow, the superintendent of the Right, who put Chowyu to death, at Puh, and Shih Tseoh sent his steward, Now Yangkeen, who put Shih How to death in the capital of Ch'in. A superior man may say, "Shih Tseoh was a minister without blemish. He hated Chowyu, with whom his own son How was art and part;-and did he not so afford an illustration of the saying that great righteousness is supreme over the affections?"' Par. 7. Tsin was a brother of duke Hwan, and had fled to the State of Hing (邢). They now sent to Hing for him, and raised him to the marquisate.

1 In his fifth year, in spring, the duke [went] to see the fishermen at T'ang.

2 In summer, in the fourth month, there was the burial of duke Hwan of Wei.

3 In autumn, an army of Wei entered Shing.

4 In the ninth month, [the duke] completed the shrinepalace of Chung Tsze. For the first time he exhibited [only] six rows of pantomimes.

5 An army of Choo and an army of Ch'ing invaded Sung.

6 There were the minginsects.

7In winter, in the twelfth month, duke [Heaou's] son K'ow died.

8 An army of Sung invaded Ch'ing, and besieged Ch'angkoh.

Par. 1. Instead of 觀 Tsoshe has 矢,with the meaning of 陳, 'to set in order,' 'to arrange.' Then 魚 is taken as-漁者 'fishermen.' T'ang was in the dis. of Yut'ae, a long way from K'euhfow where the court of Loo was. The name Yut'ae, (漁臺), 'fishermen's tower,' remains, indeed, since A. D. 762, when the district was so called, a monument of the incident in this par. Tsoshe's view of it then is, that the duke, neglecting the business of govt., went off for his own pleasure to T'ang, and there had the fishermen drawn up with all their equipments, and watched them as they proceeded to catch their prey. A great scholar, Yeh Mungtih (A. D. 1077-1138), and others, take 矢 as - 射, 'to shoot;' and think that duke Yin, really seeking his own pleasure, went off to T'ang on the pretence that he was going to shoot fish for use in sacrifice! The Chuen says:-'The duke being about to go to T'ang, to see the fishermen, Tsang Hepih remonstrated with him, saying. "All pursuit of creatures in which the great affairs of the State are not illustrated, and when they do not supply materials available for use in its various requirements, the ruler does not engage in. Into the idea of a ruler it enters that he lead and help the people on to what should be observed, and all the ramifications thereof. Hence the practice of exercises in admeasurement of the degrees of what should be observed is called fixing the rule, and the obtaining the materials supplied thereby for the ornament of the various requirements of the State, is the guiding principle to show what creatures should be pursued. Where there are no such admeasurement and no such materials, the government is one of disorder; and the frequent indulgence in a government of disorder is the way to ruin. In accordance with this there are the spring hunting, the summer hunting, the autumn hunting, and the winter hunting:-all in the intervals of husbandry, for the illustration of one great business of States. Then every three years, there is the grand military review; when it is over, the troops are all led back; and their return is announced by the cup of spirits in the temple:-all to take reckoning of the accoutrements and spoils; to display the various blazonry; to exhibit the noble and the mean; to distinguish the observance of order and ranks; to show the proper difference between the young and the old; to practise the various observances of discipline. Now when the birds and beasts are such that their flesh is not presented in the sacrificial vessels, and their skins, hides, teeth, bones, horns, feathers, and hair are not used in the furniture of the State, it was the ancient rule that our dukes should not shoot them. With the creatures found in the mountains, forests, streams and marshes; with the materials for ordinary articles of use; with the business of underlings; and with the charges of inferior officers:-with all these the ruler has nothing to do." The duke said, 'I will walk over the country;" and so he went. had the fishermen drawn up in order, and looked at their operations. Hepih gave out that he was ill, and did not accompany him. The text, "The duke reviewed a display of the fishermen at T'ang," intimates the impropriety of the affair, and tells moreover how far off the place was.' [The Chuen adds here a note about Tsin (晉):- ' Earl Chwang of K'euhyuh, with an army of Ch'ing and an army of Hing, invaded Yih. The king sent his officers, the Heads of the Yin and Woo families, to assist him. The marquis of Yih fled to Suy.'] Par. 2. This burial was very late. more than double the regular 5 months after the prince's death;-owing to the confusion in which the State had been. The Chuen adds here- 'In the 4th month, an army of Ch'ing fell suddenly on the city Muh of Wei, to revenge the siege of its eastern gate [see the Chuen on p. 4 of last year]. An army of Wei, aided by one of [the southern] Yen invaded Ch'ing in return. The officers of Ch'ing,-Chae Tsuh, Yuen Fan, and Seeh Kea, with three bodies of men, withstood them in front, and made the earl's two sons.-Manpih and Tszeyuen, with another body, get stealthily behind them. The men of Yen were afraid of the three armies in their front, but had no anxiety about danger from the men of Che [a town of Ch'ing in their rear]; so that in the 6th month, the two princes, with the men of Che, defeated the army of Yen near the city, A superior man may say that without preparation and anxiety an army cannot be properly conducted.'] Part. 3. Shing (Kung has 盛) was a small State, an earldom, held by the descendants of Shuhwoo (叔武), one of king Wan's sons;- in dis. of Wanshang (汶上), dep. Yenchow. Ace. to Tsoshe, during the troubles of Wei, Shing had made an incursion into it; hence this retributive expedition. Par. 4. 考 is explained in the Urhya by 成, 'to complete;'-see the Shoo, V.xiii 24. Fuh Keen (服*; towards the end of the Han dyn.) contends that '考 is the name of the sacrifice offered immediately after the completion of the shrinehouse (宮廟初成,祭 指名考);' which seems to be the view also of Too Yu. But the sacrifice was the sequence of the finishing of the temple; and we need not extend the meaning of 考 beyond that of the erection of the building. Chung Tsze was the mother of duke Hwan, who was now heir to the State; but she was only the second wife of duke Hwuy. The tablet of the 1st and proper wife had already received its proper place; and the erection of a separate house for that of Chung Tsze was a device to please the young prince, but not according to rule. A feeling of this seems to have prompted the exhibition of six rows of pantomimes, as recorded in the last part of the par. 羽, 'feathers,' is here=' featherwavers,' i.e., the pantomimes, who waved the feathers of pheasants in harmony with the music which was played. Of such performers the kings used 8 rows, each consisting of 8 men. at their sacrifices, while the princes of States could only use 6 rows, each of 6 men. But it had been granted to the princes of Loo to use the kingly number in sacrifice to the duke of Chow, their great ancestor, and they had usurped the privilege so as to use it in sacrificing to his descendants;-and on the occasion in the text duke Yin employed only the ordinary number used in sacrificing to the prince of a State. The Chuen says:-'In the ninth month, having completed the shrinepalace for Chung Tsze, the pantomimes were about to be exhibited. The duke asked Chungchung about their number, who replied, "The emperor uses 8 rows; princes of States, 6; great officers, 4; and scholars, 2. Now the dancing is employed in harmony with the instruments of music, and the motion of the 8 winds of the year; the number of them therefore descends in gradation from 8 rows." On this the duke for the 1st time exhibited only 6 featherwavers, and used 6 rows.' Par 5. The Chuen on this has:- 'The people of Sung had taken some fields from Choo; and the people of Choo informed the earl of Ch'ing, saying, "If you will now vent your indignation on Sung, our poor town will lead the way for you." An officer of Ch'ing, aided by a king's army, joined the forces of Choo, and attacked Sung, penetrating to the suburbs of its capital;-in revenge again for the siege of the eastern gate of Ch'ing. They sent off an account of their circumstances from Sung to Loo; and when the duke heard that the enemy was in the suburbs of its capital, he was about to proceed to the relief of Sung. Asking the messenger, however, how far the enemies' army had got, the man replied, "They have not yet reached our city." The duke was angry, and stopped his measures, dismissing the messenger with the words, "Your prince in his message requested me to have compassion on the peril in which his altars were, and now you tell me that the enemy has not reached your city;-I dare not take any notice of the case."' Par. 6. This is the record of a plague (災); -'some evil caused by the misconduct of men (災,人之害也).' The ming is described as a grub that eats the heart of the growing grain (蟲食苗心曰螟);'-it developes into the locust (即蝗也). It is named from the place of its injurious action, lying hid in the heart of the plant (冥冥難知) Par. 7. This Kungtsze K'ow is the same as the Tsang Hepih in the Chuen on p.1. K'ow was his name, and his designation was Tszetsang (子臧). His grandchildren would first receive the clanname of Tsang, from his designation; and he is so surnamed in the Chuen as the ancestor of the Tsang family. He (僖) is the honorary title given after his death. On this par. the Chuen says:-'On the death of Tsang Hepih, the duke said, "My uncle was angry with me [i.e., for not listening to his remonstrance]; but I dare not forget his faithfulness." He caused him to be buried with the honours of one rank above what was his due.' Par. 8. Ch'angkoh was a town of Ch'ing;- its name remains in the dis. of Ch'angkoh, in Heu (許) Chow, Honan. This expedition, Tsoshe observes, was in return for Ch'ing's attack of Sung mentioned in par.5.

1 In [the duke's] sixth year, in spring, an officer of Ch'ing came [to Loo] with overtures of peace.

2 In summer, in the fifth month, on [the day] SinYew, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e, when they made a covenant at Gae.

3 [It was] autumn, the seventh month.

4 In winter, an army of Sung took Ch'angkoh.

Par. 1. The text here has 輸平,with Kung and Kuh, while Tsoshe reads 渝平 But both the former commentators explain their phrase by 墮成, 'to the ruin of peace.' Tsoshe explains his by 更成, ='which changed their relations of enmity, and there was peace,' 渝 meaning 變, 'to change.' Later critics have taken 輸 in the sense of 納, 'to present,' to offier;' and thus a meaning is got out of the more likely reading, which comes to the same as the view of Tsoshe. There was reason for the overture of peace on the part of Ch'ing. Before Yin succeeded his father, he had been taken prisoner in an expedition against Ch'ing, and detained there. He made his escape, but might be supposed to be illaffected towards it. When, however, he rejected the applicaton from Sung the year before for assistance against Ch'ing, that State thought the time a favourable one for initiating proposals that Loo and it should be at amity. [The Chuen has here another note about the affairs of Tsin:- The nine original clanbranches of Yih [i.e., Tsin], with the representatives of the five ministers of the time of Yin, and Keafoo, son of K'ingfoo, went to meet the marquis of Tsin in Suy [see the Chuen after 1st par of last year], and escorted him back to Goh. The people of Tsin called him the marquis of Goh]. Par. 2. Gae was a hill in Loo;-in the northwest of the dis. of Mungyin (蒙陰), dep. Ts'ingchow. Loo and Ts'e had been at feud before the time at which the Ch'un Tsew opens. This meeting and covenant were the commencement of peace between them. [the Chuen here adds:-'In the 5th month, on the day Kangshin, the earl of Ch'ing made a sudden raid into Ch'in, and got great spoil. The year before, the earl had requested peace from Ch'in, when his proposals were rejected. Woofoo remonstrated with the marquis of Ch'in, saying, "Intimacy with the virtuous and friendship with its neighbours are the jewels of a State. Do you grant Ch'ing's request." The marquis replied, 'My difficulties are with Sung and Wei; what can Ch'ing do?" And so he repulsed Ch'ing. 'A superior man may say, Good relations should not be lost, and evil relations should not be prolonged;-does not this seem to be illustrated in the case of duke Hwan of Ch'in? When a man goes on to prolong enmity, the consequences naturally come upon himself; and though he may wish deliverance from them, he will not obtain it. The Shang Shoo says, "The evil issues of enmity develope easily, as when there is a fire blazing on a plain. It cannot be approached, and still less can it be beaten out (Shoo, IV.vii. Pt. i.12)." Chow Jin [see Ana. XVI.I.6.] has said, "The Head of a State or of a clan looks upon evil relations as a husbandman looks upon weeds or grass, which must be removed. He cuts down, kills them, collects them, and heaps them up, extirpating their roots that they may not be able to grow; and then the good grain stretches itself out."'] Par. 3. There was nothing to record in all the autumn of this year; but still it was necessary, according to the scheme of these annals, to indicate the season and the 1st month of it. Par. 4. See the siege of this place in the last par. of last year. Too Yu says that the siege had then been unsuccessful, but that Sung returned this year, and took the place by surprise. He says also, after Tsoshe, that the capture was made in autumn, but was only communicated in winter to Loo, so that the historiographers entered it under that season. But as Sung was held by the representatives of the House of Shang, its months would be those of that dynasty, and part of its autumn would be Chow's winter. [Tsoshe appends here the following two Chuen:- 'In winter, an announcement came from the capital of famine there, to meet which the duke asked the courts of Sung, Ts'e, Wei, and Ch'ing, to be allowed to purchase grain in their States. This was proper.' 'The earl of Ch'ing went to Chow, and for the first time sought an audience of king Hwan. The king did not receive him courteously, when the duke Hwan of Chow said to him, "Our Chow's removal to the east was all through the help of Tsin and Ch'ing. You should treat Ch'ing well, to encourage other princes to come to court;-and still there is fear that they will not come. Now when he receives discourtesy, Ch'ing will not come again."']

1 In his seventh year, in spring, in the king's third month, the duke's third daughter went to the harem of Ke.

2 The marquis of T'ang died.

3 In summer, we walled Chungk'ew.

4 The marquis of Ts'e sent his younger brother Neen [to Loo] with friendly inquiries.

5 In autumn, the duke invaded Choo.

6 In winter, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent the earl of Fan to Loo with friendly inquiries.

7 The Jung attacked the earl of Fan at Ts'ook'ew, and carried him back with them.

Par. 1. The marriage of the duke's eldest daughter to the marquis of Ke is entered in the 2d year, pp. 5,6. There the 歸 = 'went to be married to,' 'went as the wife;' here the 歸 has only the significance which appears in the translation. When the daughter of a State was married, the rule was that she should be accompanied by a halfsister and a cousin (-娣- 姪). Then two other States sent each a princess to attend her (二國來勝), each of whom was similarly accompanied by two relatives. Thus altogether a prince's marriage brought nine ladies to his harem (諸侯一 娶九女). In the case in the text, the girl had been too young to accompany her sister in the 2d year, and had waited five years, till she reached the statutory age of 15, and could proceed to Ke. She appears twice again in the classic; and it is contended that such prominence was given to her, humble though her rank, to mark the sage's sense of her worthiness. Par. 2. T'ang was a small State:- in dis. of T'ang, dept. Yenchow, held by the descendants of Shuhsew (叔繡), one of king Woo's brothers. Its chief is here styled marquis, but afterwards he appears only as viscount, his rank having been reduced. According to the general practice of the Ch'un Ts'ew, the name as well as the title should be given in the notice of the death. The want of the name here is probably an omission of the historiographer; but Tsoshe says that it is in rule, because duke Yin and the marquis had never covenanted together. He adds. 'At covenants between the princes, they were mentioned by name; and therefore on the death of one of them, his name was given when the event was communicated to other States. At the same time his successor was also mentioned.-for the continuance of friendship, and the assurance of the people. This was one of the standing regulations of the kingdom.' Par. 3. Chungk'ew was in dis. of Lanshan (蘭山), dep. Echow. No doubt there was some exigency requiring it to be fortified. Tsoshe, however, says the record is made, because of the unseasonableness of the undertaking, calling the people off from their field labours. Par. 4. Tsoshe tells us that this Neen's designation was Echung (夷仲), and that the visit in the text was to cement the covenant made the year before (p. 2) by Loo and Ts'e. These p'ing or missions of friendly inquiries were regular institutions. by which the princes maintained a good understanding with one another;-see the Le Ke, I., Pt. II. ii. 12, 諸侯 使 大 夫 問 於 諸 侯 曰 聘. The employment by Ts'e of the prince's brother, instead of the officer usually charged with such a mission, was a special honour done to Loo. From the Chow Le, Bk. XXXVIII., p. 24, we learn that among States in the same quarter of the empire, there ought to have been every year 'the interchange of inquiries (相問),' and every two years 'the interchange of p'ing (殷相聘).' Conciliatory offerings of silk and pieces of jade were made at such times. Par. 5. Acc. to the Chuen, this attack of Choo was a cowardly proceeding on the part of Loo; and a covenant of peace had been made between the two States, not long before;-see the 1st year, p. 2.-'This autumn, Sung and Ch'ing made peace, and in the 7th month, on the day Kangshin, covenanted at Suh. The duke proceeded to attack Choo,-so punishing it to gratify Sung.' Par. 6. This earl of Fan was a high minister and noble at the court. Fan was in the pres. dis. of Hwuy (輝), dep. Weihwuy, Honan. Not only was there an interchange of friendly missions among the princes themselves, but also between them and the king. Indeed, the king was supposed to send annually to every one of them to inquire about his welfare (王之所 以 撫 邦 國 諸 侯 者， 歲 偏 存; Chow Le, XXXVIII. 17); but as Ch'ing E observes, for the king to send such a mission to Yin, who had never sent one to court, was derogatory to his dignity (非王體). Par. 7. These Jung are probably the same as those mentioned in the 2d year, pp. 1, 5. Ts'ook'ew was in the east of the pres. dis. of Ts'aou, dept. Ts'aouchow. The incident shows how lawless the time was. The Chuen relates that, some time before, the Jung had presented themselves at Chow in homage, and distributed presents among the high ministers, but that the earl of Fan had not received them courteously. They took advantage therefore of the opportunity presented by his return from Loo, attacked him, and carried him off. 以歸, according to Kungyang means that the Jung made the earl prisoner (執之); but Too Yu says that they did not seize him (非執也), influenced, probably, by a remark of Kuhleang that the phrase denotes something lighter than seizure (愈於執). And the K'anghe editors say this interpretation is much the better of the two. They are also stumbled at the use of the word 'attacked' in p. 6, as too weighty for the occasion. There, however, 伐 is; and I apprehend 以歸 also is only a gentle way of telling that the earl was captured and carried off. [The Chuen has here:- 'Ch'in and Ch'ing made peace. In the 12th month, Woofoo of Ch'in went to Ch'ing, and on the day Jinshin made a covenant with the earl, and smeared his mouth with the blood of the victim, as if he were forgetting what he was doing. Seeh Pih said, "Woofoo will not escape a violent death. This covenant will be of no use to him." Leang Tso of Ch'ing went to Ch'in and on the day Sinsze made a covenant with the marquis, when he also perceived the disorders which were imminent in Ch'in.' 'Hwuh, son of the earl of Ch'ing, had lived at the king's [as a hostage; see the Chuen, after p.3 of the 3d year]; and on this account [i.e., according to Too Yu, thinking it likely he would be a favourite with the king] the marquis of Ch'in proposed to give him his daughter to wife. The earl acceded to the proposal, and the marriage was determined on.']

1 In [the duke's] eighth year, in spring, the duke of Sung and the marquis of Wei met at Chuy.

2 In the third month, the earl of Ch'ing sent Yuen [to Loo] to give up Pang.

3 On [the day] Kangyin we entered Pang.

4 In summer, in the sixth month, on [the day] Kehae, K'aoufoo, marquis of Ts'ae, died.

5 On [the day] Sinhae, the baron of Suh died.

6 In autumn, in the seventh month, on [the day] Kangwoo, the duke of Sung, the marquis of Ts'e, and the marquis of Wei made a covenant at Yauh.

7 In the eighth month, there was the burial of duke Seuen of Ts'ae.

8 In the ninth month, on [the day] Sinmaou, the duke and an officer of Keu made a covenant at Fowlae.

9 There were the minginsects.

10 In winter, in the twelfth month, WooHeae died.

Par. 1. On this paragraph Tsoshe says:- 'The marquis of Ts'e wanted to bring about peace between Sung and Wei on the one hand and Ch'ing on the other, and had fixed a time for a meeting with the princes of the two former States. The duke of Sung, however, sent presents to Wei, and begged that the marquis and himself might have a previous meeting between themselves. The marquis agreed, and they met accordingly at K'euenk'ew.' Regulated by this account, the meaning of 遇 differs slightly from that laid down on par. 3 of the 4th year. The idea, however, of a 'hurried' meeting remains. The meeting proposed by Ts'e was held in the 7th month; this was a preliminary meeting of Sung and Wei to consider how they should receive Ts'e's proposals. K'euenk'ew in the Chuen, and Chuy in the text, are two names of the same place;-Tooyu says it was in Wei, on the north of the dep. city of Ts'aouchow; but see on II. i.2. Par. 2. Tsoshe says here:-'The earl of Ch'ing intimated his wish to give up the sacrifice at mount T'ae, and to sacrifice to the duke of Chow, and to exchange therefore Pang near mount T'ae for the fields of Heu. In the 3d month, accordingly, he sent Yuen to give up Pang to Loo, and no more used the mount T'ae sacrifice.' But to understand this, an explanation is necessary, which is supplied by Too Yu.-When king Ching built the city of Loh, and was meditating the removal of his capital to it, he granted to the duke of Chow the lands of Heu (in the southwest of the present Heu Chow, dep. K'aefung), where the princes of Loo might reside when they visited Loh on state occasions; and subsequently a temple was built there to the duke of Chow. But the first earl of Ch'ing, as a brother of king Seuen, had the town of Pang, near mount T'ae, where he and his successors might rest, when called there on occasion of the king's eastern progresses, and having then to assist at the sacrifices on or to the mountain. Owing to the decay of the royal House, there was now an end of the kingly progresses. The earl concluded that Ch'ing had no farther occasion for Pang, and therefore offered it to Loo, to which it was near, in exchange for Heu, which was near to Ch'ing, volunteering to maintain there Loo's sacrifice to the duke of Chow.-If all this be correct, yet we know that Loo's part of the arrangement did not take effect for some time;-see the 1st year of duke Hwan, p. 2. Yuen, of course, was an officer of Ch'ing. Par. 3. Kung and Kuh lay great stress on the mention of the day here;-but without reason. The use of 入, however, seems strange, as that character should denote a hostile entry. [The Chuen appends here:- 'In summer, Kefoo, duke of Kwoh, for the first time became a high minister and noble at the court of Chow.' 'In the 4th month, on the day Keahshin, Hwuh, son of the earl of Ch'ing, went to Ch'in, and met his Kwei bride. On the day Sinhae, he commenced his return with her. On the day Keahyin, they entered the capital of Ch'ing, the officer Keen of Ch'in acting as escort to the lady. The prince was first mated, and then announced the thing in the ancestral temple. The officer Keen said, "These are not husband and wife;-he is imposing on his fathers. The proceeding is improper, How can they expect to have children?"'] Par. 5. Suh;-see on p. 5 of 1st year. The name of the baron should follow the title, but is wanting;-through an omission of the historiographer. Par. 6. The meeting here is that spoken of in the Chuen on par 1, as called by Ts'e. Attention is called to it by critics as the first meeting in the Ch'unTs'ew when more than two princes came together to consult and covenant on the affairs of the time. As it was called by the marquis of Ts'e, he should appear 1st on the list; but, says Too Yu, he did honour to the duke of Sung, ceding the presidency of the meeting to him. Tsoshe says they first met at Wan, and then covenanted together at Yauh. A reconciliation was effected between Sung and Wei and Ch'ing, and the siege of Ch'ing's eastern gate was condoned Yauh was in the king's domain,-20 le south of the dis. city of Weich'uen (洧川), dep. K'ae fung. Par. 7. [To this the Chuen appends:- "In the 8th month, on theday Pingseuh, the earl of Ch'ing, through the marquis of Ts'e, appeared at court. This was proper.'] Par. 8. Fow (Kung and Kuh read 包)lae was in Keu;-20 le west of the pres. city of Keu Chow. In the 2d year, p. 7, we have a meeting between the count of Keu and an officer to bring about a good understanding between Keu and Loo. This was the sequel of that,-'to carry out the good wishes of Ke.' Par. 9. See on paragraph 5, 5th year. [The Chuen adds here:-'In winter, the marquis of Tse sent a messenger to inform the duke that he had effected the pacification of the three States [Sung, Wei, and Ch'ing]. The duke sent Chungchung to reply to him, "That you have reconciled the conflicting schemes of the three States, and given rest and settlement to their people, is your kindness, O prince. I have heard your message, and dare not but accept and acknowledge your bright virtue."' Par. 10. WooHeae;-see paragraph 3 of the 2d year. The Chuen has here:-'On the death of WooHeae, Yufoo [the designation of Hwuy, IV., 5] requested for him an honorary title and a clanname. The duke asked Chungchung about the clanname. who replied, 'When the Son of Heaven [would ennoble the virtuous, he gives them surnames from their birthplaces (or the birthplaces of their ancestors]; he rewards them with territory, and the name of it becomes their clanname. The princes again confer the clanname from the designation of the grandfather, or from his honorary title [the text is here difficult to construe]. Or when merit has been displayed in one office by members of the same family for generations, the name of that office may become the clanname, or the name of the city held by the family may become so." The duke determined that Wookeae's clanname should be Chen, from the designation of his grandfather (公子展).' Too Yu illustrates what the Chuen says about the procedure of the king by the case of the chiefs of Ch'in. They were descended from Shun, who was born near the river Kwei; hence they got the surname of Kwei. When they were invested with Ch'in, that became their clanname, to distinguish them from other branches of Shun's descendants. He says further, that the princes of States could not confer surnames (姓), but only clannames (氏), which they did in the way described. But while the theory of surnames and clannames in ancient China may have been as here described, they were often assumed and acknowledged without any conferring on the part of the king or the princes. See Maou K'eling in loc. He says:-'When a ruler of Loo died, the event was recorded; when the ruler of another State died, that also was recorded, when the announcement of it arrived. The deaths of great officers, scions of the ruling family, were sometimes recorded and sometimes not; with the accompaniment of their clannames or without; and with the mention of the month and day of the death or without it:-all this proceeded from the historiographers of Loo, and the Master simply transcribed their record without making any change in it himself. We have here the mention of WooHeae's death, without his clanname, just as we have similar records of other officer's in IV. 5.;IX.3; etc. 'Now according to the ordinary view of the matter, the clanname was only conferred on men who had been distinguished for their virtue. But on this principle few officers mentioned in the Ch'un Ts'ew could have received it, whereas we find it given to many of the worst characters, and to be abhorred for their flagrant wickedness. It is Impossible to suppose that the clannames of the officers of Loo were all given by the marquises. The general rule was that the son of a deceased ruler was styled 公 子, or "duke's son;" his son again, 公 孫 子 or "duke's grandson." But in the next descent, the son took as a matter of course the designation of his grandfather, or his honorary title, or the name of his office, or of his city, and made it his own clanname. One surname branched out into many clannames, and one clanname branched out again into many family names (姓 分 而 為 氏，氏 又 分 而 為 族). Tsoshe would make it appear here that WooHeae had no clanname till after his death;-which is not to be believed, His record of events is very much to be relied on; but as to every ten of his devices to explain the style of the classic, he is sure to be mistaken in five or six of them.'

1 In [the duke's] ninth year, in spring, the king [by] Heaven's [grace] sent Nan Ke to Loo with friendly inquiries.

2 In the third month, on the day KweiYew, there was great rain, with thunder and lightning. On [the day] Kangshin there was a great fall of snow.

3 Heeh died.

4 In summer, we walled Lang.

5 It was autumn, the seventh month.

6 In winter, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Fang.

Par. 1. See on p. 6 of 7th year. Nan is the clanname, and Ke the designation of the officer, the king's messenger. Par. 2. The Chuen says on this:-'In spring, in the king's 3d month, on the day KweiYew, there was great rain without ceasing, accompanied with thunder;-this describes the beginning of the storm. On the day Kangshin, there was a great fall of snow;-this also in the same way describes its unseasonableness. When rain continues for more than three days, it is called a great rain (霖). When it lies a foot deep on the ground, there has been a great fall of snow.' The 3d month of Chow's spring was only the 1st month of spring, when thunder and much snow were certainly unseasonable phà??|nomena. Par. 3. Heeh (Kung and Kuh have 俠) was an officer of Loo, a scion of the ruling House, belonging, Tsoshe would say, to a branch which had not yet received a clanname. Par. 4. See the Chuen after p. 2, 1st year. Lang was in the northeast of pres. dis. city of Yut'ae (魚臺). The walling Lang at this time, Tsoshe says, was unseasonable. Par. 5. See on VI. 3. Par. 6. Fang (Kung and Kuh have 邴) was in Loo;-in dis. of Pe, dep. Echow. As preliminary to the meeting here, the Chuen has:- 'The duke of Sung had not been discharging his duty to the king [by appearing at court], and the earl of Ch'ing, as the king's minister of the Left, assumed a king's order to punish him, and invaded Sung, the duke of which, resenting our duke's conduct when his suburbs were entered, [see Chuen on V. 5], sent no information of his present difficulties. Our duke was angry, and broke off all communication with Sung. In autumn, an officer of Ch'ing came announcing the king's command to attack Sung; and in winter the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e in Fang, to arrange for doing so.' [The Chuen appends here the following narrative:-'The northern Jung [their seat was in pres. dep. of Yungp'ing, Chihle] made a sudden raid into Ch'ing. The earl withstood them, but was troubled by the nature of their troops, and said, "They are footmen, while we have chariots. The fear is lest they fall suddenly upon us." His son Tuh said, 'Let a body of bold men, but not persistent, feign an attack upon the thieves, and then quickly draw off from them; and at the same time place three bodies in ambuscade to be ready for them. The Jung are light and nimble, but have no order; they are greedy and have no love for one another; when they conquer, no one will yield place to his fellow; and when they are defeated, no one tries to save another. When their front men see their success [in the retreat of our skirmishers], they will think of nothing, but to push forward. When they are thus advancing, and fall into the ambush, they will be sure to hurry away in flight. Those behind will not go to their rescue, so there will be no support to them; and thus your anxiety may be relieved." The earl followed this plan. As soon as the front men of the Jung met with those who were in ambuscade, they fled, pursued by Chuh Tan. Their detachment was surrounded; and smitten both in front and in rear, till they were all cut to pieces. The rest of the Jung made a grand flight. It was in the 12th month, on the day Keahyin that the army of Ch'ing inflicted this great defeat on the Jung.']

1 In his tenthyear, in spring, in the king's second month, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing in Chungk'ew.

2 In summer, Hwuy led a force, and joined n officer of Ts'e and an officer of Ch'ing in an invasion of Sung.

3 In the sixth month, on [the day] Jinseuh, the duke defeated an army of Sung at Kwan.

4 On the day Sinwe, we took Kaou; on the day Sinsze, we took Fang.

5 In autumn, an army of Sung and an army of Wei entered Ch'ing.

6 The army of Sung, the army of Ts'ae, and the army of Wei attacked Tae. The earl of Ch'ing attacked and took them [all.]

7 In winter, in the tenth month, on the day Jinwoo, an army of Ts'e and an army of Ch'ing entered Shing.

Par. 1. Chungk'ew,-see VII. 3. This meeting was a sequel to that in p. 6 of last year. The Chuen says on it:-'In the 1st month, the duke had a meeting with the princes of Ts'e and Ch'ing in Chungk'ew, and on the day Kweich'ow they made a covenant in Tang, settling the time when they should take the field.' From this it appears they made a covenant at this time; and to the question why it is not recorded in the text, all that Too Yu can say is that the duke only mentioned the meeting in the report he took back to his ancestral temple. Too also observes that the day KweiCh'ow was the 26th of the 1st month, and that second month in the text must be an error. But all through this year, as often in other years, the months and days of the King and Chuen do not accord. Par. 2. The Chuen on this is:-In summer, in the 5th month, Yufoo, preceding the duke, joined the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing in invading Sung.' If this be correct, then both the marquis and earl are simply styled 人 'man' in the text;-contrary to the general usage of the Work, where 人 either denotes an officer, not of very high rank, or a force under the command of such an officer. Agreeing with the Chuen, Too Yu says that Hwuy hurried away, ambitious of joining the two princes, and without waiting for orders from the duke, and that therefore his name only is mentioned by the sage. But this is not more reasonable than the theory of Kung and Kuh mentioned on p. 5 of the 4th year. The text leads us to suppose that the princes of Loo, Ts'e, and Ch'ing all sent officers and troops against Sung, in anticipation of their own advance. Par. 3. The Chuen is:-'In the 6th month, on the day Mowshin, the duke had a meeting with the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing at Laout'aou, and on the day Jinseuh he defeated an army of Sung at Kwan.' Too Yu from this concludes that Ts'e and Ch'ing were dilatory, and had not united their forces with Loo, when the duke seized an advantage presented by the army of Sung, unprepared for action, and defeated it. The situation of Kwan does not appear to have been identified. Too says it was in Sung. Par. 4. The Chuen is:-'On the day Kangwoo, the army of Ch'ing entered Kaou, and on Sinwe the earl gave it over to us. On Kangshin his army entered Fang, and on Sinsze he gave it also over to us.' From the text we should infer that both Kaou and Fang were taken by the troops of Loo. Tsoshe, however, goes on to moralize over his narrative:-'The superior man will say that in this matter duke Chwang of Ch'ing may be pronounced a correct man. With the king's command he was punishing a prince who had forsaken the court. Not coveting his territory for himself, he rewarded with it the higher nobility of Loo:-this was a fine instance of correctness.' Kaou was 80 le to the southeast from the pres. dis. city of Shingwoo (城 武), dep. Yenchow. Fang was also in Yenchow, west of the dis. city of KinHeang (金鄉). [The Chuen adds here:-'The people of Ts'ae, of Wei, and of Shing, did not unite with Ch'ing and the others at the king's command.'] Par. 5. This was intended as a diversion, to compel Ch'ing to withdraw from Sung. Par. 6. Tae was a small State, having its chief city in pres. dis. of K'aoushing (考 城), dep. Kweitih, Honan. Its lords had the surname of 子, and must have been some branch, therefore, of the old House of Sung. It would appear that the officers of Sung and Wei, after entering Ch'ing, had been joined by a body of troops from Ts'ae, and then turned aside to attack Tae. The Chuen says:-'In autumn, in the 7th month, the army of Ch'ing entered its own borders and was still there, when the troops of Sung and Wei entered the State. These were joined by a force from Ts'ae, and proceeded to attack Tae. In the 8th month, on the day Jinseuh, the earl of Ch'ing surrounded Tae; on Kweihae, he reduced it; taking at the same time the three armies. After Sung and Wei had entered Ch'ing, and then taken occasion to attack Tae, they called the forces of Ta'ae to cooperate with them. The men of Ts'ae were angry, so that there was discord among themselves, and they were defeated.' Kung and Kuh both understand 之, as many students do on a first look at the text, as referring to Tae, and seem to think that Ch'ing all at once made common cause with Sung, Wei, and Ts'ae and with their help took the city. But this is quite inconsistent with the relations of these States and Ch'ing. Hoo Gankwoh is of opinion that Ch'ing took advantage of the open strife and secret dissatisfaction between Tae, Sung, Wei, and Ts'ae, and so took the city and defeated the forces of theother three States. This is the view, followed in the 'History of the Divided States,' in its lively account of the affair. Upon the whole, the narrative in the Chuen is to be preferred, though it would be more easy to understand 取 之if it were spoken of the capture of a city. [There is a short Chuen appended here, that 'in the 9th month, on the day Mowyin, the earl of Ch'ing again entered Sung.']. Par. 7. This is understood from the Chuen appended to p. 4. Tso says here that the allies 'entered Shing to punish its disobedience to the king's command.' Shing,-see on p. 3 of the 5th year.

1 In [the duke's] eleventh year, in spring, the marquis of T'ang and the marquis of Seeh appeared at the court [of Loo].

2 In summer, the duke had a meeting with the earl of Ch'ing at Shelae.

3 In autumn, in the seventh month, on the day Jinwoo, the duke, with the marquis of Ts'e and the earl of Ch'ing, entered Heu.

4 In winter, in the eleventh month, on [the day] Jinshin, the duke died.

Par. 1. 朝 is here, of course, a verb; but it is difficult to give an exact rendering of it. Kungyang says that the ch'aou was of the same nature as the p'ing,-a friendly visit,' the difference being that the visitors in the p'ing were officers, representing the princes, whereas in the ch'aou, the princes appeared themselves (諸 侯 來 曰 朝，大 夫 來 曰 聘). According to the rules of the Chow dynasty, every prince within 'the five tenures' was required to appear at the king's court, at least once, every six years;-see the Shoo V. xx. 14, and note; but this statute was little observed in the time of the Ch'un Ts'ew. The princes were also required to appear at one another's courts. Tsoshe says, on p. 3 of the 15th year of duke Wan, that they did so once in 5 years; but acc. to the Chow Le, XXXVIII. 24, a prince visited his brother princes at their courts only once (世 相 見). Whatever the rule was, there was now no consistency in the observance of it. Seeh was a marquisate, near to T'ang, having its chief town 40 le south of the pres. dis. city which still bears the name of T'ang. Its lords were recognized as descended from Hwangte, and had the surname of Jin (任). In connection with this par., the Chuen says; -'The two princes contended which should have the precedence. The marquis of Seeh said, "My fief is the older." The marquis said, "My ancestor was the chief minister of divination to Chow. Yours is a different surname from that of our royal House. I cannot go after you." The duke sent a request by Yufoo to the marquis of Seeh, saying, "Your lordship and the lord of T'ang have condescended to visit me. There is a common saying in Chow, 'The mountain has trees, but the workman measures them; Guests have certain rules, but the host selects them.' Now the House of Chow at covenants first records the princes of its own surname, and those of different surnames come after. If I were at the court of Seeh, I should not dare to take rank with the Jin. If your lordship will condescend to confer kindness on me, allow me to make a request in favour of T'ang in this matter." The marquis of Seeh agreed, and gave the precedence to the marquis of T'ang.' Par. 2. After 夏 Kung and Kuh have 五 月. For 時來 Kung has * 黎, and Tso simply *. Shelae was in Ch'ing, 40 le to the east of the dep. city of K'aefung. The meeting was preliminary to the invasion of Heu, the result of which we have in the next par. The Chuen says:-'The duke and the earl of Ch'ing met at Lae, to make arrangements for the invasion of Heu. The earl being about to attack Heu, in the 5th month, on the day Keahshin he took his weapons of war out of the grand temple. Kungsun Oh and Ying K'aoushuh contended for a chariot [a prize offered by the earl to the strongest of his officers]. K'aoushuh took the curved end of the chariot pole under his arm, and ran off with it, while Tszetoo [the designation of Kungsun Oh] seized his spear, and pursued him as far as the highway, without coming up with him. Tszetoo was enraged.' See this Chuen and the next told graphically in the 列 國 志，第 七 囘 Par. 3. Heu was a small State, which has left its name in the pres. Heu Chow, Honan. Its lords were barons, having the surname Keang (姜), and being descended from Yaou's chief minister, the 'Four Mountains' of the 1st Book of the Shoo. The State was on the south of Ch'ing, and suffered much from that greater Power, being often reduced to the verge of extinction, but manifesting a wonderful tenacity of life. Its capital at this time was Heuch'ang (許昌), 30 le to the east of the pres. Chow city: The Chuen is:-'On the day Kangshin, the three princes were close to Heu, when Ying K'aoushuh took the flag mowhoo of the earl of Ch'ing, and was the first to mount the wall. Tszetoo pierced him with an arrow from below, and he fell down dead. Hea Shuhying took up the flag, and again mounting the wall with it, he waved it all about, and shouted, "Our lord has mounted." All the army of Ch'ing then forced their way up; and on the day Jinwoo the princes entered Heu, duke Chwang of which fled to Wei. The marquis of Ts'e refused to accept Heu, and wished the duke to take it; but the duke said, "You said, my Lord, that the baron of Heu did not perform his duty, and I therefore followed you to punish him. He has paid the penalty of his crime; but, as to his State, I dare not take any notice even of your commands.' Heu therefore was given to Ch'ing, the earl of which made Pihle, an officer of Heu, take charge of a younger brother of the baron who had fled, and reside with him in the eastern border of the State, saying, "Heaven has sent calamity on Heu;-it must be that the Spirits were not pleased with its lord, and made use of me, unworthy as I am, to punish him. But I have not been able to secure the repose of my uncles and cousins in Ch'ing;- dare I consider that Heu has come to me from my merit? I had a younger brother, whom I could not retain in harmony, and whom I caused to wander about filling his mouth in different States;-can I long enjoy the possession of Heu? Do you, Sir, maintain this youth, and help him to soothe and comfort the people of Heu; and I will send my officer Hwoh to assist you. If I live out my days in the land, and Heaven then graciously repent of the calamities inflicted on Heu, shall not the lord of Heu again worship at his altars? Then when Ch'ing has requests and messages to send to Heu, he will condescend to accede to them as intermarriages that have existed between our States might suggest, and there will be no people of other families allowed to settle here, and press upon Ch'ing, contending with it for the possession of this territory. In that case my descendants would have all their time occupied with defending themselves from overthrow, and could in no wise maintain the sacrifices of Heu. When I appoint you, Sir to dwell here, I do so not only for the sake of the State of Heu, but also to strengthen my own borders." Accordingly the earl sent Kungsun Hwoh to reside in the western border of Heu, charging him, "Do not place your equipments and various wealth in Heu, but when I am dead, quickly leave it. My predecessor was the first to establish his capital here in Ch'ing. Even the royal House has become small, and the descendants of Chow are daily losing their patrimonies. Now the lords of Heu are the posterity of T'aeyoh; and since Heaven is manifesting its dissatisfaction with the virtue of Chow, am I able to go on contending with Heu?" The superior man may say that in this matter duke Chwang of Ch'ing behaved with propriety. It is propriety which governs States and clans, gives settlement to the tutelary altars, secures the order of the people, and provides for the good of one's future heirs. Because Heu transgressed the law, the earl punished it, and on its submission he left it. His arrangement of affairs was according to his measurement of his virtue; his action proceeded on the estimate of his strength; his movements were according to the exigency of the times:-so as not to embarrass those who should follow him. He may be pronounced one who knew propriety.' 'The earl of Ch'ing made every hundred soldiers contribute a pig, and every five and twenty contribute a fowl and a dog, and over their blood curse the man who had shot Ying K'aoushuh. The superior man may say here that duke Chwang of Ch'ing failed in his methods of government and punishment. Government is seen in the ruling of the people, and punishment in dealing rightly with the bad. As he showed neither the virtue of government, nor the terrors of punishment, his officers became depraved. Of what benefit was it simply to curse the man who had so become depraved? [There are here appended three other Chuen:- 'From Ch'ing the king took Woo, Lew, and the fields of Wei and Yu; and he gave to Ch'ing the fields which had been granted to Soo Funsang, containing the towns of Wan, Yuen, He, Fan, Seihshing, Ts'wanmaou, Heang, Mang, Chow, Hing, T'uy, and Hwae. The superior man from this transaction may know that king Hwan had lost Ch'ing. To act towards another on the principle of reciprocity is the pattern of virtue, the standard rule of propriety. But when the king took what he could not hold himself to give to another, was it not to be expected that that other would not come to his court?' 'Ch'ing and Seih had some strife of words, on which the marquis of Seih invaded Ch'ing. The earl fought with him in the borders, when the army of Seih received a great defeat, and retreated. The superior man from this transaction may know that Seih would soon perish. Its lord did not consider the virtue of his opponent; he did not estimate his own strength; he did not cherish the regard which he should have done to his relative [the chiefs of Ch'ing and Seih were of the same surname]; he made no examination into the language which was causing the strife; he did not try to ascertain whose the wrong was:-but guilty in all these five points, he proceeded to attack the other side. Was it not right that he should lose his army?' 'In winter, in the tenth month, the earl of Ch'ing, aided by an army of Kwoh, invaded Sung, and on the day Jinseuh inflicted a great defeat on its army, thus taking revenge for Sung's entrance into Ch'ing the year before. Sung made no announcement of this to Loo, and therefore it was not entered in the historiographer's tablets. Whatever announcements were received from other princes were so entered; but where there was no announcement, no official record was made. The rule was also observed in regard to the good and evil, the success and defeat, of all military expeditions. Though the issue should be the extinction of a State, if the extinguished State did not announce its ruin, and the victor did not announce his conquest, the event was not written in the tablets.'] Par. 4. The reader supposes from this paragraph that duke Yin died a natural death, instead of being murdered, as was really the case. And numerous other instances will occur throughout the classic, which make the foreign student think very doubtfully of the merits of Confucius as a historian. The Chinese critics, however, can see no flaw in the sage. It was his duty, they say, to conceal such a nefarious transaction which reflected dishonour on his native State. And yet, they think, there are intimations of the real nature of the event, in its not being stated where he died, and in no entry being made of his burial! Of this and analogous peculiarities of the Ch'un Ts'ew I have spoken In the prolegomena. The account of Yin's death, as given in the Chuen is:-'Yufoo asked leave to put duke Hwan [Yin's younger brother and successor] to death, intending thereon to ask to be made chief minister. The duke said, "I shall resign in his favour;-I have not done so yet simply because of his youth. I have caused T'ook'ew to be built, and mean there to spend my old age.' Yufoo was frightened at what he had done, and went and slandered the duke to Hwan, requesting leave to murder him. When he was a young man, the duke had fought with an army of Ch'ing at Hoojang, and was taken prisoner. Ch'ing kept him in confinement in the house of the officer Yin. He bribed this Yin, and prayed to Chungwoo, the Spirit whose shrine Yin had set up in his house. After this he and Yin returned together to Loo, and there he set up an altar to Chungwoo. In the eleventh month he was in the habit of going to sacrifice to this Chungwoo, fasting in the enclosure of the altar to the Spirits of the land, and lodging in the house of the officer Wei. On the day Jinshin, Yufoo employed ruffians to murder the duke in the house of the officer Wei. He then raised duke Hwan to the marquisate, and punished several members of the Wei family with death.'] Tsoshe adds that the burial of duke Yin does not appear in the text, because the funeral rites were not paid to him. The K'ang he editors have a note here on the circumstance that only in the first of Yin's eleven years is the 'first month (正月)' recorded. Kung and Kuh see in the omission an intimation that Yin 不 自 正, or 不 有正, 'did not consider himself, or was not, the rightful holder of the State.' Disclaiming this view, the editors seem to think that the omission is in condemnation of Yin's never having returned any of the king's friendly messages, and never having gone himself to the capital, thereby being the first to set the example of not doing honour to the ruling monarch by going or sending to receive the calendar for the year from him. This is being wise above what is written. To seek for meanings in the Ch'un Ts'ew in this way makes the whole book a riddle, which two men will not guess alike.